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t!jc CljiJiMstou geriiO.
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McMICHAEL & BEVERLY.
j q McMichael. | J. R. Beverly.
■CHOMASTON, GA., SEP. 14, 1872
Ti,,. TIIOMA STOV HERALD Imsn
C'JrrwlHtJo« In Plk«-, Heriwclla r,
Tulbnt, SpaRUnR. Monroe,Bibl», Jluscogct
ami
THE GEORGIA CAIT7ASS.
ADDRESS of HON. JOHN I. HALL,
HUB-ELECTOR FOIt UPSON COUNTY.
THE ORIGINAL CHARACTER AND
NATURE OF OUR GOVERNMENT
HOW OUR LIBERTIES WERE LOST
-THE RADICAL PARTY —ITS POL
ICY TOWARD THE SOUTH—GREE
] FY’S POLICY IGNORED—PRESI
DENTIAL RACE IN 1808—GRANT’S
ADMINISTRATION— PIIILA D E L
PHIA PLA TF O RM—CINCINNATI
PLATFORM— A MOVEMENT TO RE
STORE LIBERTY —LIBERTY VS.
GRANTISM IS THE GREAT ques
Tl< )N- DEMOCRATS MUST SUPPORT
GREELEY.
Fellow Citizens : — Our fa tliers
%
ordained ns the corner stone ot our
government, these great and fundamental
ideas of all good government, to-wit: that
government derived its just powers from the
consent of the governed—the right of local
self-government reserved to the States—the
freedom of the person under the protection
of the habeas corpus, and a union of equal
States based upon the grand idea of a fra
vernal embrace. These great objects of
good government were secured to us by the
wisdom of our sages and the blood of our
heroes. They became the political creed of
every patriot, and so long as they were re
garded as the text of civil instruction and
construction, the government remained
strong in the affections of the people. For
eighty years of our National existence the
people were ever watchful, and tlie least de- 1
parturc from the creed of our fathers was
promptly and sternly rebuked. But finally,
a great and strong party was organized,
whose political creed was “a higher law
than the Constitution.” This great party
was organized for sectional purposes, and
with the avowed purpose of getting posses
sion of the government and use its vast
powers to the injury of the Southern States.
Goodandtrue men, Nortliand South, became
alarmed at the rapid growth and unrepubll
can tendencies of this sectional party, and
they battled faithfully against it. The great
object of all patriots was to preserve intact
the great principles of our government, and j
defeat any and all efforts on the part of any
party to get possession of the government
for sectional purposes. But the friends of
good government finally divided on an ab
stract question of territorial government,
and this great sectional party succeeded.—
Its success resulted in a four years’ bloody
Avar between the States of the Union, the
history and result of which is known to all.
The Southern States came out of the strug
gle stripped of property, without local gov
ernment, and perfectly under the control
and in the power of this great sectional par
ty, which was still in power. Wc of the !
South insisted that we should at once he ad
mitted back into the Union as equals of the
other States, white this great sectional party
insisted for the first time, that
avc were out of the Union, and should be
treated as conquered provinces. AVe re
monstrated, but our remonstrances only ex
cited their contempt, and the Avork of deal
ing Avith Rebels, as they called us, begun in
good earnest. They denied that avc Avere
in the Union and refused us representation,
but exacted of us even greater burdens, in
the way of taxation, than was demanded of
States fully represented.
The triumph and success of this party
changed the nature and character of our
government, llenry Winter Davis, who at
once became the leader and oracle of the
dominant party, declared the policy of that
party toward the South in a speed), which
was then and is now characterized by all
right thinking men as infamously bitter, lie
foreshadowed their policy in speftking of the
Southern people as follows: “They have
suffered and suffered much by the confisca
tion of their slaves; the next best punish
ment is to deprive them of citizenship. I
am no enthusiast. lam very little of a phi
lanthropist. I have no supreme love of the
intellectual superiority of the negro over
the white, but I know his vote is important,
and it I have not much reaped for justice
uiid humanity , I have for the five twen
ties. This was their declared policy.
1 hey declared that no attempt should be
made to conciliate differences, no reconcilia
tion, no clemency, the people of the South
Mere no longer the equals of the Northern
people, the Constitution of our country, the
Constitutions, governments and traditions
of the States, were no longer to be respect
ed. They declared that State governments
were dead, and the people had no rights,
but such as the dominant party chose to
ghe them, and the policy was to deprive
the bout hern people of the rights of citizen-
sliip. buch was the declared programme of
this party, and they pursued it to the letter.
1 bus it was that the great ideas of govern
ment, as established by our fathers, were
disregarded and overturned, and a new'gov
ernment the government of a sectional
pait\ established in its stead. The old gov
ernment, with its grand corner stone, of the
consent of the governed, local self-govern
ment, freedom of the persons, equality of
the States and of tlie citizens, and a frater
nal unity was destroyed, its very foundations
unearthed, and in its place was established
lire present government of the dominant
purt # \, having as its corner stone centraliza
tion, will ot the party, a forced Union, and
an eternal hatred for the South. When the
leaders of this dominant party were shap
ing their programme, which, in the hour of
extreme passion, was made successful, Hor
n*e Gn *'ey opposed this policy and appeal
c ( to the party to adopt another programme
. ns 1 11 > gnimme '"'as amnesty and a resto
ration of fraternal feeling. Hear him. The
C: ' y aft(r Lce’s surrender he said: “We
1 cad against passions, certain to he at this
on* erce and intolerant; but on our side
are the ages and the voice of history. We
plead for a restoration of the Union against
a l><>yK > , \vhieh would afford a momentary
f r “" “* lllc «;n '>r years ol' perilous
»“> ’*'*">««. We entreat the I’resi
dent promptly , 0 lto an 4 „„„ )b# cmx
of magnanimity- The Southern mind is
iioav open to kindness, and may be magnet
ically affected by generosity. Let assurance
be given that there is to lie general amnes
ty and no confiscation. This is none the
less the dictates of Avisdom, because it is
also the dictates of mercy. What Ave ask
is, that the President say in effect, slavery
having though rebellion, committed suicide,
let the North and the South unite to bury
the carcass and clasp hands around his
grave.” Greeley desired to restore the Un~
ion of our fathers. His Avas a patriotic,
wise and statesmanlike programme. But
the wise and humane suggestions of Gree
ley Avere unheeded, and the war of passion
was begun. The dominant party closed the
ears of the North to all overtures for peace
and administration, by appealing to the old
anti-slavery prejudices of abolitionist. They
appealed to the base passions and prejudices
of our ignorant negroes, and alienated them
from us. They Avere taught to believe that
the Southern Avhite people Avere their ene
mies, and that they had a right to share our
property, Avliich, if not Avillingly given up
to them, was to be extorted from us by the
use of the torch. Such appeals to the prej
udices of the North, and to the prejudices
and passions of the blacks, Avere not Avith
out effect. Planting themselves upon the
enunciations of Davis, and hoping by such
appeals to the negroes, to bring about a war
between the races at the South, they began
the cry of “DoAvn with the Rebels and up
Avith the negroes.”
They disregarded the Constitution, the
rights of the States, freedom of the person
and the loudest and most earnest appeals
for peace. The object of the infuriated
leaders of the dominant party, Avas to es
trange entirely the North from the South,
intensify the already had feelings’ existing,
and in this Avay unite the people ot the
North and the negroes ofthe South in build
ing up their party, which should thence
' forward, be the government. The history
of reconstruction is well known and remem
bered by all, —all remember lioav the States
were destroyed by the stroke of a pen and
hundreds of citizens hurried to prisons on
the most frivolous pretence—without Avar
, rant or authority. In order to apparently
justify their unwarranted conduct and make
! it appear that there was a necessity for such
measures, citizens were arrested on pretext
of resisting the National authority, or Avitli
1 insulting some of the pets of the Nation,
and tried by courts inertial. They flooded
the country Avith vile correspondents of
newspapers-—whose pay doubtless depended
on their ability to magnify the least disturb
ance (ofte/i created by tbe negroes for the
purpose) into a “Great Ku-Klux Outrage,”
and the universal rising ofthe rebels to re
sist the National authority. In this way
they induced the people ofthe North, avlio
desired a reconciliation, to believe that Ave
were a set of outlaws, defying the National
Government, spurning every offer of peace
and clemency and consequently unAvorthy
to be treated as equals. "With the Northern
mind thus excited, their programme of
forced reconstruction was easily caaried out.
Consent on our party was never given, or
asked, we were according to their idea, no
longer equals—our States ay ere dead, and
Ave Avere at their mercy with only such
rights and privileges as they chose to give
us. There Avere men North, among them
Greeley, who desired a fraternal restoration,
a restoration based upon consent, a restora
tion, the Avork of all the people, but all such
men Avere denounced as rebel sympathisers,
disloyal to party interest and therefore dis
loyal to the goA'crnmcnt. No man could
stand up against them. The President Avith
bis vast powers attempted to vindicate and
save the Constitution and the Government,
and for his efforts to save the country, he
Avas by one House of Congress, declared
guilty of “high crimes and misdemeanors.”
A high court of impeachment tried him and
every Senator Avho refused to join them in
their crusade of destruction and hate, was
declared disloyal and promptly read out of
the party. The people of the South were
enraged, (as they had a right to be) at the
treatment received from this dominant party,
and the spirit of resentment was intense,
but the power to make it available was
wanting. In this way the bitter feeling and
hatred became mutual. Such was the state
of feeling North and South in 1808, when
the dominant and Democratic parties put
forward candidates for the Presidency.—
This party still in pow r cr—strong
and daily increasing in strength—having
for its objects, imperialism, supremacy of
party over country, the humiliation of the
Southern people and punishment of rebels,
put forv/anl as the great soldier type of tlicir
views, U. S. Grant. The Democratic party
composed of men both in the North and
South, who denied the right of the Central
Government to exercise imperial power,
who claimed that the right of local self
government was an inherent right of the
people of the States and insisted on the
restoration of a fraternal union, put forward
as the exponent of these great ideas, 3lr.
Seymour, of New York. General Grant,
who at one time favored reconciliation—
sheathed his sword —rose above the passions
of the hour, counselled forbearance and
denied the right oftlie Government to arrest
Lee and other prominent Southern Generals
so long as they obeyed their parole, seeing
now his opportunity for the Presidency in
the programme of hate, persecution and the
destruction of the States, fell into the wild
current of passion, and at once became the
great leader of the revolutionary party.
He unsheathed his sword and began the
most shameful and unrelenting war against
the Constitution, the rights of the States,
the freedom oftlie person and the interest
of society, that the world ever w itnessed.
Unfortunately for us, instead of declaring
simply for the restoration of the Govern
ment of our fathers and asking for a fratern
al union, our platform and conduct oftlie
campaign was extremely aggressive. Our
enemies took advantage of this, and refered
to our platform and conduct to verify their
former charges, that it was an effort on the
part of the rebels and enemies of the Union
to get possession of the Government, restore
slavery and destroy the Government. We
denied the charges, and claimed that we
only desired a restoration oftlie States oftlie
South to an equality with the other States
of the Union; that we claimed as did the
Northern States, the right of local self
government , and that we desired unity and
peace. Our protestations of good faith were
laughed to scorn by the leaders oftlie party.
The public mind North was too much in
flamed to listen to reason, and a great many
men North, who opposed bitterly the object
oftlie dominant party, were led to believe
that our success would rest It in inaugurating
anotlier Avar or the destruction of the Gov
ernment, and for this reason they supported
Grant. The storm of passion grew stronger
and more furious, and the result was,
Grant's election. General Grant in his in
augural address, said “Lot us ItaA-e Pcaae!”
Mi e of the South who had suffered so much
and so long, Avere in a frame of mind to re
ceive with rejoicing any declaration from
the President looking to a restoration of
friendly feeling. AYe were willing to forget
the just then, stormy past, and “clasp hands
across the bloody chasm,” and were led to
regard this utterance of General Grant as
the glad harbinger of “bettertimes coming.”
We thought the President sincere and relied
on his speech as a declaration of policy
which would characterize his administration
for four years. But our hopes Avere soon
blighted. We did not fully understand
then as Ave do now 7 , the perfidious character
of the man who promised peace. His prom
ise was made to be broken, and he has per
sistently disregarded it, as all of his official
a -ts attest,
His little soul Avas filled Avitli hate, and he
at once become the Avilling tool to carry out
and execute any malicious measure for pun
ishing the Southern people and the subver
sion of State governments, that the wicked
genius of Morton, Cameron, Conkling, Car
penter and Wilson, could invent. These
enemies of Constitutional liberty and man
kind, superior in point of ability, but not in
mendacity to the President, were no less ac
tive during liis administration in inaugu- |
rating measures to change the character ot
the government—destroy the States—and ;
punish the Southern people, than they Avere
during the cruel days of reconstruction.—
Grant, unlike Johnson, desiring the domi
nant party, of which he was the head, to j
succeed in its Avar on our institutions, and
its efforts to subvert the government and
erect upon its ruins a central imperial des- I
potism, offered no resistance, as lie Avas 1
sworn to do, but encouraged these men, and ;
used bis vast poAver to further their designs. !
Whenever for party purposes it became ncc- I
cssary to put a State through a second
course of reconstruction, the State was at
once declared out of the Union—her gov
ernment unrepublican in form—and a mili
tary satrap put in charge of her affairs. Her
Senators and Representatives were at once
excluded from the hails of Congress, and
her Legislature purged to the liking of the
plunderers avlio had charge of her. When
ever it became necessary to carry an elec-
tion in any of the States, the military Avere
ordered out to take charge of it, If the op
posite party triumphed, they deprived the
State of her Representatives by some pre
text of disloyalty, or unfairness in the elec
tion. If Senators were elected unfriendly
to their mad schemes of destruction, they
too Avere counted out, and in some instances
the minority candidate seated. In short, a
State election to stand would be required to
go according to their liking. If a disorder
ly citizen committed any outrage in the
South, in the tAvinkling of an eye martial
law Avas declared, innocent persons indis
criminately arrested and turned oA r cr to the
tender mercies of a Military Court, or a
Federal Court, Avith packed juries. In
some of the Southern States the entire State
government, Executh e, Legislative and Ju
diciary departments, Avere in the hands of
carpet-baggers and negroes, and the doors
of the courts completely barred to the out
raged white people, and if any man—not
being able to have redress for wrongs done
him before the courts—dared to resent the
most unprovoked and wanton outrage, at
once the cry of the “Ivu-Kluk conspiracy”
Avas sent to Washington, martial law Avas
declared, arrests made, conviction had before
packed juries on the testimony of suborned
witnesses, and the victims of Grantism hur
ried to Northern prisons. No one aave
these enemies of free-government, cA-en
pretended that the least excuse existed for
the suspension of the privilege of the writ
of habeas corpus. The privilege of this
writ is secured at all times, except in cases
ot rebellion or invasion, Avhcn tbe public
safety requires its suspension. In several
States of the South, Avhere Grant's
party had control of the State
government, and the processes of
the courts could be executed without let or
hinderance, the privilege of this sacred writ
has been suspended without t-lic least pre-
text of a “rebellion or invasion.” This
great writ, Avliich is so justly denominated
the great bulwark and second Magna Cftar
ta of American liberty, is tbe mere play
thing of the grossly ignorant Military Pres
ident. All these outrages lie and his co
horts have committed against the Constitu
tion, the rights of the States, the freedom
of individuals and society. This conduct
on the part of the President, can be attrib
uted to nothing else but a contemptuous dis
regard for the Constitution, and a reckless
ness of human life and libertv.
These are briefly some oftlie crimes com
mitted by Grant during his administration.
This same party, now in power,
whose corner stone of government is cen
tralization, subversion of the State govern
ments and hatred for the South, and whose
government is party, have recently in Con
vention at Philadelphia, presented as their
candidate for re-election this same man
Grant. The country is asked to re-elect for
four more years, to the highest office within
the gift of the American people, this great
violator of the Constitution. There is an
other man before the people as a candidate
for that high office, wlose nomination by
tlie Democratic party at Baltimore, grew
out of the stern and inexorable exergencics
of the times. No man was more loth than
myself to adopt him as the Democratic can
didate, and had I been vested with power
and authority to send delegates to Baltimore,
no man should have gone who was friendly
to his nomination. Such were my feelings
at the time, but since the action of the Bal
timore Convention was ratified by our State
Convention, I have studied most carefully
the issue between Greeley and Grant, and
am forced to tlie conclusion that not merely
as a matter of policy, but as a matter of the
highest sense of duty, every Democrat,
North and South, should support Greeley.
Greeley’s voice just after the war was heard
for fraternal restoration, for peace, and for
the Union of our fathers. lie has never de
parted from his policy, of restoring the
country as published the day after Lee’s sur
render. He, like other men of his school,
the '.‘school of New England ideas,” labor- :
ed to free the negroes and to secure to them
the rights of suffrage, but unlike Grant and
liis advisers, Greeley coupled each demand
for negro suffrage, with a demand for am
nesty. Had his humane and clement ideas
of restoration prevailed, we would have had
no reconstruction laws, no Ku-Klux laws,
and no bayonet election laws. These all 1
grtw 7 out of the policy of hatred for the
South, pursued by the dominant party, but
condemned by Greeley. lie supported the"
amendments and the other measures of Con
gress, because he regarded it, a then necessi
ty to do so, bat he has ever condemned in
the severest terms, the policy Avliich pro
duced the necessity. Ilia great idea was,
that the Southern people should have am
nesty and restored Suite governments, and
then the Southern people would consent to,
accord suffrage to the negro. He desired
in this matter the consent of the South.
He had contended for several years for the
freedom ofthe negro—and noAv that he Avas
free, he should have the right of suffrage to
protect himself. To secure to the negro, the
right of suffrage was Greeley’s idea of duty
and when he saw that the policy pursued by
the dominant party tOAvard the South avouM
not procure tlia consent eftlie South, he ad-
A ocated the amendments and other measures
as the spediest and only means then of secur
ing suffrage to the negro. While Greeley
supported these measures, lie denounced in
bitter terms the policy of Grant in refusing
clemency, in contemptously disregarding
the constitution, the rights of the States and
the freedom of the person. No man Avas
more positive in his disapprobation of Grant’s
abuse of poAver in enforcing the Ku Klux
laws and no man has held up more glaringly to
the scorn and ridicule ofthe civilized world
the monstrous bastard governments estab-
lished in the South by tbe “carpet baggers.”
Greeley’s feedings have ahvays been in favor
of a restoration ofthe Union, by clemency
and treating the Southern people as equals-L
and he has never abated one particle of his
zeal in the advocacy of his great plan of re
construction. Greeley and otjier republicans
became convinced that the policy persued by
Grant and bis advisers would never restore
the Union and if persued much longer, the
tAvo sections Avould become further and fur
ther estranged until finally, the States ofthe
South Avould be anihilated or the govern
ment. destroyed. These men who lo\'ed
liberty and Constitutional government more
than party, became alarmed. They coun
selled reform, but their counsels were un
heeded. They begged for general amnesty
and a restoration ofthe States in fraternal
unity, but their efforts stowed only to bring
down upon them the bitter denunciations,
ot “rebel sympathisers, ” “copperheads” and
“disloyal men conspiring to restore the reb
els to power.” But these men had started
out Avitli a determination to bring about a
reform, the party xvliip had lost its force and
no kind of party cant could deter them.—
They rebelled egainsttliis strong party then
in power and denounced it before the* coun
try for its corruption and for its disregard of
Constitutional obligations. They met at
Cincinnati and adopted a platform that em
braces as much of the Jeffersonian doctrine
as is possible to ask, or secure so long as the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments re- 1
main parts of the Constitution. The 14th
and 15th Amendments which give to the
General Government some of the rights,
powers and authority heretofore belonging to
tbe States, are defaelo laws ofthe land and
so long as they exist the broad and almost
unlimited enunciation of the doctrine of
States rights as claimed by Mr. Stephens
and others, cannot be maintained. The Re
publicans avlio inaugurated this great reform
movement nominated Horace Greeley for
the Presdencyand he accepted the nomina
tion and indorsed fully the platform. It
seemed at first that Greeley was called upon
to lead a forlorn hope—for at the time of his
nomination the Liberal movement Avas rath
er small, and its leaders had no assurance of
Democratic support. They could rely for
Democratic sup] ;ort only onthe correctness of
their principles and so trusting, but not know
ing it the support would come, they made
open Avar on Grant and his corrupt adminis
tration. Unaided and alone, save the daily
accessions from the dominant party, they
battled lor two months heroicly against the
corruption of Grant, In tbe mean time the
Democratic party Avatched Avitli much inter
est, but Aviili dignified silence, this ucav
movement—endeavoring to ascertain fully
its objects and its aims—its strength and
last but not least, its sincerity. Its objects
aiul aims Avere affirmed in the platform—but
the Democrats still desired l'uther assurance
ol their objects and this was soon and contin
uously given by the Liberal papers and ora
tors. The full and oft repeated reaffirma
tion of the objects ofthe movement by the
papers and speakers satisfied the Democrats.
Its strength was soon dcweloped. From
every quarter ot the country new 7 accessions
lrom the dominant party to this movement,
were heard of. After Greeley and others
defied the minions of power, the Aveak and
timid, avlio desired to quit Grant but feared
the party lash, deserted him and joined tbe
Liberal movement. Its sincerity cannot be
doubted. Y> lien in the history of this coun
try, did men ever quit a strong party Avhile
fully in power and denounce its administra
tion, that Avere not sincere. The A ery fact
that they begun to oppose the policy of Grant
before his term of office had half expired and
made open war upon him in the 3d year of bis
administration, demonstrates beyond doubt
the sincerity ofthe movement. It Avas doubt
less painful to these men to separate from
their old party associates and friends, but
the necessities ofthe country demanded it
and they made the cacrifice. These men
kneAv full Avell the road to patronage—obedi
ence to Grant—but they did not enter upon
it as they prefered the mainteuace of liberty
ami free govermerment to all the favors ofthe
arrogant Imperialist. It is not a move onthe
part “of the outs” to get “in.” but it is the in
augeration of a grand counter-revolution for
the restoration of Constitutional liberty. The
Democrats being convinced that the platform
ofthe party, spoke its ocjects and aims, that
it bad strength and that there was earnest
sincerity in the movement and seeing no
other road to success, united with the Liber
als and adopted their candidate as ours.
Never Avas responsibility greater than that
imposed upon the party*at Baltimore. The
Convention were charged with the duty of se
lecting a candidate and making a platform to
be carried through successfully .in tbe coming
campaign, Success Avas their object. Enough
ot public sentiment bad been ascertained to
convince them that our only hope, in this
campaign was in uniting Avith the
Cincinnati movement, but in so doing, they,
must take a man, who for thirty years had
fought the Democratic organization with all
the political weapons known to party drill.
This was a trying time with Democrats, but
they laid aside prejudices in the interest of
the country. The Baltimore Convention
taught us this lesson—that party organiza
tions—party • names— party men, and last
(though often tlie most potent) party preju
dices, must be yield up whan the interest of
tlie country demands it. Our people said in
effect- at Baltimore, w e have suffered long
and suffered much—wc have been deprived
of the right of self-government—our liberties
have depended on the will of one man—we
are willing to unite in this mighty revolution
with all lovers of liberty to restore good
government to this country, and forgetting
the past, “clasp hands across the bloody
chasm;” and as the people of the North
have heretofore doubted the sincerity of our
purposes—to accomplish this great result,
wc will support a man who has heretofore
fought us. To my mind, this conduct on
the part of the Convention was tlie greatest
triumph oftlie dictates of wisdom over prej
udices and party attachment, that the world
ever witnessed.
No other course but the one pursued at
Baltimore could have been adopted with
an}' hope of success. The people of the
North, as before remarked, were led to be
lieve that any Democratic candidate that we
might put forward, would, if elected, ad
minister the Government in tlie interest of
the Ku-Klux and reinstate slavery. They
were taught not to believe us when we ex
pressed an earnest desire for peace and a
fraternal Union. Had tlie Democratic partv
put in the field a third man—a Democrat—
these old prejudices would have been aroused
in the North and the Liberal movement so
badly crippled, and Grant’s strength so
slightly diminished, that his election Would
have, been certain. Tlie Democratic party
of its own numbers, w as powerless as against
this great dominant party, and we were
compelled to gather strength from some
source. We of the South are the direct suf
ferers at present under Kadieul misrule and 1
tyrany, and it was but proper and right that
we should make a sacrifice of parly feeling
and personal preferences, and ask t hat crim
inations and re-criminations should stop,
when by this course, our gain is to be large.
When we made this sacrifice of feeling and
personal preferences, and said to those of the
Republican party who oppose Grant's ad
ministration, our desire to regain control of
our-Btate Governments free from Congres
sional interference and dictation, and to re
store friendly feeling, is so great, that we
take your candidate who is pledged to this
movement—these men everywhere saw in
the sacrifice proof of our sincerity, and at
once this Liberal movement, which at first
was laughed at because of its feebleness, lias
grown to the magnitude of a grand uprising
of the people in favor of liberty and an hon
est and pure government. I have given
briefly, the history of the dominant party
both before and after Grant come to the
surface, the results of the great political
revolution begun and inaugurated in 180 b,
which if not <*liejked by a counter-revolu
tion, will ult'ma" ly destroy the Govern
ment. 1 have also given briefly, the history
of this grand counter-revolution, inaugurated
by the Liberals and indorsed by the Demo
crats, which, if successful, will restore peace
and harmony and good government to this
country. We then have two candidates for
the Presidency, one put forward by the
Radicals and the other by the Liberal Re
publicans and Democrats. The platform
made at Philadelphia and upon *\\ lileh Grant
is to be supported, was extorted from the
Radical party by this Libeaal movement.
They became alarmed at the rapidly in
creasing strength of the movement, and
made haste to adopt a catch vote platform,
which, in some respects, is a copy in sub
stance of the Liberal platform. r i he plat form
don’t fit. They never intended it to fit, or
to be bound by it, for it is the swiftest wit
nesson record against Grant’sadministration.
If the platform means anything, it condemns
every act of Grant’s administration. It is
so much at war with Grant’s administration
that he accepted the nomination in a ten
line note without any particular reference
or indorsement of the platform of principles.
Let us examine Lie platform and see how it
corresponds with bis official conduct. Then
first, his platform “demands a reform of the
civil service.” ilis party lias been in power
all the while. With a Congress ready to do
his bidding, thousands have been expended
in establishing rules for civil service reform.
Congress, at his request, adopted the rules,
but he lias failed and refused to execute
them. His party lias sustained liim in ap
pointing to office, without reference to fit
ness, his nepotistic hosts, and then have the j
impudence to go to Philadelphia and be
guilty of the mockery of asking for civil
service reform. 2. Grant's platform asserts
“the doctrine of States Rights,” when lie
and his party have systematically destroyed
the rights of the States. 3. His platform
declares for “the proper supremacy of the
civil over the military authority,” when he
; has persistently and defiantly elevated the
military over the civil. Since the adoption
: of his platfoam, he asked Congress to give
him the power to suspend the privilege of
; the writ of Habeas Corpus, elevate the mili
! tary over the civil authority at will, and his
friends, alarmed at tlie liberal movement,
refused to give the authority. His disregard
for the supremacy of the civil over the mili
tary authority has been so great, that the
Governors of Illinois, Hew York and our
own patriotic and gallant Governor, had to
resist the encroachments of a military Presi
dent, who used troops to interfere with the
local affairs of the States. Thus we sec that
his platform condemns his past conduct and
I but recently, he has gone back on His newly
! made platform. Grant in his note of accept
i ance discloses the fact that he fails to com
prehend his platform, or comprehending
it, he does not intend to be bound
by it. He does not say that His adminis
tration is a fail-ure, and
that a change for the future is demanded,
(and this is what bis platform means, if it
means anything,) but he says: “I have
learned much in four years, my conduct is
known to the country, and if elected, 1
promise a continuation of the same conduct,”
with tiic addition, of his lessons received
during the past four years. His conduct for
the last four years has been infamously vil
villainous, and if elected, be promises us a
refinement on bis villainy. Is such a crea
ture a lit man to be voted for by the Ameri
can people for the Presidency? Let me
now examine so much of Greeley’s platform
as it vital to ns, and compare liis past and
present, conduct wit h the professions of It is
platform. Then first, Greeley’s platform “de
i mands the immediate and absolute removal
|of all political disabilities.” (Grant’s plat
! form makes no such demand or promise).
; The South wants and must have the remov
| al of political disabilities, and the abolition
; of all destimations between t lie people of
this Union as to rights and privileges under
tlie government, before a fraternal Union
: can be restored. This plank in the platform
is peculiarly Greeley’s. He made it in 18(55,
j and lias stood on it from that hour to tliis.
! lie stood on this plank as bis platform, when
| lie became bail for Davis, and lie stood on
! it, when he defied the enraged people of the
North, who condemned him for the act.—
Hear him on this subject. When he be
came bail for Davis, the Union League Club,
to which be belonged, notified him to ap
pear at their next meeting, to be dealt with
for his disloyal conduct in encouraging and
giving aid and comfort to the great South
ern traitor, and head of the rebellion. Gree
ley replied to their notice in a manner and
style thatvSlioiild immortalize him. He said:
“Understand once for all, that I dare yon,
and dety you, and that 1 propose to fight it
out on the line that I have held from the
day of Lee’s surrender. So long as any
man was seeking to overthrow our govern
ment, he was my enemy; from the hour in
which lie laid down his arms, he was my
formerly erring countryman, and I demand
for him restoration to all the privileges
of American citizenship. I tell you here,
that out of a life earnestly devoted to the
good of human kind, your children will se
lect my going to Richmond anti signing that
bail bond, as the wisest act, and will feel
that it did more for freedom and humanity,
than all of you were competent to do,
though you lived to the age of Methusilah.
All I care for is t]iat you make this a square
stand-up fight, and record j our judgement
by yeas and nays. Don’t slide off into a
mild resolution of censure, but move to the
expulsion which I deserve, if I deserve any
reproach whatever.” Does this bold, out
spoken, manly defence of bis course, in the
midst of great popular excitement, when
mobs threatened to do him violence, fail to
convince anj r man of liis sincerity
“Impertinent policy,” as his enemies hate
termed it, did not actuate him; lie was con
trolled by feelings of humanity and good
will, or lie never could have had the bold-
ness to resist and defeat Northern oppostion.
The movement to deal with him failed, and
those who opposed him, seeing that lie was
in earnest, ceased to talk of mob.
Now what is Grant’s record on this branch
of Greeley’s platform? Grant pretended to
recommend to Congress the removal of po
litical disabilities—his party had a large ma
jority in both Houses, and strange to say,
whenever a proposition of the kind was be
fore either House, the personal friends of
Grant, the men who were daily at almost
hourly closeted with him, and who were
known to reflect his sentiments and feelings,
voted against and opposed all such proposi
tions. This conduct on the part of his warm
supporters demonstrates Grant’s insincerity,
shows that lie was to recommend for effect
only, and hfs friends, true to their feeling
and to his, were to defeat his recommenda
tion. This double dealing deceives no one*.
2nd. It declares that “local self-government
with impartial suffrage will guard the rights
of all citizens more security than any con
tralized power.’’ Greeley’s opposition to
the centralizing tendencies of the adminis
tration of Grant, and Grant’s abuse of his
authority under the laws of Congress, is too
well known to be repeated here. Hear him
on this plank of his platform. In accepting
the nomination and in indorsing the plat
form, lie said: “There shall be no Federal
subversion of the internal polity of the sev
eral States and municipalities, but that
EACH SHALL liE LEFT I'KLE TO ENFOUt'E
THE RIGHTS, AND PROMOTE THE WELL-BE
ING OF ITS INHABITANTS 11V SUCH MEANS
AS THE JUDGEMENT OF ITS OWN PEOPLE
shall prescribe.” It is upon this plank
in the platform that we of the South plant
ourselves, for the right of local self-govern
ment has been denied us and above, and
first of all things else, we want its return.
Without it Republican government is more
than mockery. Without it the government
of our fathers ceases to be Republican, its
very nature and diameter is changed, and
Imperial despotism—the government of one
man, inaugurated in its place. For four long
and painful years the people of the South
have been groaning under the present despot
ic one man power, and we now have the prom
ise of relief in these two planks of tlie Cincin
nati platform. The policy for the last four
t ears has been to keep under political disa
bilities one-third of our citizens, destroy at
will the government of the States, and re
store thev Union by force. Such a policy
has failed to restore the country as it should
be done, and as it can be done, because it is
unreasonable, unjust and unnatural. These
two planks in the platform propose to re
move the great obstacle to fraternal leelings
—political disabilities —and restore to us the
right of local self-government, without
which, there can be no Union of equals.
It is needless to quote further from the
platform; for these are the great and vital
questions with the South. We have two
men before us, (Isaj r two, because the Lou
isville candidate cannot be considered in the
race,) and of the two we are to make choice
of a President. And the great question.is,
which of the two will you take? Will
you take the man who treats eight States
of this Union as dependencies of his
royal whims—who wills the extent of
your exercise of the rights of freemen—who
destroys States and arrest citizens without
warrant or authority, by the “last General
Order from these Headquarters,”—who in
sists on restoring the country by punishing
the South and keeping under political disa
bilities a large portion of her citizens, and
who, by his corrupt use of Executive pat
ronage in bestowing office in return for gifts
received, has changed the high oliiee of
President into a “personal perquisite?” or
will you take the man who will regard
the law, regard liis Constitutional obligations;
regard the rights of the respective States to
local self-government; who says all political
disabilities must be removed; that the South
ern States and Southern people are equals of
the Northern States and Northern people,
and must be treated as such; and who says a
restoration of the country and fraternal feel
ing must be bad, not by force and fraud and
through crime, against God and man, but
by “clasping hands across the bloody chasm,
forgetting that (we) have been enemies, in
the joyful consciousness that (we) are and
must henceforth remain, brethren.” Which
of the two will you take? You inns decide
the question. I hope and trust that no Dem
cr.it will vote to perpetuate Grant’s infamy,
and I am certain that all who examine this
great issue will unliesitatinly vote lor Her- j
ace Greeley. Many of you say, you prefer
to vote for a Democrat. So do I, but such a
course is now impracticable. The Democratic
partjq through its delegates, its untrammel
ied representatives, nominated the Liberal
Republican candidate and we have no
Democratic candidate to vote for. True
enough, a fragmentary portion of the party
assembled at Louisville and nominated
O’Connor and Adams, but tlmt assemblage of
dissatisfied men encouraged in every way 1 y
Grant and bis party, are not the Democratic
party, nor should they be so regarded. I
do not mean to saj r that the men engaged in
the movement are not Democrats. Some ol
t are good Democrats, who have suffer
ered their zeal for a triumph of the part y to
mislead their judgment. Rut what Ido
mean to say is, that four-fifths of the party
and all of our delegates to Baltimore have
adopted Greeley, audit is the duty of the
minority to yield, and for this reason they
are not sntitled to be considered the Demo
cratic party. The contests therefore narrow
ed down to these two men, and of the two a
choice must be made. But I am told that
a> between the two, there is.no choice left
for Democrats. No man who examines the
great issue between the two, can come to
any such conclusion. Such a remark is so
natural to make, when we are called upon
to support one of two Republicans, but when
tlie question is examined thoroughly, we
are amazed that we did not at first under
stand tlie issue. 1 admit that it is no pleas
ant matter to support Greeley as a man, but
in this issue, duty and not taste must control.
It is said that the Liberal movement, even if
successful, will do us no good. This Liber
ral movement will not only do good in the
future, but it has already produced good re
sults. Grant and bis party took alarm at
the growing strength of the movement, and
past an amnesty measure relieving two
thirds of the people of the South who were
laboring under disabilities. Proposition af
ter proposition of this kind was submitted to
Congress and all were defeated by Grant’s
confidential advisers, until the Liberal move
ment grew so strong that it forced them to
pass a very liberal amnesty measure. The
Liberal movement, led by Greeley, in this
way broke the shackles from the limbs of
two hundred thousand Southern men, and
for this good result, it should command our
respect and support. The Liberal movment,
led by Greeley, forced Congress to refuse
Grant’s Imperial request, to be given the
authority to suspend at pleasure, the priv
ilege of tlie writ of Habeas Corpus, and for
tiffs good result, it should command our re
spect and support. This Liberal movement,
led by Greeley, forced the dominant party
to adopt a platform at Philadelphia, which
condemns every official act of Grant and his
entire party policy, and for this good result,
it should command our respect and, % tq port.
The Liberal movement, led by Greeley, has
compelled Grant to pardon Southern m- n
imprisioned in Northern l a-tiles, who were
convicted by packed juries;on the testimony
of suborned blacks, and for this good result,
it should command our respect and support.
This Liberal movement, led on bj’ Greeley,
has forced these tyrants to give up, to a large
extent, in various ways, their grasp of pow
er, and for every such good result, it should
command our respect and support. Thus
we see, the Liberal movement bus done
good in file pas/, but if successful, lain confi
dent it will do more. If Greeley is elected,
we have the assurance from him, and I firm
ly rely on liis promises, that he
will be the President of the whole
country, the South als well as the North."
lie will regard the laws of the land, respect
liis oath of office, obey, and not destroy the
Constitution, lie will assert and maintain the
supremacy of the civil over the military
authority—he will give the South impartial
and complete amnesty—treat the South and
Southern people as equals of the union, and
restore the country in fraternal feelings.—
Can we ask more? Can any Democrat do
more? Greeley, if elected, will have about
him as advisers and counsellors, men pledged
to tlie maintenance and Success of these great
principles. But Grant, if elected, will have
around him such men as Morton, Con filing,
Carpenter and Butler, the hiper haters of
the South, who have ever been foremost in
vilifying and persecuting us, and who have !
heads to contrive, tongues to persuade and
hands to execute any mi-chi. f. But say
some,Greeley will disregard the South in
making up his cabinet. 1 do not think so.
But suppose he does, he will be compelled
to select men who are true to the great
principles enunciated in his platfbtm,
and if fnese gre a l pri nc i pies
of governwent are adhered to, the
good we will derive from it, will be just as
great as if all his advisers are selected from
the South. He says, if elected, he will not
turn his back on seven tenths of the men
who elected him,” but suppose he does and
ignores the South entirely in all of liis im
portant appointments, I should prefer him to
Grant, because he and liis advisers and other
important officers, though Northern im*n,
will be friendly to the great principles which
concern us most, while we know Grant and
his advisers will be inimical to them. It is
not for the sake of a poor paltry office, or a
division of the offices, that we should support
this great movement, this great counter-rev
olution, for tlie restoration of Constitutional
liberty. The reasons which should induce*
us to support it, rise far, vety fur above the
considerations of office— f or
tor liberty, and liberty is J" ls 1
what we need. If Greeley !
m the event of his elect!, *” hi
Constitutional liberty ami A "Yi
lor my jiart, they '?Vg" ,
Pray what are offices worth J ,
—yea what is life w orth V ' , * l ‘"n:*
liberty, we can get alousr v Y !lt 1
but without libeHvallUu ( ( v” Uii * ■!
stow are worthless. ,i ( '
the movement is, that a,
Democrats with the Repui.m .
and unlii-ii rd of. fififi- • .
movement is a novel one in * "*-•
argument against its com", i: ‘ “ :
ly is no argument against i, , h
tions is not supported hv <• n ‘ !li -■
vvl,™ tl»e it and, S |„,a,h
\un Buren s r: 'and :
apprehensions of all <r (KK ,
for the future of the eoiintr - ", r ‘ l : ,; '* r ,
tics—Democrats and WlffffJ :■
tariff men—bank and ant?’| lt ,',> iilvi *
as cne man and forsrettinir • mHl * An
crences, hurled Y an Buren tv!“ r ‘ a ' ;
This united movement, ,_q V(> , .
a pure government lbr twenty lll " c " l:; i'r
patriot ever regre/ted the p-n-'t i Ur ' : -
tor the end accomplished, tiilK- ‘A :
means. In 1868, the goixl u!' • *.
ia, without respect-to paiiv '“*--
and Republicans, white ‘ami |.V ’" UiK •<
on Gov. Walker, a liberal remiV; I'’ 1 '’ *' * 1
the Grant Candidate and drove? 11 '.
irom the old Dominion. The •
ginia lnvve never regre/ted thfi ! r
because it give thein peace and
saved them from the Washington ( | l-t ’
Within the last two or three !
Liberal Republiciuis of • urs * ■
jB. Gratz Brown, tor Governor atV* U ' U *
Democrats united on him, : . ,
themselves uiMin the two main piiiijp
i the Cincinnati platform—to-wh- j,
government and impartial ami coum'i? *
! nesty, elected him over the Grant
| and drove Grant-ism from that .Hiu 'iv
I movement relieved twenty-five'ih0..!5
citizens of Missouri, who were and
\)\ their State Constitution and tiv't '
of Missouri have cause to he proed if'!'*
movement. The Democrats known?
good this movement did them are mw
most in the movement lor the reiimYi',/
States. So it wifi be seen that this |
of all the elements in opinion \-, g
ism is not a novel movement and viu
has been tried it has been suecessiVU.- 1 -
proven highly beneficial. It issaidVhr
movement pill break up tfi,- g
ganization. My ireimis and country,;,
what is party name or party ou.uf
worth, when it is powerless to !. j- ; ,
lias party gained such asceuden, ,q,-
minds as to lead us to substitute [ any •
country, to seek no end but part v ,- iu ji. .
to fear no reproach, save that which on
from “old party hacks” for failing to ;
their lead in the interest only of party'
this be true, we are worse than mud),
clinging to the shadow, but rfitw in-.
substance. YV e must rise tar above thorn -
consideration of party names, and part.
and look to the good of the countrv. y,
party eve A did, or ever will save ;
country, when the Constant fin
liberties of the people are imperiled
When Constitutional liberty
once lost or seriously imperiled, it'm nev
regained or saved from peril, except livtfi
united action of all the patriotic j,,\,N
liberty, irrespective of partie. . and if u...
succeed in restoring liberty to tlifi (•ov.ntr
either in this or any future struggle, it i, and
lx* done by the uprising of the peopie ever:
where, and not by any party agency.
But- we need not lose our party name or
organization. As Democrats, our intern-*
demands simply, that we shall join in U ■
great movement, preserving infix t oui path
name and organization, if we so ffi .-irc, an-!
for one, I desire to do so. The Deniocr.it-.
and whigs preserved their party name an !
organization, when they united to defeat
Van Buren. Some Democrat-say li.i y will
not vote at all. Bid it ever occur to such
Democrats that by not voting at all, or sup
porting a third man, you are dividing tin
opposition to Grant, which will rc-ultd I
ins election? Think of this, Dcmo< A
and ponder well j our course before takg ■
final action, tor I tell you, the resj 1
of defeat, if this movement is deieaud, ■ j
upon you and there it will remain force..-:
This is a contest in which there can iv n
neutrality. lie that refuses to go v.ilh ia,
gives the benefit of that refusal to our cm•
mies, and you can never excuse your As
for indirectly electing Grant; oysavi g ; ■
y<*u are too pure a Democrat to join in this
great contest for Constitutional liberty.
My friends, this Louisville Conv< nti
and it: nominees, if supported by any con
siderable number of Democrats in each
State, will defeat this movement ami duo
Grant.
Grant and his Lionels know this, r.ndd '
are for that reason, encouraging the imla
ment in every possible way. You m-v-r
hear one word of abuse of the Lori--
Democrats fall from tiie lips of a Grant mtu -
They are known to declare and wage war
against the amendments, the pet mm s>
of Grant and liis friends, still Grant n nrai
fail to condemn it.
Grant’s postmasters in Washington, N' v
York, Chicago, and perhaps other places—
and liis Congressmen have been busy in
franking all over the country —calls for tins
Convention at Louisville. They tow to
sued free passes over the railroads to dele
gates, and it is charged, furnished several
delegates from the Western States to the
Convention, ido not mean to s that
Democrats engaved in this movement are
j r !y lal oyng i:i the in -
but I do nica/i to say, that Grant is grea.y
interested in the strength of the movement-
Grant’s men have franked over the country
pictorial handbills, advertising Greeley s in
famy so-called, in which Greeley iy
rented as having committed, by his r"«
great outrages against our Southern women.
This lie was nailed to the wall by the V-* v
York World , still Grant’s under-* r.C : *>
continue to issue them. They toll the A*-
ocrats not to vote for Greeley—that Groce..-
is a Republican, Ac. My friends, what
all this mean ? Why so much interest img*'
tested in the Louisville Conventi i
do they tell you to vote fora Dem*' •,'*.
Why are they so careful of the re <o‘-' •
Democrats ? An answer to all these C ■■■_
tions is to be found in a few w
Senator Morton, of Indiana, tlie ~r<*J
minist ration supporter. He said, “tl
only hope for Grant is to keep g el ’|" c ur .
from voting for Greeley.’’ Thisis ,i, | “
swer, and Grant’s friends will " -k ‘i*“ r
fully to accomplish their purp'-n.
refusal to support Greeley is wnat t.i
Will vou be duped by them?
- t- j , Mtionist*—
Some say Greeley was an ‘ ~v
concede it, but that is not the
lie lias been a life long enemy of tv- - . j r£ j
cratic party and that he has said s" l * s )u;{
things about the Democrats, eonee .*• • , v>
that is not the issue. N une siv . .
be is no better than Grant. I don!
but for the sake of the arguyient, tlrt r|J ,
ceded, but that is not the i -y- 1 .
issue is made up of Central f ul _;’,rr
and hatred forthe South on lat j [U .
hand, and local self-governnun j ;l( j
partial and complete amnes- > on
restoration of friendly . I'b ;,. ot
the other. Grant represents the.
the issue and Greeley the other. 1 pur
sue upon which vou are called to P :l “ • ; f
ment in November next. It * s t;l<> * an d
every man. to meet the issue £Q imu j. ‘ a ji
manfully and leave off quihb.m-- ar6
these objections to Greeley a ’ *j. : ul dtf
mere quibbles. Come up to the iy. A
of the great question be lb re u>.
grand movement in the interset ot '•* Jlt
tional liberty and self-governmen t ami
movement in die interest of Greek*;. • js
lev and every other man, as a man
men, are outside of fids great quey
It is a grand, movement N
masses of the people, enrnesth a ''* v “
refonn in the Government, and the < a
of patriotism, the dictates ot tU ..
the interest of our chi , ‘ l, ‘ il iV . l{ eouuter
mand that we all join i n t qto a SUC
revolution and assist in biia^ 1 * a
ccssful couclusioa.