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A 1) n R F S S void. They scattered thssafloeamenU of twin
1 ” o o • | fciggijood and treachery among our people to
______ _ I prove to thain they bad a right to refuse nip-
l pliea to the soldiers. They scattered them
DELIVERED ^BEFORE THE SOUTHER}? through the army to convince soldier* it waa
mo crime to desert. And they scattered them
HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
AT ATLANTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY
NIGHT, FEBRUARY 18, 1874.
IT B. H. HIsL.
APUBLIK B» BT SEttCEST OP IBS SOCIKTT.]
Mr. PaasioasT, Lvuibs and Gentliimn:
The object of this meeting is to erganiie, in
Georgia, an auxiliary branch of "The South
ern Historical Society." The object of this
Society is to collect and preserve authentic
materials for a fall and eorrect history of the
Confederate States. I have accepted the
flattering invitation to address you sn this
occasion, and now proceed to perform the part
allotted me, as both s duty and a pleasure.
When the war between secession and coer
cion ended, the Southern States were under
every obligation which defect could imply or
surrender impose, to abandon secession as a
remedy for every grievance, real or supposed.
Whatever might have been their convictions
touching the abstract right of secession, or the
^efficiency of the causes which provoked its ex
ercise, surrender was a confession of inability
to maintain it by the sword, and honor and
fair dealing demanded that the sword should
be sheathed. But defeat, in a physical con
test, does not prove that the defeated party
among oar enemies to prove to them that our
people were dividing, that oar armies were
weakening, and that they had only to taka
courage and keep np the straggle, and sur
render was inevitable 1 Oh, my friends, we
were fearfully, sadly, treaoherously, altogeth
er cheated inta surrender! If tha demands
mads after the war waa over, had been frankly
avowed wbik the war aria in progress, there
wonld have been no pretexts for onr treach
erous malcontents; there wonld bars been na
division or wearying among our people; there
would have been no desertions from onr arm
ies, and there would have bean no surrender
of arms, nor loss of onr eause I Never! Never!
But the Northern States and peapls having
mads these demands as resnlta of the war,
when we eomld join no issue on them in bat
tle, there were only legal sad political formal
left in which to test their jastise and truth.
Had sovereign States committed treason ?
Wars eight millions of people traitors? Were
leaden who had only obeyed their States, end
served!their people, criminals worthy of death ?
These wars the greet questions, and most
usual forums to determine such issues were in
the oonrts of law. There was cortaiely no
bindrsncs ta such a test Our great chief waa
a prisoner, in a dungeon—in chains I He was
not only ready and willing to be tried, but de
intended a trial. By himself he was most anx
ious to vindicate the innocence of his people!
or in himselt expiate their guilt by an igno
minious death! Our enemies bad the appoint
ment of tbe judges; the formation of the
court; the selection of the jury; the entire con
trol and direction of the proceedings. Why
did they hesitate? Why did they finally de
the appropriate lead of adventurous vaga
bonds, bankrupt in fortunes and hungry for
tbe spoil of their victims; paupers from
birth in every sentiment of honor, and en
joying with keen relish tbe humilia
tion of their superiors ! And these form
ed the goverment under whiob we have
been dying. Ignorant negroes have
been made maateis ; proud, educated
masters made slaves. Robbers have been
made rulers; thieves have been made detec
tives, all protected by Federal power, while
humble submission lo tbe remorseless de
mands of this insatiate wickedness has been
mode the only test of loyalty end devotion to
that Union which onr fathera helped to form
in order to secure the blessings of liberty to
them and their posterity !
Many of tbe effects of this policy of recon
struction the future historian will havs no dri
ft ulty in discovering.
The millions of taxes ws have bad to pey to
feed these vampires npon our substance, and
sickening eye-eores to our pride and honor;
the millions of debt piled np for onr posterity
to pay in bonds issued by these licensed gam
blers upon the property, liberty,.life end hope
of the people of these Stales; the misoegenat-
ing orgies of loyal legislators, and reckless
plundering of carpet-bag Governors; the readi
ness with which criminals were turned loose,
and the equal readiness with which good citi
zens were farrested without warrant,
tried without law, convicted without
evidence and hurried off to foreign
prisons withont mercy, only because
they were suspected of having too^much man
hood to hear their wrongs with anmurmnring
submission; how our lands wars depreciated,
our society demoralized, and all our most in
telligent and virtuous citizens were denied all
right to provide remedies: These and many
more of like character, the future historian
will easily see, and must see, though every
was in the wrong. It is certainly no evidence j cline to try? Waa it because of mercy, or a \ glance create nausea. But there are other
of criminal motive. It is a ooufeasion of weak-} spirit of magnanimity ? Ah ! we shall see di-
ness, not of crime. Were it otherwise the rob- i rectly. No. they were gnashing their teeth
her is a law-abiding citizen mid his victim a with rage. They koew tbit such a trial had
thief. Socrates was a ielon .-.nd the mob that j no parallel in human history. They kucw the
sentenced him to (le-tb wer 1 patriots. In a ; whole world and posterity for all time wonld
1 — V — — A •— a«1 /) Inn/ftaoMAat an.l wt/vKI at i - i O 1 ,1 • n 1 V if
wicked world innocence and right are not at review it. There was the written law, and they
all incompatible with failure, sorrow and be- | fc nflP u no t hern viola '
.. .. violated. Eight millions
imitation. Else the man who fell among j 0 f people, struggling as one man for liberty,
thieves on bis way from Jerusalem to Jericho i vrtl0 yot trtitors only because power and
was a criminal, and bis plunderers were enti- J treachery combined to defeat and enslave
tied to the p’audits, the oil and the wine of | them. To try acd convict, was to commit
all good Samaritans. Nay, the Saviour him- ; peijuries which would redden human nature
self was a malefactor and his crucifiers were j w j th an eternal blush of j-hame. To try and
Christian gentlemen. Failure to dissolve the
Union, and nothing more, was the confession
of surrender, and the obligation to remain in
the Union and discharge all its daties under
the Constitution necessarily resulted.
So, on the other hand, the Northern States—
the asserior* of the right of coercion—were
equally under every obligation to accept sur
render as meaning this and only this. They
proclaimed no other purpose in making tbe
war of coercion, but to defeat secession and
preserve tbe Union. They had no right, po
litical, moral or honorable,to enlarge the issue
after the coutest bad ended,and the issue made
by tho contest was exhausted and determined.
The Southern States and people accepted,
in a frank and liberal spirit, all the just con
sequences ot their defeat. They abandoned
secession, and the doctrioe of secession, as a
practical remedy for all grievances, past or fu
ture, and for ail time. They did more. Prop
erty in slaves was not tbe cause of the war. It
was not th3 great fundamental right for which
the Southern States went into secession. It
was only an incident to that right. The right
of the States to regulate their own internal af
fairs, by the exercise of the powers of govern
ment which they had never delegated, and
tbe conviction that independence was neces
sary to preserve that right of self-government,
was the great.moving,inspiring cause of the se
ceding States. There was not a day of the strug
gle when the Southern people wonld not have
surrendered slavery to secure independence.
Bat slavery was the particular property which,
it was believed, was endangered without inde-
pendacce, and which, therefore, made the as
sertion of secession necessary. Tbe disciples
of coercion denied this, and oseerted they had
no intention of interfering with slavery in the
States. True, a war proclamation of emanci
pation was issued finally, and a movement
was m tde to amend the Federal Constitution
as if to make this emancipation effectual. But
this was avowedly done as a threat to iednee
a surrender to avoid such a result. Yet,
promptly after surrender, the Southern peo
ple waived the discussion of all technicalities
on this question, and relieved their late ene
mies of all necessity to enter npon such dis
cussion, and, in conventions assembled, each
State for itself, most solemnly abolished sla
very forever in their borders. To pro
tect the negro in his freedom was more
than a corollary to this emancipation. It was
a duty which the preservation of society made
necessary in each State, and bv each State for
Ksolf.
Bat tbe Northern States and people were
hot sati-fied with these prompt and manly
concessions by our people of every legal, nec
essary, reasonable and even incidental result
Of defeat in the war. The war being over, our
arms surrendered, our government scattered,
and our people h lpless, they now determined
not only to enlarge the issues made by the
war and daring the war, but they also deter
mined to change those issues and make de
mands which had not before been made, which
iadeed had been utterly disclaimed in every
possible form by every State of the North, and
by evey department of the Federal Govern-
m ent—legislative, execnti ve and j ndicial. Nay,
they now made demands which they had in
every form, declared they could have no pow
er or right to make without violating the Con
stitution they bad sworn to support, and de
stroying the Union th^-y had waged the war
itself to preserve. Over and over during the
war they proclaimed in every authoritative
form to ns aud to foreign governments, that
feceesion was a nullity, that our States were
still in the Union; and that we had only to
lay down onr arms, and retain all our rights
and powers as equal States in the Union. We
laid down our arms and immediately they in
sists! our State* had lost all their rights and
powers in tho Union, and while compelled to
remain under the control of the Union, we
could only do so with such rights and pow
ers as they might accord, and on such terms
aud conditions as they might impose.
Over and over again daring tho war they,
in like authoritative forms, proclaimed that
acquit, w.xs a judgment usder oath by their
own courts, that the war of coercion was it
self but a gigintic crime against humanity,
and a wicked violation of their own form and
principles of government.
■Here was the terrible dilemma which con
fronted our accusers, and it was so palpable
that all the insolence of recent triumph could
not hide it; and they were left no resource
but to pretend a mercy, wb®S9 necessity they
despised, and turn the prisoner loose, al
ter a ioug aud most oowardly delay.
Tbe ntxt forum in which our people had a
right to be heard, was the Congress—the Na
tional Councils. By every protest and pro
fession ot our enemies, before and during the
war, the Union wa3 preseived, and by the
plain terms of tbe Constitution each State was
entitled to representation in both branch**
facts and incidents, not so patent to tho
world, and not on record, which may be
found in every neighborhood, and which we
ought to gather up as fur as we can. Rich
meu have baen made po >r; proud men have
been made humble; noble women have been
insulted; innocent men have been imprisoned;
many, very many have been too weak to bear
their sorrows and the sorrows of their country
and kind death has brought them a refuge
from griet. And yet the authors of all these
active in their efforts to get a falee presenta
tion of the testimony for the judgment of
history. They are seeking to monopolize the
possession of our own records. They readily
pay more money for disjointed portions of
Confederate archives than they did for the
Madison papers, giving an aooounl of the
proceedings of the convention that framed
the Constitution. It is shamefnl to see how
much assistance they are receiving, in their
efforts to pervert aud falsify onr history, from
those malcontents who kept up snch restless
assanlls on the Confederate administra
tion. The men who quarrelled more with
their own side than with tbe
enemy daring tbe struggle, are among
the first, alter the war, to rush to writing
books to give their account of the govern
ment they did so mueh to break down. We
owe it, tnerefore, to onr dead, to onr living
and to onr children, to be active in the work
of preeerving the troth and repelling the
falsehoods, so that we may seonre, for them
and for ns, just judgment from the only tri
bunal before which we can be fully and fairly
beard.
If tbe full truth can be secared and pre
served, we shall have nothing to fear in the
oomparisen with onr enemy which history
will make. The courage of our troops is be
yond perversion. The fact that we killed,
wonnded and captured a greater number of
the enemy than we had soldiers in our ar
mies, is a tribute to our gallantry and skill,
which the records of no civilized war can
surpass. With inferior arms, and limited re
sources, shat up from supplies from the out
side world, and with unfortunate and fatal
divisions between tbe Southern States aud
among ourselves, we made a fight, lor inde
pendence which no people ever equalled.
Equally wonderful were the achiev-
ments of onr statesmanship. Iu the
beginning we bad neither government
nor army, nor navy, nor treasury. All these
we had to improvise in tha very hearing of au
arming foe, who had an e:>tabli.ihed govern
ment, an organized army, a powerful navy,
aud all the sinews and appliances of war in
extravagaut abundance. And yet whon the
enactments and measures of tbe Confederate
government shall be cri ically examined, they
will be fouud to have spruug into existence
with a w isdom, a vigor, an aptitude for tbe
crisis and a strict conformity to ail the prin-
ful in temper, and mors aggressive in his na
ture than Lee. His position, too, was more
exposed to assaults from within. He bad to
make all appointments, and though rftea
upon the recommendation of others, all the
blame of mistake was charged to him, and
mistakes were often charged by disappointed
seekers and their friends which were not
made. He also m tde recommendations for
enactments, and though these measures, es
pecially tbe military portion, invariably had
the concnrrence of, and, often originated With
Lee, the opposition of malcontents was di
rected at Davis. It is astonishing bow men
in high position, and snoposed to be great,
would make war on the whole administration
for the most trivial personal disappointment.
Failures to get places, for favorites of very
ordinary character, has inspired long har
angues against the most important me as a res,
and they were continued and repealed even
after those measures became laws. * Can you
believe," he said to me once, “that men—
statesmen—in a struggle like tbis, would
hazard an injury to tbe cause because of
their personal grievances, even if they
were well found© 1?" “Certainly," I
replied, “I not ooly believe it but know
it There are men who regard
themselves with more devotion than they do
the cause. If such men offer you counsel you
do not take, ar ask appointments
you do not make, however you may
be sustained in snch action by Lee
and all the Cabinet, and even the Coogress,
they accept your relusal as questioning their
wisdom, and as personal war on them." “I
cannot conceive of such a feeling,” he said.
“I have but one enemy to fight, and that is
our common enemy. I uiay make mistakes,
and doubtless I d \ but I do the best I can
with all the lights at the time before me. God
knows I would sacrifice most willingly my life,
much more, my opinions, to defeat that ene
my." We all remember the fierce war, which
was made in Georgia, against Certain war
measures of tbe Congress, and against Mr.
D.rvis for recommending them. Conscription
and impressment, especially, were denounced
as unconstitutional and void, aud not binding
on soldiers or people. Aud then, the limited
ness if I did not venerate Tine. I would 43 ir «
my own nation if I did not love Davis. I
wonld question my own integrity and patriot
ism if I did not honor and admire both.
There are some who affect to praise Lee, and
condemn Davis. But of all snch Lee himself
would be ashamed. No two leaders ever
leaned, each on the other, in snch beautiful
trust and absolute confidence. Hand in hand
and heart to neart, they moved io tbe front of
the dire straggle of their people for independ
ence—a noble pair of brothers. And if fideS^
ity to right, endurance of trials, aud sacrifice
of self for others, cos win title to a place with
the good in the great hereafter, tken Davis
and Lee will meet where wars are net waged,
and slanderers are not heard; and si heart in
heart, aud wing to wing they fly through the
courts of Heaven, admiring angels will say,
What a noble pair of brothers !
The saddest chapter us Confederate history
which tbe future historian will be called to
write, will be that one in which he shall un
dertake to define the resl cause of our failure.
For tbe troth mast be told.
Five millions of people, in such a country
as we possess, were not conquered because
our resources were inferior, or onr enemies
were so powerful. All physical disadvantage 1
are insufficient to account for oar failure.
The troth is, we failed because too many of
onr own people were not determined to win.
Malcontents at borne and in high places, took
more men from Lee’s army than did Grant's
guns. The same agencies created dissensions
among our people, aud we failed to win inde
pendence because our sacrifices ceased, onr
purpose faltered, and our strength was di
vided. Kind ju lga, let tbis sad chapter be
short!
But above all things we have least to dread
in history on the merits of the issues which
divided the contending parties. The South
ern States and people must stand before the
bxr of history responsible for secession. The
Northern States and people must stand before
the same bar responsible for coercion and re
construction. Weighed npon principle, by
authority, and by effects and consequences,
which ot the two parties is the more muni-
Ical to the Union, to Constitutional gnvern-
w _ doles of free institutions, wbich must chal-
wrongs boasl oi tae great magnanimity, aud \ leaseithe admiration of publicise .mil state:- dlirk d » y9 of i 8G 4. On returning to Rich-
geuerositj, they have exhibited to a fallen ; men for ell time. mond after this, I made tbe UB.nl call of
foe! They did not hang, an 1 exile our lead- >0 peopie, ancient or modern, can look j courtesy—no, of duty aud of pleasure —
ers, nor confiscate onr property! What con- I with more pride to the verdict which history i on ’ President. As 1 arose
queror was ever before so manly and liberal? will be compelled to reader upon tbe merits to ^im j said- “Mr President
and characters of our two chief leaders-tbe : t ani hnppy to t0 vou> ' thftt n otw*ftistaud-
one in the military and the other in the civil , j some indications to the contrary, the
service. Most othenlesders are great because | le o( Georgill will cordially sns a j n yo „
of fortunate results, and heroes because of f n „M
suspension ot habeas corpus was made the ! raen * to liberty.H H H
occasion for a concerted movement on the | Wheu the States form % d the L nion, several
Legislature, assemoled in extra session, to i them, especially New York and \ irgiuia,
array the State in hostility to the Confederate j expressly reserved the right to withdraw as a
administration. It tailed. This was in the °° n dithm of ratification. This reservation,
of Congress. The refasal to test the crime of
secession before t_e courts, increased, if pos
sible, the obligation to recognize this clear
right of representation. This was a rare op
portunity for vindicatioL The forms of gov
ernment had afforded it to few defeated par
ties in history, and to none on such terms of
fairness and equality. There was never a time
when the intellect of a people waa so needed
for their vindication, and no people ever pos
sessed grander intellects for the work. We
had trained statesman; constitutional lawyers;
skilled debaters, who were perfectly familiar
with every fact, and learned in every princi
ple involved. And the very ablest and
best of these there was no reason to
doubt every Southern State would at once,
and with unanimity return to Congress.
If this had been done, not only would
the South have been vindicated, bat the
present horrible sectional acrimony, with
all the black record of reconstruction, wonld
have been avoided. The reunion would have
been made cordial, with secession abandoned
and slavery abolished. The Southern States
wonld already h .ve been far advanced in the
work of material recovery, of social order
and political contentment; and all the States
—co-equal in a common Union—would be re
joicing in a manifest Dew lease of constitnta-
tional government and republican liberty.
Bat the very reasons which made the re
turn of oar ablest men to Congress a glorioas
opportunity for as, made it a dreaded one for
onr adversaries. Victors, as they were in a
lint they made slaves of masters, and masters
of slaves; law m ikers of vagabonds; rulers of
strangers, and tax gatherers ot robbers!
They declined to take life; only that they
might make life a lingering death.
They did not drive us from home, only
that they might make home the abode of sor
row and poverty. They failed to confiscate
our property by the usual act ot government,
that it might remain to be takeu by negroes
thieves and strangers as their own lawful |
spoil! Death, exile, confiscation would end
the punishment too soon. Such vengeauce
craved longer revel, and slower torture! Aud
if we, who have been the witnesses to these
horrors, and the victims of these wrongs, will
only gather up and reserve the unwritten out
rages, and unrecorded griefs of tho last s;ven
years,'al^posterity will, with one voice, declare
that the pamshmen's inflicted by our adver
saries npon the Southern States and people
under *he name of reconstruction, tor vin
dictiveness of hate; for meanness of oppres
sion; for cool, prolonged relish of torture,
and for insatiate extravagance of plunder, are
without parallel in precedent, civilized or
heathen!
It must be admitted that onr enemies were
wisely wicked. They well knew it would
never do to admit Southern intellect into the
national councils, until their work was fally
completed and made part of the fundamental
law. Even when reconstruction had reached
the point that the doors of Congress must
be opened, they were only allowed to be
opened to such as were participants in, and
prodacta of the infamy. Tbe caressing
fathers took only to their arms tbe dirty chil
dren their vengeance had begotten. In 1872,
alarmed by what seemed to be a returning
sense of justice at the North, aided by most
remarkable concessions, for peace and deliv
erance, at the South, Congrets removed tbe
illegal disabilities imposed upon most of our
leaders, though upon many even yet these
disabilities remain. In ihe mean time, most
of onr greatest men, who were m >st familiar
with tbe facts of the past, so essential to our
vindication, bad passed away, or were rapidly
passing away. A very few of these were
released from these bonds npon the me
physical contest, they were not willing to meet of their iitellects. But most manifestly, a
the vanquished in intellectual gladiatorsbip. \ better opportunity had returned at last to tin
To protect themselves from this collision of 5 Southern people, and it was expected by our
mind, they determined to add yet further
crimes to their cowardice. And now we ap
proach the analysis of the most stupendous
series of crimes ever perpetrated in human
history by individuals or States, civilized or
savage* Unwilling to risk their own judges
andjaries, to pass legally upon tbe treason
charged, onr adversaries determined to punish
without conviction. Unwilling to hnzvrd the
power of equal debate npon the minds and
consciences of their own people, they deter
mined to condemn without a hearing. Aud
why not ? Their victims were unarmed and
help ess, and tbe luxury of vengeance could
have easy, safe, and unrestrained gratification.
The first act was for Congress, com posed chief
ly of men who bad been borne into their seats
wn tbe bloody tide of gectionalkate and strife,
to seize all legislative powers into their own
hands, and exclude the Southern States not
only from actual representation, bat from the
right of representatives.
by a well established rule of construction
enured to all the parties t i tho Union. But
no State recognized coerciou to preserve the
Union as a right or power in the Federal
government either express or resulting. So,
in the very stipulations which m ide the
Union, secession fidJ» a justification and
coercion none.
From 1787 to 18GJ tha ablest statesmen in
cuu* axiaaa a. maun vu mi iui vuuii 111- America, both in the North and in the South,
in themselves, are great in the face of fortune, formation"TndVbave nJver "iloubtedThe 'ti- ! needed the right of secession to the States,
and heroes in spite of defeat. deJitv of Georgia." “The people of Georgia ! Some insisted it was a constitutional right,
sustain lyou" I added, “not only because inhering in thi sovereignty of the States,
they have confidence in von, but chiefly be- ! an ‘* conditioned in the terms of the compact,
eause it is tho only wav to sustain the cause.” i Others denied it was a constitutional right,
And with an expression of sincerity glow-! bat it was only a revolutionary right,
ing all over his countenance, and
, T heroes Decause 01 1- a al j your effort5 , to ac bieve our iu depend-
! ence." "And I thank you, sir, for that in
enemies and the world, that this -pportunity
would be improved, and our very ablest me>
everywhere chosen to Congress. And now
comes the most curious chapter iu our
butorv. It will puzzle the future historian.
Not a single man who was in fall sympathy
ni*d accord with the Coofiederate administra
tion, and who was intimate in the councils
and, daily as it progressed, familiar with tho
policy ot that administration, has been called
by our own people to a single promineui
position, State or National l While many,
wbo gave aid and encouragement to the
enemy, by disaffectiog onr people to that ad
ministration during the war of coercion, and
refused to give counsel, or counseled consent,
daring the baser war of reoonutruction, have
received high marks of confidence from our
enemies, and hign positions of honor from
onr people ! Crowds of intellectual imbeciles,
like flocks of noisy blackbirds in harvesl
time, rush forward to seonre, by personal
To justify this enormous usurpation, they scramble and trade, those positions of beav-
declared the Southern Statee needed recon- iest trnst and responsibility, and thus murder
atrnction. As this idea -as wholly unknown all hope of basing any vindication of our
to the Constitution, the* boldly pnt them
selves outside of the Constitution they bad
sworn to observe. To make the work of re
construction effective, they resolved that it be
longed exclusively to Congress-tbo legisla
tive department—snd that the Executive de
partment could not and should not participate,
except to furnish the military lo aid in hold
ing the victims still while the punishment
was being inflicted. To prevent any embar
rassing review of their measures, they further
resolved that all questions arising nnder —
onr people had taken up arm. ,n defense of jodlcW.
secession nnder misapprehension ot their pur- “ , .R
secession nnder misapprehension ot their par
poses toward us, and that we had only to lay
down onr arms and continue to enjoy, in the
Union, every right and privilege as belore the
mistaken act of secession. We laid down
onr arms sod they declared we were all crim
inals and traitors, who had forfeited every
right and privilege, and were entitled to nei
ther property, liberty or life, except through
their clemeney I
Over snd over again during the war they,
in like aalborimiive forms, proclaimed that
the seats of oar members in Congress were
recant, and we had only to return and occupy
them as it was both onr right aad duty to do.
Onr people laid down their arms aad seal oa
their members, ead they were met with the
startling piopositisa that vs had neither the
right to perticipste in the admiaistratioo of
the Uaisn, nor even to make law or govern
ments for oar own State* !
Addressing this Society in Virginis, daring
the loot summer. Mr. Bans said: "We were
more then led than conquered into surrender. ”
The Northern pease denounced this ass stan
dee, end some < f onr Southern press deprecat
ed tha expression as indisermU laser to-night
what history will affirm, that the English lan
guage does not contain, and eomld not form a
sentence of equal sice whloh expressed more
Irarb. We were ohestad not only by onr en
emies; bet lbs prolate proclamations oi onr
e&eakw, before referred to, were taken np
and repmted by melsontenU 1& our midst-
many oi them, too, wbo had don* all in their
power to harry out people into eeermion.
They coupl'd these professions snd promisee
of onr enemies with brazen assertions that the
taws of tbe Couledsrata Goreromsnt, Miauled
to c«>rjr on the Vnr.Wefb’anooiistitotionBl
aod that, therelore, the courte could not and
should not pass upon tbeir constitutionality,
lhns fortified in their usurpations, and
goaded by rancorous, blind, loDg nnrtnred
bate, they commenced tbe work of dissolving
governments, destroying States; robbing, in-
salting snd oppressing already impoverished
aod helpless peoples, and humiliating the
white race! They entered each (Southern
State, and declared all existing govern
ments to be illegal. They on Hawed and
set eside all existing constituencies—
the eonstituencie# which originated State gov-
U.snd participated in forming the Fed
dead, or jostioe for onr living in the Coun
of the Nation. When such a State as Vir
ginia, in snoh a crisis as this, for snoti a
place as the denite, repudiates Buch a states
man as Hnnter—familiar with every fsot of
the Federal history, in-imately familiar with
every fact in Confederate oouncils, trained in
debate, learned io constitutional law, cour
teous io manner, acourate in statement, pow
erful in logic, and respected even by our
enemies—I think it is time to
de-pair of doing anything, in this
generation, to lift the South to her former
eral Government They oreated new constitu
encies composed chiefly of ignorant negroes.
They offered to include in these new constit
uencies sneb of the resident whites as wonld
consent that tbe usnrpstions were leopl, snd
these punishments were just; snd it must
ever be a sad recital, for all time, that some ot
onr people were willing to barter tbeir sec
tion, Btaie, race end blood, lor the privi
lege of siding in this work of destruction,
degradation and infamy. The future bisto-
rtan will weep bitter t-ars when he finds
himself compel lei to reeerd this darkest ex-
hibition ot human treachery and deprnnty,
and be will close np tbs chapter as, with ner-
vons energy, be shall writs tbe withering jadg
position ot influence and power in the Con
gress of the United States. To feed our
people on frothy declamation now. however
blown by procured newspaper puffs, is like
feeding a starving multitude on unsubstantial
soow-fl'ikes, however piled np by caprioions
winds 1 There waft never such a field for
real, profound, patriotic statesmanship. The
very inferiority of Northern Representatives,
as 00mpared with those they sent to Congress
before the war, hnt inoressed tbe obanoen for
Southern statesmen to remove, by proper
debate in the national eonneila, the false
theorise and impressions wnioh have been
erowded imo the minds of the Northern
people, and thus return tbe general govern
ment to its constitutional limitations, restore
to tho States the Tree exeroise of their reserved
rights, and rescue from destruelion for onr
enemies as well as for ourselves, tho-e great
prmoiplr* ol constitutional government
which every purpose of the Confederate*
sought to maintain, and which every featnr*
of coercion mnst logically tend to destroy.
Thus, denied by onr enemies the oppor
tnnity of silencing by the solemn judg
ments rf their own eonrte, the ftsrce
sccusslioQi of criminality in secession; end
denied, by oor enemies snd tbs follies of onr
own people, the glorious chanoe of vindieat-
ment of ill decent hmnaniw ior all Hunt* ing onr cause In high debate, and faoe to face
* — | forever, be tbe with tbe cboeen champ toon of onr Accusers,
__ . 4eoef|jfet
ftMif • Ciirscd, tfinee. oorstd-*w, *»». ■** — -— ^ . . • ,
memories of each nnoslurtl monsters among | *« hnvc bat one resource left ns for defense
jor vindication. That xrsonro* is history
B These motley constltnenoies of ignorance <\ ImporUsU nui upturned unoffice-seeklng
4 J f *- ite; bUturj. Jt 19 to Hecyre a fair trial before tbi*
ur-1 Ainu'*! tribunal that thU hoci. ty hut* bo. u or*
t reset ery, svercplsred, in each Nat*, nnder ) *h.. erpjeiiee. Oil
pr-pire awl pi rpoliuita
eiieuii. h are ei'Vetiii k*t
When the future historian comes to survey
the character of Lee, bo will find it
riming like a huge mountain above
the undulating pi .in of humanity, and he
will have to lilt his ryes high towards Heaven
to catch its summit. He po-»8tased every vir
tue of other great commauders without their
vices. He was a foe withont hate; a friend
withont treachery; a soldier without cruelcy,
aud a victim without murmuring. He was a
public officer without vices; a private citizen
without wrong; a neighbor without reproach;
a Christian without hypocrisy, aod a man
without guile. He whb Canar without hie am
bition; Frederick, without his tyranny; Na
poleon, without his Beltiahnesa, and Wushiug-
ton, without hi8 reward. He was obedient to
authority as a servant, aud royal in authority
as a true king. He was gentle as a woman in
life; modest and pure as a virgin in thought;
watchful as a Romau vestal iu duty; suhiuis*
hive to law as Socrates, and grand in battle as
Achilles !
There were mACy peculiarities iu the habits
and character of Lee, which are but little
known aud which may he studied with
profit. He stadioubly avoided giving opin
ions upon subjects which it had not
been his calling or training to invenligate;
aud sometimes I thought be carried this great
virtue too far. Neither the President, nor
Congress,nor friends could get his views upon
any public question not strictly military, aod
no man bad as much quiet, unobtrusive con
tempt for what he called “military otatesmen
aod political generals.” Meeting him once
iu tbe btieets of Richiooud, as I wan going
out, and be going m the executive office, I
aaid to him. “General, I wish you wooid give
a* your opinion as to the propriety of caang-
mg the seat ot government, and going further
South."
“Tbutis a political question, Mr. H^l, aud
you politicians must determine it. 1 shad
endeavor to- take care of the army ani you
must make the laws aud control the govern
ment."
“Ah, General," I said, “but you will have
to change that rule, aud form and express po
litical opinions; for, if we establish our inde
pendence, the people wiil make yo*» Mr.
Davis' successor."
“Never, sir," he replied with a firm dignity
that be&ongcd only to Lae. “That* 1 will
never permit. Whatever talents I may pos
sess, (»n2 they are but United), are military
taleuta. My education and training are
military. I think the military nnd civil
talents are distinct, if not different, and
full duty in either sphere is oYout as
much os one man can qualify himself to per
form. 3 shall not do the people tbs injus
tice to accept high civil office with whose
questions it has not besn my business to be
come familiar."
“Well, but General/* I insisted, “history
does not sustain your view. Caesar, and
Frederick of Prussia, aud Bonaparte, were all
great statesmen, as. well as great generals."
“And all great tyra ts," he promptly re
joined. “I speak, of the proper rule iu re
publics, where, 1 think, we should have
neither military statesmen, nor political gen
erals.''
“But Washington war both, and yet not a
tyrant," 1 repented.
And with a beautiful smile he said: “Wash
ington was an exception to all rule, aud there
was none like him."
I could find no words to answer further,
bat inKUntly I Miid in thought: Surely Wash
ington is no longer the only exception, for
one like him, if not eveu greater, is here.
Lee sometimes indulged m satire, to which
bis greatness g*ve point and p «wor. He was
especially severe on newspaper criticism-* of
military movemeiUs—subjects about whioh
tbe writers knew nothing.
We made a great mistake, Mr. Hill, in
the beginning of oor straggle, and I
fear, iu spite of all we c»n do, it will
prove to be a fatal mistake," he said to me
after Gen. Bragg oeased to command tbe
Army ot Tennessee, an event Lee deplored.
Wbat mistakois that. General?"
Why, sir, in tbe beginmog, we appointed
all onr worst generals to command the armies,
and all onr bust generals to edit the news
papers. A* yon know, I have planned some
campaign* and quite a number of battles. I
have given toe work all tbe care and thought
I could, and sometimes when my plans were
completed, as far as I oomld see, they seemed
to be perfect Bat, when I have fought them
through, I have discovered defects, and oc
casionally wondered I did not see some of
the defects in advance. When it was all over,
I found, by reading a newspaper that these
best editor generals saw all the defects plainly
from the etark Us fortunately, they did not
commaoieate their knowledge to me until it
was too late I" Than, after a pause, he added
with a beautiful, grave expression I eon never
fciget: “ I have no ambition but to serve the
Confederacy, and do all I can to win onr in
dependence. I am willing to eerre in any
capneity to which the authorities mty assign
me. I Uttve done the beet I could in the field,
aud have not succeeded as I coaid wish. 1
am willing to yield fny plaoe to these best
geneiils, and I will do my best for the etnas
©ditin2 a newspaper!*
J. flfcWon a* fYlrit in the c djifcet
Me was pr<> reseut-
itb a rev
erentisl pathos I can never forget, r.e said:
“Aud God knows my heart, I ask all, all for
the cause ; nothing, nothing for myself.”
Truer words never fell from nobler lips, nor
warmed from the heart ot a more devoted pa
triot. These words, express in language, the
soul, the mind, the purpose, aye, the ambi
tion ot Jefferson Davis. It was his misfor
tune, anil the misfortune of the Confederacy,
that this was not true of all who were in au
thority. It was his fault, perhaps, that he
did not use his authority to deprive snch of
their power to do evil.
I am speaking in Atlanta, and it is all the
to be exercised for crime, and that infidelity
to the terms or the purp>t»e3 of Union would
be sufficient cause to justify the act. But no
accepted statesman, North or South, Whig or
Democrat, ever contended or claimed
that coercion was a right, either consti
tutional or revolutionary, during all that
period. So, upon the authority of all
our great statesmen, including the very
framers of the Constitution, secession will
stand in history acquitted and justified, while
coercion, upon the same authority, must be
coudemned as criminal and withont exens?.
Secession, consummated, would have di
vided the Union; the seceding States forming
a netf Union, and leaving the old Union in
more proper, therefore, that I should speak undisturbed enjoyment of the States remain-
for the first time in public ot the
removal of General Johnston from the
command of the army of the Tennessee.
I have heard it said that I advised that re
moval. This is not true. I gave no advice
on the subject because I was not a military
man. You have all heard it said that Mr.
Davis was moved, by personal hostility to
Johnson, in making tbis removal. This is
not only not true, but is exceedingly false. I
do know much on the rabjeot ot tbis removal.
I was the bearer of messuges from General
Johnston to the President, and wm io Riob-
moud, and sometimes present, at the discus
sions on the subject. 1 never saw as mnch
agony in Mr. Davis’ face, as actually distorted
ing. Coercion consummated, wonld first de
stroy the chief character of the Union by
making it a Union of force instead of a Union
of cousent In the next place, coercion
consummated, would destroy the Union
and substitute consolidation instead. The
very word union implies the combination of
separate wholes for a common purpose. Tbe
moment yon destroy the separate identity of
the members, that moment Union ceases,
and unity—consolidation—is accomplished.
To destroy is a greater crimo than to sepa
rate or divide, and, therefore, coercion is a
greater crime against the Union than seces
sion. Again. Secession did not interfere
with the rights, or attack the sovereignty, or
it, wheu the possible necessity for this re- j lesseu the dignity or importance of the State*.
as wag T.yC fh tHi' ffMd.
moval was first suggested to hinu I never
heard a eulogy prouoocced upon General
Johnston by bis best friends, equal to that
which I heard from Mr. Davis during these
discussions. I Know he consulted with
General Le6 fully, earnestly and raxiously
before this,, perhaps, unfortunate removal.
I know that those who pressed the removal,
first and moot earnestly, m the Cabinet, were
those wbo had been moot earnest for General
Johnston s original appointment to that com
mand. AU these things I do personally
know. I was not present when tbe order
for removal was determined on, but I re
ceived it immediately after from a. member
of the Cabinet, and. do not doubt its truth
that Mr. Duvia was the very last man
who gave his assent to that removal
The full history of the Hampton Roads
commission, and conference has naver been
written. I will not give that history now.
Mach bas been said and published on the
snbject which is no* true. I know why each
member of that commission, on otcr part, was
selected. I received from Mr. Davis’ own lips
a full account of the conversation, between
himself and the commissioners, before their
aeptitnre from. Skhmond.
You bn7e heard it said that tie President
embarrassed the commissioners, by giving
th~m positive iostrnctions to make the recog
nition of oor independence au uliimatom—a
condition precedent to any negotiations.
This is not trn-% Mr. Davis gave the com
missioners written instructions and no
ultimatum. He gave them, iu conversation,
bis views, but leaving mueh to their discre
tion. They could best judge how to conduct
th« conference wheu they met. His own
opinion was, that it wonld be most proper and
wise, so to conduct it, if they could, as to
reseit'e, rather than make, propositions.
While he did not 'eel authorized to yield our
independence in advance, and should not do
so. aod while he did not desire them to de
ceive Mr. Lincoln, or be responsible for any
false impression Mr. Lincoln might have,
yet, he was willing for them to secure an
armistice, although they might be Ratified
that Mr Lincoln, iu agreeing to it, did so
under tne belief that re-auion mast, as a re
sult, follow. I may add that Mr. Davis h »d
no hope of sneoesa, or of seonring an armis
tice, alter he learned tbat Mr. Seward was to
accompany Mr. Lincoln. “Mr. Lincoln,"
he said, “is an henent, well-meaning man,
but Seward is wily and treacherous.”
1 could detain yon all night oorreetiog
false impressions whioh have been in
dustriously made rgaiost tbis grtat and good
man. I know Jeff«rHon Davis os I know few
men. 1 have been near him in his publio
duties; I have seen him by his private fire
side; I have witnessed his humble Christian
devotions; and 1 challenge the judgment of
history when I say, no people were ever led
through the fiery straggle for liberty by a
truer, nobler patriot; while Ihe oarnage of
war and the trials of nnblio life never reveal
ed * purer end more beautiful christion char
acter.
Thoee who, daring tbe straggle, prostituted
public offioe for private gain; or need posi
tion to promote favorites; or forgot public
duty to avonge private griefs; or were dere
lict and faithless iu any form, to
onr eause, ore they who condemn and abuse
Mr. Davie. Aud well they may, foe, of all
snch. he was tbe contrast, the rebake aud
the enemy. Those who were willing to sac
rifice self for the o*t»e; who were willing to
bear trial** for its sucoeiu; who were willing to
reap sorrow snd povwriy that victory might be
won, will ever ohtirish «ho name of Jeff. r*oii
Daria; for, to ail each, fie was a glorious peer
and a most worth j leader.
I would d* ashamed of iny own u/tworthv-
Its real gareat purpose was to rescue all theee
from the consequences of threatened con
solidation. But coercion, in its very
nature, asserts dominion over the Statee,
and mr-at dtsiroy them. Suppose we
concede that secession would destroy the
Union, which is the greater crime to destroy
the Unioa, the creatnre of the States, or the
States which created the Union ? Bat I
have shown that coercion destroys the Union
as well as the States. Then again tbe Union
ot tbe States was formed to seenre the bles
sings of liberty. Secession could not even
impair the liberties of tbe people. It inter
fered, in no way whatever, with tbo lights or
privilege* of the Northern States aod people.
It sougjbt only to make iciore secure
the rights, liberties and privileges of the
Southern States and people. But coercion, in
destroying tbe Union, and making a consoli
dation, and in destroying the States, can
have no logical result but in tha destruction
of all tbe liberties ot all the people North and
South. Will our people never perceive the
patent truth that coercion mast work con
solidation, and tbat consolidate n mnst de
stroy the identity and powers 0/ the States
and tbe liberties of the people? To coerce
a Stake is necessarily to enslave the State, and
to enslave tbe State is necessarily to enslave
tha people of the State. Nothing but the
roar of cannon, in the bands ot unreason
ing physical power, can silence this
logic of liberty. Here, then, great impar
tial judge of the future we rest
th# law of our case. Secession did not de
stroy the Union, nor the States, nor the liber
ties of the people the Union of States was
formed to secure. Ik only proposed to divide
tbe Union, in order to rescue the S*a ? es and
the liberties of the people from destruction
and overthrow. But coercion is the rut bleat
criminal which has consolidated the Union,
eusUved the States and destroyed the liber
ties of tbe people!
Seee»siou invaded no Slate —interfered
with no right - lessened the privileges of no
man Coeroion laid waste the States, en
slaved the people, murdered their sons, de
spoiled their daughters, desolated th eft
h«»m-s, and burnt np tbeir propony !
And what is reconstruction. It is tbe prac
tical application of coercion. It is logia
turning to facts. It is coercion at «ts work.
It is the torch of the incendiary; the knife of
the sesatisia; the fire-arm of tbe bandit, send
ing its death blows to tbe life of tbs State, to
the heart of society, and to tbs hopes of civil
ization, tbat ignoranoe aad vice may be exalt
ed, and intelligence and virtue degraded ! Db
I exaggerate? Look at South Carolina and ac-
ewer. Bee tbe land of Marion and Sum
ter; of Rntleae and Pineknsy; of Calhoun
and Butler, the prey and sport of rioting
thieves ard gluUenona plunderers, lasting
days, months and yean in ths foes of the na
tion and nnder Federal protection! Look at
Louisiana. Behold a sovereign Stale sen
tenced to ths chain-gang by telegram from
Washington, to work at hard labor under
gro and carpet-bag driver* 1 This, this is
trait of coercion. These ore the worka of
construction. Have the people of Amend*
no shame? H*s the G>>dof Heaven no wrfctbf
If ooercion and reooustraction shall Oontiaaew
their fruits will multiply until all the people,
in agonized unison shall ory out: surely,
several anion* were hotter than one empire,
and divided liberty more to be desired thou
con M uti nied despotism.
Ia there a possible remedy for theee evils?
1 should be uuoaodid if I aid uot confess 19/T
you I doubt it- There is no reeurreotion fqr
dead -republic*, and few luve atoc bedh
restored to vigor agd health alter reao^jftg
-our precast state of doJine. I fear our p*.p
pit* hose so!- more iuu Uigancc aid virtue than
%
rex A
ft Mm
‘ire. I