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(Quitmau fanner. F. R. FILDES, - - Editor. „ qoitmai*, »so. FRIDAY, AUGUST 4, l*<l7. ~ Capt lames It Moseley 1» onr «ntb<>ri*«l Gkmsnil Agent. to procure and receipt for subscriptions and zatertulng for the Quitman Ban at. Reconstruction -Then mnl Now A correspondent of the South Georgia' Times, writing from Blackshear, In re ferring to the past and present political sentiments of the people in his section of country, says that previous to the pas sage, by Congress, of the second Supple mental Bill, "many of ns were in favor of the Convention,'’ "and wo had a hope that through this Convention, tho poacc and quiet so much needed in onr distrac ted country, would be restored;” but the recent tightening of the manacles has caused a revolution of sentiment among the people. Whereupon the Tlioinasviile Enterprise concludes (and correctly) that "reconstruction” has been "complete ly knocked" out of "the Blackshear Con vention men,” and ho is desirous to [know •‘what the Qaitman Banner has to say in defense of its editor’s eloquence Irefore that august assembly of reconstruction patriots and loyal men!” Tbo required information will be furn ished our eotemporarj with much pleas ure: and although he may not appreciate the origiual cause that prompted acqui escence in the requirements of tho Mili tary bill, doubtless ho will concede the weight of\argnment that produced a change of sentiment. We were orio among thousands of good men, who, believing had tendered its policy for reconsu as A finality, were willing to accept of, and comply with its various .requirements (although obnoxious,) in good faith. In thus acquiesce g in thejdemands of an un. just and unconstitutional law, it was dis tinctly understood of all men, that the sacrifice of principle was made for tho parposo of restoring to our distracted and unhappy country, the blessings of peace and prosperity. The people had become tired of turmoil, confusion, con troversy, and the consequent decay and run that had blighted every interest in our political and social fabric. Congress was omnipotent—its decrees irrevoca ble; tbo Chief Exocutivo of the nation was a man of words and not of acts —he had permitted his hands to be manacled, and was humbly following the destruc tives’ Juggernaut car, obeying every request and executing every dcoroe; tho Supreme Court bad degenerated from its once high and independent character and become tho most subservient of tools’in thejbauds of the dominant party; and tbo poor, helpless, oppressed South was at the mercy of political adventurers, sent Aiming un Ua Miglit «*««! to ruin “Tho situation” was gloomy In the extremo, and naught but woe and Buffering was foreshadowed for the future. Under these circumstances, thousands were disposed to follow the example previously set before them by Georgia Legislators, and unconstitutional as it was, and is, eccept, as a dernier resort, the military bill for the reorganization of the State Government. Under the provisions of said bill the people could hare assent I led the best men of tho State in Convention, and framed a Constitution (republican in form) that would havo been agreeable to tho masses, and probably, acceptable to Congress. With this result in view, good men and truo deemed it politic to organize a party, for the purpose of nuiting the pco. pie, and defeating those whoso aim it is to radicalize tho State The emissaries of the Radical party were (and are) in our midst, organizing “Union Leagues,” and poisoning the minds of the ignorant. Some action was demanded to counter act these evils; and it was witli auoh motives and designs, a few of our citi zens (who had proclaimed thoir “ loyalty ” to constitutional government by accept ing amucsty at the hands of President Johnson,) met at Blackshear; —and not as insinuated by the EiUerprise, to tender aid and comfort to the Radical Republican party. Such imputation is unjust and slanderous of good and dis creet men, who are above reproach. So far as our participation in said Con vention is concerned, wo have no regrets to express. We gave expression to the honest sentiments of our heart; and that we strove to be just to all, and serve beet our shattered, suffering country, we are free to let Heaven and men be the judges. But “times change, and men change with them.” “Time destroys the specu lations of man, but confirms the judg ment of nature.” The motive that promp ted us, iu the past, to advise the people to accept of reconstruction in the mode pointed out by Congressional statute, has-been obviated by tiie adoption of that most foul and unjust enactment of the recent Congress, known as “Supple mental Bill, No. 2.” Previous to the passage of this hill, it was within the power of the people iu every county iu our State, to select good men to repre sent them in a State Convention—men who, although they had participated in, and gave their services, their blood, their property, and their sympathy to the “lost cause”— could meet in legislative As and by their wisdom and disere-1 tion enact aC-mu- itutiou. preservative of! liberty, and just to every class and inter i nst es society 'ftv, under this la t de oree of a corrupt , agstrin t infamous ; (SongresM*** ll mt u arc -' 1 ;i l wrl ‘-1 oipation in the rcorgptppatifir of tin? 1 government and the task is confided to the base srii low bred Yankee ad-! »nntnrfu,.-j Ijiitom, WLO mother in the hour of trial, and the ig norant, fanatical and degenerate negro. Under such circumstances those who favored acquiescence in the military plan of reconstruction, are forced to change their tactic*, or bpcome aiders and abet tors to those who design to baiter the liberties of the people lor a "mess of pot age,” and elevate the negro above the Caucasian race. It requires not the ken of a prophet to foresee the character of government that would bj framed by men lost to honor and self-respect, or those ignorant of the principles of law and justice and influenced by passion and averice. In brief: the original reconstruction acts were an outrage on constitutional liberty, subversive of the rights of man, and completely overthrew the sovereign ty of the States; but, for the suke of peace, tbo restoration of civil law and a stable government, as well as a return of social, agricultural, mechanical and commercial prosperity, we were willing to waive life-long prejudices and cherish ed principles, and acquiesce. But under the oppressive, outrageous and villain ous interpretation placed upon said Acts, by "Supplemental Bill, No. 2,” the present and future social and political interests of our country, force us to Spurn it as we would a loathsome and venom ous reptile. And to accomplish tho de feat of so iniquitous measure, wo shall ifso every effort to defeat tho holding of the proposed State Convention. The halier of the Couutrf • There was a (day when the discussion of political subjects waß both pleasing and profitable. But that period is hur ried in the memorable post, under the debris of a shattered republic, and can only bo exhumed by tbo patience, perse verance, energy and labor of tbo South ern mi . 1 Inral re sources of the country must be further developed, ero wc can make sensible the intrinsic worth of this favored land, and occupy a commanding position in the administration of government. To do this wo require more reliable labor than that at prescut furnished by tho freed men, who now till our lands. To-day, from our sanctum window, wo see many of these laborers dragging themselves along with snail-like pace, or lounging around the stores and street corners. Day after day, and week after week, we find them lounging around town, without any visible means of support, and indif ferent as to tho future. Now, there is no evil without a remedy, nor wrong without redress. Where is om remedy? you ask. Across tho Atlantic there are thousands of peasants, who would glad ly, willingly and faithfully labor for us— and by using propor enorgy, enterprise and spirit, we can got them. Bring this competing labor among us, and the pres ent careless, indifforent and worthless population would bo compelled to ac cept one of wo alternatives: to change their habits or lie down and perish The system of free labor in tho South is quite as now to us as to tho colored man. The plain man and the colored man must, alike, learn that they owe to each other a mutual debt. Tlie plain man must learn that to secure for himself faithful service, he must require of the laborer a certificate of good character from his last employer. Tho colored man must learn that to obtain a certificate of good character, be must work dilligently and constantly, obey with alacrity ond with out murmuring tho reasonable wishes of his employer, and to be honest in all the transactions of life. The most speedy and effectual means of accomplishing this great desideratum, is by the introduction of white labor. To do this requires time. And therefore nmo is the period to preparo for the com ing year. Organize sooioties for the im migration of labor, and send across the Atlantic and offer inducements. Tlur will insuro you good labor and result in good crops. Os the labor now among us j hire only those who can bring from their last- employers certificates of good char acter. Better, far better, permit your lands to remain uncultivated, than sup port the idle and dissolute negro, who consumoa your substance, abuses your stock, and fails, almost entirely, to give you anything in return. - - ■ Bloodshed in Tennessee. We publish elsewhere full particulars of a dreadful oonlliot, which recently took place in East Tennessee. The Radi cals, under the direction of the infamons and traitorous Brownlow, appear de termined to “rule or ruin.” They com menced the work of death at Franklin, have followed it up at Rogersvillo, and if we mistake not, blood will How in eve ry part of tire Slate on the day of elec tion. The friends of constitutional liber ty are determined not to be crushed fid earth without a manly struggle,—and the noble stand they bavo taken will be applauded by good men everywhere. A dispatch from Washington says that Gen. Thomas had ordered all U. S. troops in Kentucky to Tennessee, and Gen. Graut lias sent reinforcements from other points, aud expects to be present himself ou the day of election, It is to be hoped the presence of iho military will prevent the iirownluw Radicals from the commission of fraud and outrage; but if not, wc trust and believe the true men of that noble, but oppressed State, j will put down the accursed spawns, even though tliey are forced to wade through blood. CssST Gov. Pierpont, of Virginia, was ! assaulted in the Kxecutive mansion, on ! the 29th, by a lady. The telegi aph says 1 the jjoor man was not materially injured, as tlie police oame to his rescue ami took the lady' off. The Governor had recently paid vert « «-an who had killed 4 Incendiary Document. We learn that a Yankee emissary (from whence he came or whither he went we know not,) one night last week repaired tojtlie colored cborelf in Quitman, whilst a meeting was in progress, and distributed among the freedmen a radi cal electioneering document, purporting to lie "the positions of the Republican and Democratic parties” illustrated "by a dialogue between a white republican and a colored citizen,” and "published by the Union Republican Congressional Com mittee, Washington, D. C.” This docu ment, which we have carefully read, proves to be a tissue of lies, from begin ning to end, but is couched in such lan guage as will deceive the ignorant and suspicious colored people, and prejudice them against their late masters and present friends. Asa samplejof the hellish means re sorted to by the base and corrupt men, who are circulating these incendiary docu ments wc present the following extract: Q. What has the Democratic, Conser vative or Copperhead party ever done for tire Colored people ? A. It has tried to keep them in slavery and opposed giving them the benefit of the Freedman’s Bureau, and Civil Rights bills and the right to vote. Q. Why cannot colored men support the Democratic party. A. Because that party would disfran chise them, and if possible/return them to slavery—-and certainly keep them in an inferior position before the law. Q. Would the Democrats make slaves of the colored people again if they could? A. It is fair to presume they would, for they have opposed their freedom by every means in their power and have al ways labored to extend slavery. Os course such clap trap will have tho desired effect upon thousands of the colored race, who are elated with the re cently conlerred boon of “freedom,” and being ignorant, are suspicious of their late masters. Those who are blessed with intelligence, iioncw, «. ho influenced by such disreputable practice: they are well aware that emancipation was conceded in good faith, and that no person on earth can revert them to slave ry again. Possibly, a few of tho whites would be pleased to have a return of the ffeedmen to slavery, but the groat mass of the people are utterly opposed to any such measure. We hope the intelligent colored men in our midst, who are disposed to take a correct view of "the situation,” will in terest themselves in instilling correct ideas in the minds of their brethren, and thereby aid the whites] In neutral izing the pernicious effects created by such incendiary documents as tho one in question. Grant and Pope on Confederate Paroles. A paragraph is going the rounds of the papers, as yet uncontradicted, to the effect that Gen. Grant had written a let ter to Gen. Pope, declaring his concur rence in th* views of the latter, that a Confederate officer who opposes tho Sher mau-Sheilabai-ger Acts, violates his pa role. We have no idoa, says the Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel, that either Gens. Grant or Pope entertain any snch opin ions. The absurdity of such a position is so plain that no one who has the slightest intellectual capacity, can fail (o acknowledge it. A reference to the pa role, whieb was given by the Confedor ate soldiers, will demonstrate to any one not willfully blind and ignorant, that our officers and soldiers are not committed to tho acceptance of these laws in any de gree greater than all other citizens ot the United States—that is, to support them if they believe them to bo constitutional and right—to reject them if they believe otherwise. That wo aro right in this view is shown by reference to tbo follow ing parole, issued by Gen. Grant, and which is the paper signed by tho Confed erate army: Headquarters U. S. Forces, ) “I, the undersigned, , a ■ of the , do solemnly swear that I will not bear arms against the United States of America, or give any information, or do any military duty whatsoever until regularly exchanged ns a prisoner of war. -. Descrip tion : heighth , hair , eyes I certify that the abovo parolo was given by me on the date above written, on the following conditions : The above named person is allowed to return to his home, not to Undisturbed by the military authorities of the United States so long os he observes this parole and obeys the laws which were in force previous to January- 1, 1861, where he resided. By order of Brig. Gen. . * ' Copt, and Provost Marshal. The Result of Freedom Infanticide is becoming a common crime among the treed negroes. The fact is, they are unable to support their off spring and are forced to “get rid of them.” Recently, in Columbia, Miss., nine babies were found in one well. Yan kee philanthropist, who entertained such horror of slavery, are indirectly respon sible for these infanticides. Interestin'!? Occupation. —As evidence of what a stirring thing it was, in years gone by-, to edit a southern paper, the Vicksburg reviews its own muster roll as follows : “Out of nine editors five were shot or stabbed to death, one drowned himself, one wrs se verely wounded, ouc died of yellow fever aud one had a prison experience. teT* It is reported that General Siek ; les has arrested, several military- officers An hie department for. meddling with politics. t&~ It is-.vported that 6,000 coolies are shortly expected to arrive at New Orleans, in accordance with an arrange ment made by a Commissioner of the <Vo*tia! (Worumen' with certain plant ers in .Manama, t.untsjnnn ami icxhs. New York Correspondence. Stevens House, New York City, ) July 23d, 1867. ) F. R. Fiuies: Sir.—On Thursday,lthc 18thinst,,I left Savannah, on board the safe, fust and elegant steamship, Gen. Barries, belonging to the "Atlantic Coast Mail Steam ship Company,” for which the well known and reliable, Messrs. Wilder & Fullerton are agents at Savannah, and reached this city on Sunday night, the 21st inst. It is proper to state that this steamer was heavily laden—having on board, about 1000 bales of cotton, 5,000 bushels of new Georgia wheat, a quantity of vegetables, and last, but not least, about 50 line (at turtles, caught at Cedar Keys, Fla., and sent to this market; moreover, a North-east wind was blowing when we left Savannah, and continued during Jie whole trip, causing a current of at at leaßt two miles an hour against us: thereby retarding our speed consider able. It is also right tc speak of merit and worth when richly deserved. The Cap tain of this vessel, Thomas H. Morton, is a gentleman in every sense of the word, and he reflects great credit upon the re sponsible position; and all who know him, and have been out to sea with him, speak of him in the highest terms, and regard the Company as fortunate in se curing tho services of such a courteous, intelligent and accomplished man, wcil adapted in every particular to the honor able and responsible position he occupies. A. T. Alexander, the Purser, is a true, genuine, pleasant and accomplished gen tleman, moving about among the “sea sick” passengers, ministering to their wants, and attending to the duties of his office strictly: so much so, that the high est encomiums fall from the lips of all tho passengers, and all agreed that he was the “right man in the right place.” ******** We were glad to have as a fellow trav eler, the jovial, noblo hearted, jolly King, recently in command of the Lizzie BaJcer 4 , also ono of tbo gentlemanly *nd popular Aldermen of Savannah, F. L. Guy, and our old Florida friend, Gen. E. Hopkins, of Jacksonville. There were many othor gentlemen and several ladies, all of whom seemed to enjoy themselves, and feel perfectly satisfied that this large, cleanly, commodmiiß and elegantly fitted up steamer would arrive safely in port, un der the management and control of Capt. Thos. 11. Morton. I intend to go out among the business men to-day, and will try to keep you posted. I will return to Quitman in about tbreq weeks. In haste—more anon. James L. Moseley. New York, July 25th, 1867. Mr. Fii.df.s: —As the merchants of Southern Georgia and Middle Florida will visit this city in a few weeks, to pur chase their F.alt stock of goods, and as they like to stop at a place convenient to business, and where, at the same time, they can be comfortably located at night, when fatigued after the bustle and con fusion of the day is passed, I deem it right and proper to inform them, through the Banner, where they can find that place, adapted in every particular for the accommodation and convenience of the Southern merchant. The "Stevens House” is emphatically a home and a suitable resting place for the Southern merchant. It is located on Broadway, No. 23 to 27, and only a short distanoefrom the principal houses where onr men buy tbeir goods. I am truly glad to see that the Prnpriotnsa, sit.™™ Chaoo & Cos., have recently made consid erable improvements, and even now the painters are at work from basement to garret, making every room and passage way look more neat and cleanly. The front entrance is new large and convenient, the Barbershop having been removed to the basement, where a num ber of barbers, expert and skilled in their business, are ever ready to shave, dress Lair or supply yon with a splendid bath; the closets for the accommodation of gontlomen are adjoining, and also a fine billiard room, etc. The reading-room, bar and dining room are situated just as they were last year; the sleeping rooms aro kept per fectly clean and nice, for the Chamber maids aro very attentive; and in fact, all the servants are polite, courteous and prompt in attendance upon tho call-bell, a wink, nod, or request made by auy of the guests. The house is kept on the European plan: you pay for a room, and eat when, where and what you please—though tho dining room is always open here, sup plied with good servauts, all manuer of conveniences, and you can get anything sorvod up in fine style, which the market affords. Mr. G. K. Chase, ono of the proprietors, is a gentleman in every seuso of the word, aud tho guests are delighted to sec him moving around occasionally, with his bland and pleasant manners, looking after tbeir comfort and supervising the general affairs of tho house The Cashier, Book-keeper, Clerk and Bar attendants, are clever aud agreeable gontlemen, ever ready to attend to your wants, and impart information most cheerfully to strangers. This house advertises in tho Manner, and I do hope that our friends and pa trons will give it a trial when they visit fliis city. ! Nothing new has occurred of interest since I wrote, and therefore, good byo for the present. James L. Moseley. The President and Congress.— The New York Express has the following sensible and very just views on the President’s late veto message; “It is ably written and unanswerable. The President evidently feels his embar rassment in being forced to violate the Constitution in the execution of an act of Congress, which he knows to be uncon stitutional, and which he feels sure the Supreme Court of the United States will decide to be whenever they- can get it through the form of the Court or of law. If the President docs not violate the Con stitution in the execution of the act, he will be impeached next winter, and it is for him to decide whether the honors of the Presidi ncy are worth a violation of the Constitution, or in other phrase, whether posterity will acquit him of the responsibility ol lurning a large portion of his country over to military-despotism through the apprehension of losing his place.”' Yf.rv True. —ln a speech published in the Congressional Globe, Mr. Van Trump speaks of West Virginia, as “a mean po. litical foundling, without a. drop of con stitutional blood in her veins '; an ille gitimf.te star in our political constitution conceived in s : n and born in the iniquity rtf modern, republicanism,’-' &c The Bloodiest Riot in the Annals j of Tennessee. Terrible Keene ton the Square at Kodgervillc. five Hundred men in dEadi y con . fuel. 4 While Jlan and a Negro Klllrd, Seven Mor tally wounded, and from Twenty-Are to Thirty .More or Less Injured. (From tbe Nashville Dispatch, 26th.) Again the Boil of Tennessee has drunk deeply of the blood of its persecuted citi zens. The corpse of tbe martyred Cody scarce grows cold, ere the tidings of a still more sanguinary conflict than that which placed Franklin in mourning, comes to us from East Tennessee. On a branch of the East Tennessee and Virginia Railroad, leading from Rodcrs ville, Junction, is tbe little village of Rodgersville. It is the capital of Haw kins eonnty, and about seven hundred inhabitants and is distant sixty four miles from Knoxville, tbe home of Brownlow. Like many other places in Tennessee it has its clique of Radical time servers, who are as bitter and relentless in their hatred of everything Conservative, as Satan is in hatred of everything good. It has been announced through the newspapers that on Tuesday of this week Emerson Etheridge, the conserva tive candidate for Governor of Tennessee would address the people at that place, and when the announcement reached the village the Radicals swore that he should never mount the stand to speak to a crowd there as long as trusty guns and menlwho",would use them conld be found. These threats of repeated outrage how ever, failed to move the great Conserva tive chief one jot, and he determined up on filling bis appointment, come what may. Everybody anticipated trouble, and when the day arrived the people poured forth from all quarters, armed with muskets, shot-guns, revolvers and other weapons, the Radicals bent on riot and blood, and the Conservatives deter mined Vo defend themselves to the last should they be assailed. With one o’clock came Etheridge, and a mass of not less than five hundred, half of then, colored, gathered about tbe court house on the square to listen to his speech. As he proceeded, his teirtble denunciation and thorough exposition of Brownlow corruption fired the Radical heart to such a degree that he had spo ken but an hour when one of his senten ces was picked np by Tom King, a no torious partisan, who shouted back, ‘‘That’s a d—d lie 1” Not knowing who had flung the cowardly insult into his teeth, Mr. Etheridge hurled back a with ering epithet, which he scarce had utter tered ere a whistling bullet cut the air in dangerous proximity to the place where lie was standing and this shot was quickly followed by others in all parts of the assemblage. The crowd at, once broke the Radicals, moving rapidly to ward ono side of the square, shouting and yelling like demons of the lower pit, and the Conservatives going in an op posite direction, both parties firing as they went. They soon drew up in posi tion and the work of death began in earn est, volley after volley of minie balls large and small shot, and the contents of numberless revolvers being poured in in rapid successh u, every round carrying wounds and death into tho ranks of the combatants until they began to waver, break into squads and movo from the square, keeping up a scattering fire as they slowly retreated. Mr. Etheridge, holding in his hands a revolver. stood firm throughout, never moving an inch from the positiou he bad first taken. The battle lasted about twenty min utes by which time the square was clear ed and only random shots were boing fired in other portions of the village.— The first man to fall was a white Con servative, a bullet crashing through his brain and killing him instantly. A Rad ical negro was tho next, a ball entering his side and passing nearly through him He died in a few minutes after he fell. Seven other persons were mortally woun wounded, while twenty-five or thir ty received wounds more or less serious. Tho wounded we re conveyed to a hotel, where they remained until other means could be provided lor their care. It is said the Radicals suffered most but we have learned nothing reliable in regard to their loss. As soon as the firing ceased, Mr. Eth eridge left the courthouse and proceeded to his hotel. He left town by the night train for Sneedsville, to fill on appoint ment there. Trouble is anticipated in other portions of East Tennessee, as in many places the Brewnlowites have sworn that Mr. Etheridge shall not speak, but he will not for a moment shrink from the duty before him. He will neither be intimid ated by their threats* nor driven away by their ballets. No such measures of tho Brownlow despotism can put down free speech in Tennessee, though backed by all the ragged militia in his despica ble service. There were mmors yesterday of more trouble at Rogersville, but we could gath er no reliable information to that effect. Early in the Field. W o are informed by a colored freeman (not freedman) that Aaron Sweat, vs Marlboro’ District, (another colored free man,) who has always enjoyed all the privileges of a white man, is a candidate for Congress in this Congressional Dis trict. That he has made several ap pointments, at which he has been met by crowds of freedmeD, to whom he has made electioneering speeches. In these speeches he tolls the freedmen that he gets his papers from the West, informing him that the Radicals are butchering all the old sesessionists, mee, women, and children, and argues that the same must be done here, and that now is the time to do it. There are other native born, uatural orators, of African descent, who also address these meetings, using equal ly violent and incendiary language. Oue of these, by- the name of Prince, a brick layer by trade, is also in the field as a candidate tor the convention. There can be no doubt that if the facts, as rela ted to us, were officially communicated to General Sickles, that he would atouce teach them a lesson they would not soon forget —Cheraic Advertiser. The proprietors of a hotel at Richmond i Indiana, advertise under the head oft “Personal” the dates names and residence j of parties who have lelt their cstab-: lishment, leaving small amounts due. | It is a novel way of 001 l etiug “unset-1 tied hotel bills,” believe iu advertising ! all the time;— £xvkange. Perhaps publishers might profit by the | foregoing suggestion. Some of ns could } make a long list of delinquents. Don’t compel us to resort to this “novel way j of collecting” subscription and adver-tis-! inc bills Staud by tbe Coustitutiou, Frotn the Richmond Enquirer.] The question which the country is now deciding, and the decision of which the South is called ou to take a part, is of an importance byoud calculation or comparison. Constitutional Government is fu Issue. Constitutional Government is now suspended ; and the question is, Sha(lthe sleep bo death? 'lhe will of tbe majority in Congress this day, is reared above all other authorities and all oppos ng prescriptions; aud it is attempt ed to establish it permanently as the supreme and only law of the land. This usurpation is tolerated because its immediate aim and object are in har mony with the passions of a majority of the Northern people. But against noth ing does histoiy sound a more emphatic warning than pursuing a temporary pur pose through a fundamental change.- The expedient contrived for the oppresion of the South to-day will hereafter be turned in lull force against other quar ters. In alt popular governments ma jorities are fluctuating. The triumphant party or faction of yesterday is tbe van quished party of toMay ; and the expedi ents of persecution which it had employ ed when in power, pass from the oppres sor to tiie oppressed, for a reverse appli cation. The only safety for him who sits on the summit of power is to improve bis opportunity to hedge authority within strict limits and guards so that he may be able to resign it without uneasiness or peril. The people of this country are not acting on this rule now. They aro in venting engines against their opponents which will in turn, be thoir own destroy ers. They are breaking down all barri ers and restraints on the power of a Con gressional majority, and all other author ities State and Federal, to its absolute sway. They are reducing the Govern ment from a constitutional Republic to a despotic oligarchy, all the worse ior 1e- Ing elective, because therefore, ever changing and ever hungry. They are doing for the United States what Nero could only wish for as to Rome. They are making one nock of all tbe people, and putting the sword in the hands of Congress While the majority in Congress are thou employed, they have numerons rev olutionary co workorslamong those other wise opposed to them. "We havo no Constitution now,” is the cry ou every hand. “It is vain to oppose Congress any longer* Better pay no honor to the Pres idential office or its incumbent ; for Con gress will persecute those who treat the executive authority with the least res pect. Make no appeal to tho courts for the protection they were ordained to af ford—for it will irritate Congress, and draw from it fresh violences.” Thus from lawless ambition on the one hand and timorous compliance on the other, the multitude of all parties are uniting to recognize and enthrone a revolution in our system of government more fatal than the despotism of Sultan or Czar, and more disastrous than the combined hor rors of war, pestilence and famine. Suppose the overthrow of the Consti tutiou and the despotic sway- of Congress be recognized and established—what then ? Alas and alas for the country thenceforth! The issue on which the parly at present in power has maddened and misled tho country cannot be made avail able forever or much longer. Some new question will divide the people, and the present outs will be the ins. And they will come to the rule smarting under tho wrongs and indignities they have sufor i»d, and burning with the spirit of retali ation. These, in their turn, will finally give place to their rivals, with tbeir wrongs to redress and fresh cruelties to indulge. In short the country will be torn byjcom pleting factions, alternately triumphant and developing fresh feuds and grow ing bitterness byl their retaliations and revenges. The country under snch a rule would be like a boatrockiug under the rush of the crew from side to side alter nately, soon to dip and finally to floun der ! Suppose the opponents of the Radicals were to come into power to-morrow. It would be a marvel of public virtue and disinterestedness were they to proceed at once to repair the bulwarks and de fences of the Constitution and restore the rule of the law. Mr. Stanton has tinkled his little bell into many ears that have not forgotten it, and longs to treat him to similar music. Stanton has sent many men to prison who aro burning to re vi nge it. The leadens in Congress have expelled too many men for ,tli6ir opinion and have abused the forms of the Consti tution to personal ambitions and perse cutions, too often and too long, not to provoke retaliations. The representative or Radical States nave made too free with States whoso political complexions did not suit them, not to have tanght their adversaries a similar mode of pursuing party advantage. “New England will suffer for all this some day !” is the cry already. The plea of popular govern ment will be sufficient to justify the running ofthe six Now England States into one when the Constitution shall ceaso to guard them ; for if the States are but as counties, they should be rep resented in the Senate as in the Honse, according to numbers. Con any one calmly contemplate the result of this revolution, which the am bitions and persecuting on the ©no hand and the cowardly and compliant on the other, are assisting to consumate? Shall wc be continually torn by the periodic al contest of parties when the success of either brings in afresh and anew the horrors of a restoration ? Shall such factious as for long years bathed Rome in the blood of her chief citizens, j tear and distract and desolate this coun try by their struggles aud revenges ? For ourselves, we tremble at the thought, and the prospect! And we conjure all who agree with ns in dreading an evil so enormous, a de struction so dreadful, to unite in the only means of preventing it—the main tenance of the Constitution. It will not do to abandon it in despair of its vin dication or iu pursuit of unmanly re pose. Cass uttered an exhortation do less applicable now than formerly, and none the less so because he himself ceas ed to honor it when he said, "Let us cling to the Constitution as the shipwreck ed mariner clings to his plank, when night and the tempest close around.” No good citizen, no true man, can con sent to give up the Constitution or join in treating it as a nullity. It is a crime to do so—a crime against law, against liberty and against heaven. It is our duty to re pcct and support it; to concede to others the rights it secures to them, and to demand those it secures to our selves. We have no right to abnegate our obligations i r abdicate our rights. It may be that our efforts to sustain the Constitution may be nuvailing. It may be that the torrent of revolution now aud sacred, may not Let the Constitution be nrt concurrencii of ours. la-1 forth efforts such as allow, and save if We can for owTelvez and for our children, the princeuKs tuber itance of constitutional government, the noble fabric of liberty regulated at<l pro tected by law, which onr fatliers found; Let us at least lend no hand in tearing it down. Let this, ifit must be done,hi* the work of others. Then ours will be at worst the c insolation. “If Rome fallj \ I am innocent 1” - Confederate Numbers in tlie War/ An abstract of the returns of tbe Con federate armies, shows that the greatest number of soldiers of all arms and ranks * on the rolls at one time was 550,000; tbe greatest number present for duty at any one time was 300,000, and then only for a brief period besides a few thousand rangers and bushwhackers. At only three periods did Ixie’s army number 100)-' 000 present for duty. When McClellan, with 147,000 men feared to advance to-' wards Manassas, supposing the enemy had 150,01)6 men, their actual force wad less than 40,000. . When McClellan reached the peninsula, says the Cincinnati Gazette (Radical), and was held in check at Yorktown by Magruder, with what he supposed to be the \ylole rebel army, Magruder had barely 15,000. When he reached the Cbickahomiuy with over 100,000 men, and feared to advance because he estima ted the enemy’s force at over 200,000 they had but*47,ooo, which was increas ed in May to 67,000. When Meade reached the Rappahannock, after Gettys burg, with 80,000 men, Lee had but 45,- 000 men. This was when llalleck wasr directing operations, and he forbade tho offensive. In OctobeT, when Meade had* 70,000 and Lee 15,000 Meade was driven back within sight of Washington. There are many other figures in these returns which will be found more inter-' estiug, historically, than gratifying, to'* military pride. In spite of our prepon derance of numbers the rebels generally managed to be strongest at the point of attack. Our triumph was not achieved by military genius in the commauders, but by the patient endurance aud most lavish sacrifice of the men, andjby an ex penditnre of means as if the national resources had no limit.— N. Y. Tribune. Hold Talk. Col. Frank Wolford who was one of the bravest and most active among tlie Fed eral Cavalry leaders in Kentucky during i the late war, has come out very decided ! Iv for the Democrats, aud in a late speech ! at Jamestown, in that Mate, is reporter! I to have used the following language : “I ever was and am a Union man and j desire to see every State in our Govern ment represented by a star upon the American flag. Those who arc opposed to this are disnnionists and rebels in the true sense of those terms. If the Radical candidate, Barnes, should be elected fair ly, I say, let him take his seat ; and if Helm should be elected.any power that at tempts to resist his inauguration, as soon as tlie electric fires flash the news through the country a million of American citi zens will rise and assert their power, and rights, and I will buckle on my sword, march to tho conflict without counting tho cost, and proclaim to the world that "Americans will be freemen and not slaves.” This is bold talk on the part of one who fought for the ■‘Union” during the war Tho address was received with great cheering by the large audience in attendance upon its delivery, and, says the correspondent of the Louisville Cou rier, from which wc make the loregoing extract, “told too plainly to the few Rad icals present, that their cause is almost demolished hero and that Kentuckians were getting in high earnest” —adding that ‘if the election was put offa few days longer, Radicalism even in the mountain eouuties would sink into perfect insigni ficance.” One hundred thousand majority is claimed against the Radical candidate for Governor in Kentucky. Southern ts- Northern Prisons- We never have, permitted the old song of “Andersouvnic” to go forth uurebuked. It is unnecessary to repeat the reasons given for the calamities of the Confeder ate prisons; they were such as the North forced upon us. It is equally unneces sary fio reiterate that while the- South had a thousand excuses for the misery prevailing in tier military goal, the North had not one single palliation for the bar barities practiced at Elmira, Point Look out, Johnson’s Island, and Fort Delaware. The final proof of greater cruelty at the North is from Mi. Stanton himself. In hlo ropert to Coi.gicns, July 19th, 1866, he testifies that of Southern prisoners who died in Northern prisons the tiumlter was 26,436; of Northern prisoners who died in Southern prisons, the number was 22,6*16 This lccord, from the Fed eral Secretary, speaks for itself. Excen-- tional cases of flagrant wrong (■'‘OJ.w nothing; but the vast aggregate all. When the North has matched ita prison dead with ours—and surely the 1 life or an-Aranriran soldier of the South is quite as valuable as the life of a for eign mercenary of the North—we still have nearly four thousand graves with out offsets and without avengers. — Jour, and Afesstn. TnE Constitutional Amendment. —The- Washington correspondent of the Char leston Courier, writes ; The President’s reference to the fact that the constitutional amendment re specting negro suffrage has not been adopted, opens an interesting question. It can never be adopted except by milita ry force under the Military Governments already established in the ten States now excluded, and also by applying the same force to Kentucky, Maryland, Delaware aud Connecticut. If thus adopted, through fraud and force, it will be set aside as illegal at no distant day. A great revolution in political parties will occur in from two to six years, iu which the suffrage question will be tho main issue. The struggle will probably eud in the restoration to each State of the control of suffrage within its limits. The public debt is going up at the' rate of over twenty-four millions a month That is only two hundred and forty mil lions a year ! Cheap enough, certainly, for a grand experiment of tufufog white men into negroes, and changing the American into an African system ol gov-1 ernmeut. l New Cotton. —The Savannah News & Herald, of Saturday, says that the first 4 bale of new cotton was received in that! city the day previous, from the tion of Mr. R. M. Henry, of Jefferson! county, Florida It was an inferior ■U a- «*