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Ii rms of Subscription : <** gsj, ** mouthi;; *•••••• *•••• ••* * * t* $ ? ™ ° Be *oI.UB RATES: . ( w eB , one year SlO 00 Spies, one year 30 00 all orders to s. w. D. CARAWAY. Publisher. i<lverlaiiS? Kales. . ii .u-insr ara the rates to which we adhere in The h ,lk „ or advertising, or where advertise mHcoiitriW dod iu without instructions . U K'‘ tsa '' rt . ten lines or less, (Nonpariel type) OiieS'l' 1 J . llu i 50 cents for each subsequent |I.OO for the nrav insertion- n ,,. g contract advertisers. 1 5 - I|| I T. | IM, | 3 m7| 0 M. I ITM 1 ft 00 I $2 50 I $7 00 1 SIOOO | sls lS i' r ’ j 200 1 500 lotto I 15 00 I 25 ivpiavi* 300 | 7()0 1590 | 2000 1 30 | -100 |lO 00 20 00 | 3000 1 40 tS.I rl --;. 500 1200 | 3000 I 39 00 | 50 X>’ iooo 2000 j3l 00 05 00 j 80 J 11500 2500 1 4000 j 70 00 1 ISO _ \L ADVERTISING RATES. . , ~e, since the war, the following are the A u )liMB of Ordinaries, &c.-io ee paid in 1P : i o z : . . iU "*v Days Alices *> 00 !•••*"> f r'HidH &c. per sqr of ten lines 000 * n„ti.- -of Sales per sqr 200 Ten cjalks.—For these Sales,for every ft fa *AlorW Hales per spuare $5 00 Hunt & Taylor, ATTORNEYS AT LAW BARNESVILLE, Ga. w f-TILL practice in tlie countie Y/y comprising the Flint Judicia r,vuit and in the Supreme Court of the ’ i*ir Office over Drug Store of J. \V. Hightower. dec2 ~U ffiiL 'ffIW&KMSM B, attorney at law, , „ I!(\i '.Vll-LK, GA. Will practice In the J. S. POPE, ATTORNEY at law, ZEBULON, GA. ,y p r Jim t attention given to business. B i..ir.n ;r.p.. c. a. turner. BERNER & TURNER, ATTORNEYS at law, Forsyt li, Gn. -.-■ TILL practice in all the Courts, and give spe \\ (VU ’ attention to the collection of claims. Re- H'm. H. Head, Banker, Forsyth, Ga., Dumas Allen, Cotton Factors, Forsyth, Ga. mchß-ti P. .V. MARTIN. T - K - Mn -LS, JR. JUHTIK & ,/ T T 0 It N E Y S A T L A W, Griffin, Georgia. Will practice in all the State Courts of Georgia, and tire United States Courts. . £2r"Otlire, front room, up-stairs, iu Cunningham building. mchl-flm^ Cabaniss& Peeples, AT T O Ii NETS A T L A W, Forsyt is, t[*ii 6 FILL practice in ail the counties of the Flint \V Circuit. |\SI RWTE, ,J. B. HANSON, Jibe and Life Insurance Agent. Office—brick torner east aide Main Street, BarnesviSlc, Georgia. M 3 m - Hr. Wm. A. WEIGHT, BA UN F.SVILLK, GEOR( HA, Dealer In Drugs* Medicines Chemicals, Paints, Oils, VARNISHES, GLASS, PETTY, FINE SOAPS, SPONGES, BRUSHES, PERFUMERY, DYE STUFFS, TOBACCO, SEG ARS,SNUFF, Etc. qi{!\DEfi SEEDS, Of the Best Quality And other goods that are usual In his line. lie has tlie pleasure of returning thanks tor past fa vors, and solieits a continuance of the same, and hopes in the future to he able to satisfy those who patronize him, in Prices, Quality of Goods, etc., and feels confident that it will he to the interest of all to eall on him before purchasing elsewhere. 1 R reKc*riplioii FilUed on the most Reasonables Terms. Those in arrears must settle hi/ the first of March. feb22-sm Thrash*s Consumption Cure AW what l)r. LOT 1C PIE DOE has to sat/ about it. fun Brother Davies —Excuse me for writing ■ily when I am deeply interested. I have been leeless about two months. Could not read and iny m a family. Had tried many things. Got no 'lent from auv. Since Conference, someone sent : -e, from Americus, a bottle of THRASH’S t'ON motive cere and lung restorer,which :vp been taking now this is the ninth day. I can ' "ow with some ease. I came here among other 1 ‘lugs, to supplp myself with this medicine. No urug-ist here lias it on sale. I must have it. I want ' to go in person to Messrs. Thrash & Cos. and ‘ iin them this letter, and make them send me, to , I r!a - Ga., two, three or four bottles, with bill. 1 a 'u gettiug on finely. for sale wholesale and retail by D. W. CURRY, oruggist, Cattersville, Ga Call and get a trial bot> rie tor 35 cents. JOURNAL gives choic- J t standard and new prices for professional and aiuvteur readers and speakers, school exhibition, and interesting articles on appropriate subjects, ust the wanted. Large size, 10 ets. of any or by mail. HANEY & CO., 119 Nassau St.. New York. ■•i tJic Working Clsa,-lVe are now prepared to furnish all cla,ses with constant employment at home, the whole of their time, or for lUrir spare moments. Business new, light and prof- Uab ‘ e - Persons of either sex easily earn from SO ■ cats to per evening, and a proportional sum by devoting their whole time to the business. _ Boys klul girls earn nearly as much as men. That ail who G‘is notice may send their address, and test the unparalleled offer: To such as are not well satis fied we will send one dollar to pay for the trouble of anting. Full particulars, samples worth several Ouliars to commence work on, and a copy of Home umi Lin ~ide, one of the aargestand besi lUnstrated Publications, all sent free by mail. Reader if you " ant permanent, profitable work, address, gf.orgk Unson 6c Cos., Portland, Maine. t Jk sc‘>a per day at home. Samples worth 9 $1 free. Stinson & Cos., Portland Mftiue, mchl6-ly VOL. VIII. Medical Dispensary. Dr. Geo. W. Marvin again ten ders his professional service to his old friends and the public. Rispen sary and consultation rooms, No. 1 W hite hall street, in Centennial buil ding, Atlanta, Ga., where patients can get reliable treatment for all diseases of the Throat, Lungs and Catarrh. The above diseases treated by inhalation. The Doctor treats all diseases of long standing, such as Eruptions, Gravel, Paralysis, Rheumatism, Go itry, Dropsy, Biliousness Diseases of the Kidneys, Erysipelas, Nervous Depression, Dyspepsia, Liver Com plaint, all Diseases peculiar to Wo men, all Private Diseases, Heart Dis ease Swollen Joints, Couglis, Gout, White swelling, St, Vitus Dance, etc. Electricity'applied in cases where it is required. The Doctor is per manently located, and persons who hay e been under the treatment of oth er physicians and have not been cur ed, are invited to call, as he treats all curable diseases, and cures guarnteed or no pay. Call and see the Doctor without delay. His charges are mo derate, and consultation free. Oflice hours from 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. feb22-ly GENERAL. TOOMIIS. HIS LETTER TO COL. L. X. TRAMMELL. Washington, Ga., April 20, 1877. Dear Sir—Your letter of the 17 ult., requesting my “views upon the subject of calling a convention of the people” to review the present recognized Constitution of this State has been duly received. Other pres sing engagements have delayed tin's reply. Idonotknowa single rea son against the call, and the public security and safety demand it. The existing Constitution is no. the act or deed of the people of Georgia, It was forced upon them by force and fraud. Large numbers of her most worthy, intelligent and virtuous cit izens were denied the privilege of even voting for members of the Con vention, who, with nut few excep tions, were hungry, hostile, alien enemies, domestic traitors, and igno rant, vicious emancipated slaves. 'The last Legislature passed an act to allow the people to meet in con vention, review the work of these mil itary appointees and to amend, change and alter it, or accept it if they like it and thus make it their organic law. It is a public shame that this permission was not given by the first free Legishßure, and its successor which met after the flight of Bullock. Every other one of the sister provinces exercised the right as soon as they were able to do so, and have greatly benefitted them selves by so doing. The present gov ernment of Georgia is a usurpation. It has no moral or legal claim to the support or obedience of the people. It is wanting in the consent of the people—the foundation stone of all lightful government. Therefore it is public shame, supported or lv by bad and wicked men for selfish purposes. But independent of the workman the work is not good. The present Constitution denies the right of the States ; subordinates them to their agent, the Federal Government; in effect asserts that this is a consolidated government; that we owe primary allegiance to the United States. We deny it. Let us assert the truth and maintain it when we can, or leave the truth to he defended by our children and children’s children whenever oppor tunity offers. The people wish to review the Executive Department of the government ; its tenure is com demned by many as \oo long and its patronage too great. Its power over the judiciary department presents formidable objections to it. The judiciary system itself is defective, totally inadequate to a speedy and impartial trial of either criminal or civil causes. The jury system is vi cious and subjects the country to constant danger. Our old grand jury system was far preferable to the present. The legislative depart ment demands review by the people. The Senate is a mockery and a nui sance. It has generally defended all the abuses of the corrupt rule of Bullock and his gang, the instru ment of all corrupt organizations to deplete the public Treasury and use the public credit for the promotion of local and personal objects and not for the general weal. It is true there have been a considerable num ber of able and honest patriotic men in that body, but too few to defeat the greater portion, or establish a soui!d policy for the State on many areat and vital questions. It has defeated the call of a Convention for four years, and last \\ inter sought to defeat it by annexing odious condi tions to the bill. The Semite insisted upon submit ting the call to the people, hoping to rally ignorant freed men, all the remnant*of the Bullock gang, both inside and outside of the Pern ocratic party, all the friends of the spurious bonds, all “developers of resources” generally, to def at the convention. They remembered that the call for the present Constitution was not submitted to the people, but was the work of “sabre away, ” Be sides, the representation in the Senate is grossly unequal. It is neither bas ed upon population, taxation, terri tory protection of all interests, nor upon any other sound basis of repre sentation. It is purely arbitrary, and was intended bv its authors to perpetuate as long as possible the power of the usurpers in spite of the THOM ASTON. GA.. SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 12, 1877. people. The tenure of office is too long, and ought to be shortened. Let the people meet in convention and try to adopt a better system. But the great defect in the Consti tution is that it does not protect the property of the people against inva sion of the legislative power. That was the defect of our old Con stitution, as well as the present one. The same causes have greatly in creased the danger from this source m all free representative govern ments. The failures to limit by or ganic law the power of the legisla tive department have brought the Federal and State governments and municipal corporations to the verge of bankruptcy, and impoverished and ruined the people. This has been the most frightful source of all of our calamities. We must remark and plainly define the dividing line between individual rights and public authority. The age in which we live has de veloped new dangers to free repre sentative governments. Even the inventions and discoveries of genius in the arts and sciences, with their new benefits and blessings to man kind have also brought new dangers to good government. This is espe cially true of those inventions and discoveries which contribute so largely to the promotion and clistriv bution of wealth and the spreading of intelligence among men and na tions. The improvements in the application of the illimitable power of steam and the utilization of elec tricity are especially noteworthy ele ments in their effects upon modern society and governments. They have made great associations of cap ital innumerable and gigantic corpo rations necessary for their develop ment. These corporations with largo capitals are powerful, and, therefore, dangerous to society. They first absorb individual capital —all right enough—then all they can borrow—-still right enough, and next the treasuries of municipal cor porations, public lands and all other public property, then the treasuries and credit of the National and (State governments—this is all wrong, [vio lates justice, transfers the sweat of the poor to the coffers of the rich, appropriates the public fund to pri vate use and profit, and opens the flood-gates of fraud and public de moralization. What is the remedy for these great evils and dangers? We must find it somewhere, or aban don representative government. We have seen Congress corrupted ; State Legislatures corrupted ; city authorities corrupted ; all of our guards over public property and pub lic credit corrupted ; anew power is discovered, and political burglary is enrolled among the useful arts of government. The remedy is plain and sufficient for all of these things. We can accept no other security but this : We must put it out of the power of our rulers to injure society if they wish to do it. Lot us make anew Constitution, and by that Constitu tion make tho depository of the pub lic treasury and public credit politi cal burglar-proof, and put the key in the pocket of the people, by de claring that no debt shall ever be created by the Legislature or bin ding upon the State except for the public defence ; that the State shall never be bound for the “debt, de fault or miscarriage of another.” This will save the people and the State from ruin. Nothing else will, and it must be done now or we may be too late. Municipal corporations should be confined to their own lim its, and not permitted to endorse at all or borrow, except for the good government of their respective coi” porations. The principal purpose and necessity for a call of a Conven tion is to consider these and such others as the people may desire. All acknowledge the evils. What pre* sent reason can be found against the proposed search for a remedy by the people ? The people have demanded it again and again almost unani mously through their House of Rep* resentatives and all other recognized exponents of the popular will. The people have spoken ; let the Con vent ion meet. What are the objec* tions to it ? Covert enemies of the Convention, those who hope to prof it by its abuses, including others who have not considered the matter, have suggested many. Their prin cipal one is that the Convention might endanger the homestead law. One of my own great objections to tbe present Constitution is that it does not secure a sound, substantial, real homestead to the women and children of the State. I want such a measure. It is far better for soci ety that the women and children of the State should be secrued an am ple and sufficient homestead, where they can be comfortable and happy and the children eun support them selves and be brought up under vir tuous influences, than to be thrown on society houseless and homeless and penniless, outcast and wander rers, subject to all the temptations, to crime in its worst forms, and fi nally to become tenants of jails and poor houses. Let us demand such a homestead of the Convention. It will injure nobody. It will only withdraw from trade and traffic, crime or misfortune, a sacred sanct uary dedicated to humanity. The details may be safely trusted to a Convention of the people. We have no such homestead. The present homestead may be waived by the head of the family. It is but a life estate in the hands of the family and an estate for yeays only in the mi- nors and terminates at arrival of age. It is a sham, but even such as it is the objectors well know that such rights as have been acquired under it are so secure that no Con vention could touch them if they wished to do so. The objection is only intended to deceive the igno rant and unwary. But it is also ob jected that the Convention may re move the capital from Atlanta. Well suppose they do, shall the sup posed personal interests of a few thou sand people weigh a feather against a good Constitution which will pro tect the rights, liberty and proporty of all ? Away with such nonsense. This is not the true reason. The new Constitution would certainly dispose of all future ’-md questions. There would be no further use for the lobby. Make your Constitution right and then there will be but one remaining question as to the capi ital, and that would be simply the comfort and convenience of our pub lic servants in] discharging public trusts. Atlanta would have no com petition in such a contest. It is not worthy a thought with "freemen. Some of the not very ardent friends of the Convention have taken anew dicease which a distinguised Senator calls the “apprehensions.” They fear that the Convention will put themselves and everybody else in jail for debt ; will establish Moses’ mode of punishment and do divers other old and wicked things if ever the people let them come together at Atlanta to consider their organic law. I believe it is not the practice of organic laws to adopt penal codes. That has hitherto been considered the peculiar province of the Legisla ture, and we are content that it shall remain there. But perhaps the “wicked flee when no man pursn eth.” lam respectfully, your .obedient servant, R. Toombs. Colonel L. N. Trammell, Dalton, Ga. | Sliakspeare outlieSoutli. The Southern Question — “Tliempurple testament["of .'bleed*’- ing Avar.” —Pichard IT., Act 111., Sec, 3. His opinion of the Massachusetts carpet- baggers— “ They pray continually to their saint, the commonwealth, or er not pray to her, but prey on her, for they ride up and down on her and make her tlmir boots. * * * We steal as in a castle, cocksure.” —1 Henry'lV., Act 11.. Sec. 1. (In a speech t o Cha’mberlam !) Policy of parson Newman, Jim Red path, Dr. Mallabeir, Senatorial Investigating Commissions and the like “To seal this lawless bloody book Of forged rebellion with a seal divine, And consecrate commotion's bitter edge. 5 5 2 Henry IV., Act IV, Sc. 1 Mr. Blaine to Mr. Hayes— “lnfirm of purpose !—Give me the daggers! — Macbeth, Act 11. , Sc. 1. Of the restoration of South Caro lina an and Lo u isi ail a— “Now these, her princes, are come home again, Come the three corners of the world in arms And we shall shock them.’’ King John, Act C., Sc. T Concerning the best way for the Democrats to induce Mr. Hayes to continue carrying out, their policy— “He will rather do it when he [sees Ourselves well-sinewed to our own de* fence.’’ — lb., ih. Wliat Done With Olllee Seek ers* Letters. Governor Young, of Ohio, gives an amusing account of the manner in which epistolary applications to President Haves from office seekers are treated in Washington. Mr. Hayes has three Secretaries and four clerks, and these gentlemen attend to all his correspondence, even that marked private and personal. In front of these gentleman are a num ber of large baskets ; one is marked “State,” another “War,” another “Navy,” another “Post Office,” and so on through each of the depart ments. Every letter is opened and carefully read. If its writer wants a place for himself or a friend, as a postmaster, the documents is endors ed “Postal Department,” and thrown into the basket of that department. If for a place in any other depart ment, it is correctly endorsed and thrown into its proper basket. Oc casionally a letter is found the con tents of which show that it should be seen by the Presidential eye, and this is placed in a small basket la* belled “President.” When all the mail has been opened and distribu ted, it is carried off to the various departments, where it is again ex amined, and then pigeon-holed for future reference. Of the immense mail sent the President every day from office seekers, hardlv one letter in fifty ever reaches the Presidential eye. - There are thirteen Russian mer chant men t now lying in American ports, all afraid to venture out since war has been declared. Two ships and two barks are at New \ork, about the same number of each kind at Baltimore, and three at Philadel phia. Those here arrived early in April, and have been instructed by cable from Russia not to move with out further orders. As Russia does not indemnify for losses of ship own ers, they have to lie idle or insure at war risks, which sometimes reach forty or fifty per cent. TOWX FARMERS. What it is to Live at Home and How it is to Live in Town. Somebody sends the Marietta Journal the following article, which recently appeared in the Southern Cultivator, It is worth a wide circu lation, and we give it the benefit of ours: “When I lived on my farm, I at tended to my own business in per son—overseeing my overseer and ev erything else, and I prospered at it in everything and in every year. I had plenty for man and beast, and sold more of other things than I had of cotton. I sold corn and fodder, and wheat and oats, and barley and potatoes, together with beef, bacon, lard mutton, wool, etc. I may add avo had ceesc, duck's, pea-fowls, tur keys, Avitli from 150 to 300 chickens, kept at night in a mink and ne gro proof hen house. We also had many Hives of bees. Mr. Editor, did you ever tire of milk and honey, or butter and eggs ? If 1 ever did do notnoAV, for in an evil hour I left my farm and removed to toAvn, and the farm and all things on it felt the change. Do you know a thrifty far mer avLo lives m town ? I don’t. From that one hundred head, my cattle fell to less than forty. Hogs from three hundred to one hundred. Sheep from eighty-five to seven, chiefly by dogs, (yet avc can not get a dog law.) Geeso from forty-five to three or four desolate old ganders, too tough for cuffee’s teeth. Bee hives fifteen or twenty clown to three or four, and they saved in a pine pole pen, under a lock and key. The negroes said the overseer’s Avife ate and sold all of the chickens, and she said the negroes devoured them ; aud so on of everything. The prospect that the cultivator helped me so much to achieve, all gone. Now, regretful memories crowd upon me in my moody moments. But I Avill not he again troubled in seeing the sills of my barn bending under the Aveight of 800 or 1,000 bushels of wheat. I am in town, hoAvever, tremendously respectable, (if it Avere a negotiable commodity, I would exchange some respectability for bread and butter)- I Avear “store clothes,” instead of Avalnut-brown home-made jeans, as formerly, I eat “'town victuals,” such as it is. But let me Avhisper a Avord in your ears, and don’t let it get out : to kill a chicken is as great an event now as it Avas to slaughter an ox Avlien I lived at the plantation, I have ceased to wonder at Jacob’s children longing for the leeks and onions of Egypt. If I could shake off a fcAV years from my shoulders, 1 woufl fly back to my farm and pros per again, as I did Avhilo on it, for two and two ahvavs make four while the world stands. Any farmer who is willing to Jive hard fora year or two, then buy for cash pay no inter est or credit prices, if he works and manages well. DEMOCRATIC 111 TV. (From the New York AVorld.) The administration at Washing ton has evidently discovered, and the office seekers who have been constructing out of their selfish hopes the phantom of anew party are beginning to discover that the Democratic organization. North and South, does not intend to rest con tent with a removal of the army from the State Houses of South Car olina and Louisiana, but proposes to agitate for something more, and to obtain it. The Democratic party has the lower house, and is in sight of victory in the upper house. One of the things which it demands, and the reasons of the demand, avc will briefly state. When the rebellion was finally subdued in 18G2, the Republican party decided to apply to the States to confer new powers on the Nation al Government, in order firmly to es tablish the freedom and political equality of the enslaved negroes. It did not attempt to ask for new na tional restrictions upon the State right of secession, or for new power over the domestic institutions of the several States, excepting in regard to the political equality of all classes and races before the law. The thir teenth amendment destroyed slave labor. The fourteenth laid the axe at the root of Mr, Calhoun’s idea that no national citizenship exists cxocpt by permission of the several States, and of the Bred Scott decis ion that no one of African descent could be a citizen of the United States. The latter amendment pio claimed distinctly the existence of two classes of citizens in this coun try —one State and the other nation al, The last sentence of tho first section of tins amendment ran thus : ‘‘No Stato shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the priv ileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, lib erty or property without due process of law, nor deny to any person with in its jurisdiction the equal protec tion of the laws.” Did this sentence change the pre vious character of the Union, excep ting so far as it added another nega tive on the powers of the State to those already in existence relative to the “establishment of religion” and other things ? Were the amendment intended to place the freedmen un der any more special protection of the Federal arm than white men be fore the amendments were adopted ? The Republican majority in Con gress said “Yes.” And" thereupon it enacted the “enforcement law” in 1870, which re-enacted tfic “civil rights act” of 18GG and a registra tion voting scheme m 1871. In 1870 a class of cases known as “The Slaughter House cases” came from Louisiana to the Washington Supreme Court, which brought squarely up for decision the effect of the thirteenth and fourteenth amend ments upon the relations of the gen eral government to the States, and the issues thereon between the Dem ocratic and Republican parties. In 1800 the Legislature of Louisiana enacted a law by which no butchers in New Orleans could slaughter, ex cepting at a specified place and on payment of a reasonable price ton company for certain facilities there afforded. The butchers endeavored to prevent the company from enfor cing its monopoly, and the State Court said the law was within the power of the Legislature and must be obeyed. The butchers then ap pealed to the Supreme Court at Washington, saying, in substance, that they had property used in butchering in New Orleans and this law destroyed it ; that they were citizens of the United States as com pletely as the enfranchised Africans and entitled to exercise their trade as formerly. They said the law was in violation of the thirteenth and fourteenth amendments, because it abridged their “privileges and im munities” as citizens, denied to them equal legal protection and de prived them of their property un justly. The case was not decided till 1873. It, was twice argued. Chase was then Chief Justice; Nelson had left the bench, and Hunt had taken his place. Strong and Bradley had been appointed. The contest was earnest and bitter on and off the bench, for the question penetrated down into the roots of the pretentions of the Republican party to go inside the States. The butchers were no doubt national citizens; but if to butcher in New Orleans, or be ex empt from a monopoly conferred on certain persons by Louisiana, was a “privilege and immunity” of nation al citizenship, or if the National Government could do anything about property in a butcher’s stall taken away by a State law, then all the af fairs o* a State were thrown open to regulation by Congress. .The court consisted of nine Judges, and was divided in opinion. Only five resis ted the new pretention and gave the decision against the butchers. These were Clifford, Miller, Davis, Strong and Hunt; while Chase, Field, Bradley and Swnyne dissented. By only one majority were the ancient rights of the State saved j The majority of the court said that the rights asserted by the butch ers were those belonging not to na tional citizenship, and that with these latter the National Govern ment had nothing to do. The mi nority maintained that this right of property, this right to labor, this right to be exempt from a State mo nopoly, was a right of national citi zenship, and that the court, under the new amendments, was bound to enforce it. The final decision in 1873 laid the foundation for a subse quent decision, two years later, by the same court, that under the lift teenth amendment the right to vote was not an attribute of national citi zenship, and that the Jaws enacted by the Republicans in Congress to enforce the amendments in respect to negro voting were either unintel ligible or unconstitutional. The minority of the court in “The Slaughter House cases,” argued that the fourteenth amendment hud taken away from the State of New York the power it previously had to say where cattle should be slaughtered and garbage be dumped, and had given to the National Government the power to neutralize State action in that direction. But such a con struction, as was seen in another case argued at the same time, would prevent a State from prohibiting its citizens from selling or using intoxi cating liquors in which those citi zens had acquired vested rights, and so would put a stop to all temper ance legislature. The minority at tempted to discriminate between an exercise of State police power in the form of regulating the sale (with which the minority admitted the National Government could not in terfere) and a law which amounted to a destruction of a preacquired right of property in the liquors; but it was “too thin.” What the Democratic party lias now to do is to expunge from the statute book all this legislation in terfering with the rights of the States which the Supreme Court has said, or intimated, is forbidden by the Constitution. Till that has been accomplished it will not dis. band its forces in order to allow Mr. Hayes and his friends to create anew party. They had a tough subject in the inquiry room. Moody wrestled with him, and Sankey sang with him, but the man seemed to despair of for giveness. Finally Moody asked him what sin had hardened his mind, and he confessed to having heat a newspaper publisher out of three years subscription. The evangelist informed him that they did not ]>cr form miracles but if he would settle up his dues, with compound inter est, and pay for three years more in advance, although they ould not open the doors of the church to him, perhaps he ought be sneaked in un der the canvass. The Alabama Daily State Jour nal, the only Republican paper in Alabama, lias suspended. rpilF. GREAT IIARD TIMES PAI’EI 1 The Be*t, Uie Cheapent and the mo*t [Xipa- AV l.ir. You can't afford to be w ithout it. CRICKET HEARTH. It is ;i mammoth 16-pasre illustrated paper (size of H*r/>ei’s Weekly.) filled with the choice*! readme for old *nd young. Serial and short stories, sketch es, poems, useful knowledge, wit an humor, “an swers to ooraespondenta,” puzzles, games, “poputar songs.” etc. Lively, entertaining, amusing and in structive. The largest, handsomest, best and cheap est paper of its class published. Only f 1 per year, with choice of ihree premium* : the beautiful new chromo, “Yes or No?" size 15x19 ihches; any one of the celebrated novels by Charles Dickens, or an ele gant box of sationory. Paper without premium only 75 cts. per year. Or we will send it four months on trial for oniy 25 cents. Stir Specimen copy sent on receipt of stamp. Agents wanted. Addrraa FYM. LEPTON & CO„ Publishers, 37 Tark Uow, N. Y. NO. 22. olorcwl Finfsraiion. From the St, Louis Republican. During the last two weeks several small companies of colored }>eople have passed through St. Ixonis on their way West. Some of them have proceeded as far as Southern Califor nia, but the larger proportion stopp ed in Southwestern Kansas, where, it is said, an African settlement is in process of formation. The most of the emigrants art; from Tennessee, but we understand that, if satisfac tory arrangements can he made, a party of 1,000 persons from Ken tucky will shortly move in the same direction. Our readers may remember that a year or more ago a colored convention was held at Nashville to take into consideration the propriety of wholesale emigra tion, and that the committees were then appointed to investigate the the matter in all its bearings, select a suitable location, and make a re port as soon as practicable. We are not aware whether this report has been made, but there seems to l>o quite a general movement, not only in Tennessee and Kentucky, but in Louisiana and other of the more ex treme Southern States: and it is altogether probable that within a vear or two the regions beyond tin; Mississippi will be heavily reinforced by instalments of colored popula tion. As far as wo have been able to as certain, the emigrating blacks have no special cause of complaint against their white neighbors. They do not allege!harsh treatment, unjust appli cation of the laws, lack of educa tional facilities, or any of those pet ty annoyances to which a weaker racchs sometimes subjected by the stronger. But they assert that, in their opinion, the two races cannot live and prosper together ; that the stronger must always enjoy advanta ges which the weaker cannot obtain, and that it is better for both to sep arate. In other words, the blacks are desirous of living by thorn-selves, and are therefore anxious to find a place where the soil and cli mate arc favorable for agricultural labor, where land is cheap and abun dant, and where they are not likely to be disturbed by white settlers. Southwestern Kansas seems to be the favorite spot now, but doubtless the tide of emigration, when it once sets in, will llow elsewhere as well. We regard this movement as a happy sign. It indicates that the colored people are beginning to think and act independently ; and they are capable of forming their own opinions and shaping their own conduct without the assistance of white advisers ; that they believe themselves able to stand alone and arc determined to try the experi ment. Whenever a people have en ergy enough to leave an old home and establish anew one among en tirely different surroundings they have taken the first decisive step iii the process of development A race that will emigrate will rise in the world, for emigration is one of the best evidences of that strength of character which is indispensable to success. Heretofore all the move ments of this kind have originated with the whites, the blacks merely giving a lukewarm assent : and fail* ure has been the natural and inevita ble result. But in the present case the blacks alor.c are interested. They have sent out their own explorers, they have bought their own land, they have paid their own passage, and they propose to run their own machine in their own way. They will have the good wishes of everybody in this, to them, great and important underta king. The inexorable logic of events lias proved that if the colored people are ever to be “elevated,” the eleva tion must come from within, not from without; and that if “the wards of the nation” are to be any thing but grown up children, they must be allowed, encouraged, and if necessary compelled to work out their own salvation. This voluntary emigration shows that the colored people themselves appreciate the force and meaning of these facts, and are resolved to act in accordance therewith. A RESISTLESS WAGXET. Prof. Smyth was once lecturing on Natural Philosophy, and in the course of his experiments lie intro duced one of Carrington’s most pow erful magnets, with which he attrac ted a block of iron from a distance of two feet. “Can any of you conceive a great er attractive power?” the lecturer damanded. “I ken !” answered a voice from the audience. “Not a natural terrestrial object?” “Yeas, sir.” The Professor challenged the man who had spoken to name the thing. Then up rose old Setli Wilmet. He was a genius in his way. and original. Said he: “I ken give ye the facts, squire, and you can judge for yourself. When 1 were a young man, tliar were a little piece o’ natural magnet, done up in kaliker and dimity, as we called Betsy Jane. She could draw me fourteen miles every Sun day. Sakes alive !it were jest as natural us glidin’ down hill. Thar wa’n’tno resist hi’ her. That ere magnet o’ yourn is pooty good, but ’t a.n’t a circumstauce to the one’at draw’d me.” Ex-President Grant, it is stated, has bought a hundred acies of laud i in Florida, and will raise oranges.