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. _ - . , ;• Telegraph and Messenger. MACON, FEBRUARY 1 1870. titorge D. Prentice. Tg, e telegraph brings the news of the death of this well known journalist, one of the brightest intellects and most brilliant wits that has ever WO m himself out in editorial harness. In. Ins day and generation he was a power in Kentucky and the Southwest, and the old Louis ville Journal, as a leading "Whig organ probably exercised, within its sphere, more influence upon the winds of its political allies, than any other paper ever published in the South. An intimate and trusted friend of Clay and all the other magnates of the Whig party, he and his paper most powerfully seconded their efforts to secure political control of the Government. The Journal was an ally that no leader oould af ford to regard with indifference, or treat with coptempt A Warwick among newspapers of ♦w. faith, it put up and pulled down pretty much whom it pleased. No paper was ever more pluckily and enthusiastically backed by its friends, or more despised and execratedby its foes. What it was, too, Mr. Prentice made it. He was the Louisville Journal. Mr. Prentice was a New Englander by birth, but a resident of Kentucky sinoe his youth. He married there, and was thoroughly identified ■wmtom :«o pcvpic." Xfuiwg we war he was a Union man, and threw all his influence on the side of the Federal Government. After its close, how ever, and when the purposes of the Radical party were clearly shown, he allied himself with the Democratic party. A year or two since, the Journal was consolidated with the Courier, also of Louisville, under the name of the Courier- Journal, on which paper Mr. Prentice was re tained as an editor at $40 per week salary. His health has not been very robnat for some months, but he was still a worker whose spark ling wit, unrivalled pithiness of expression, erystal-clear logic, and strong, sledge-hammer invective adomed-and made attractive any sub ject he handled. Journalism loses in him one of its most illustrious members, and the South ern press an Anak of whoso towering stature all were proud. “God rest his soul!” is, we doubt not, the prayer that, straight from the heart, will be the response to this sad news, from thousands of friends and admirers all over this broad land. The Atlanta Intelligencer. We are treated in Sunday’s issue of this pa per, to a column and a half of what we suppose is meant as an answer to our article upon its in consistencies and suspicious position as a Dem ocratic paper. As a defence against onr charges —which were nothing more nor less than a plain recital of facts known of all men—it amounts to less than nothing, and will hardly excite any feeling bnt that of pity. We have no more to say on that head. In regard to the questions propounded by ns, the Intelligencer answers that it does not en dorse the last Georgia bill, but that it believe* Farrow’s construction of the bill is correct. We asked the Intelligencer if it endorsed Farrow’s construction of that bill, and this is its weak dodge. With ono or two words more we close for tho prosecution, leaving the people—mind that, oh friend of the people—to mako np their verdict. A friend of ours—ho was one of the PEOrLE, too—said tho other day that the course of the Intelligencer reminded him of a ferry boa?: it seemed as if published for no other pur- «bon tn D n from one side to the other. We disagreed with him. We thought that the in telligencer was and is, very plainly on one side. M». A Leaf From History. ' We publish as a matter of public interest, and as a contribution to the eve&tfnl past, a letter from Judge JeremiahS. Black, of Pennsylvania, to the New York Herald. It puts a new face upon many matters that were heretofore sup posed to be thoroughly settled, and will be read with intense interest. Judge Black’s high char acter is a guarantee that his statements are in deed the truth of history. The Income Tax.—In tho House on Wednes day last, Mr. Schenck’s resolution in regard to the income tax was passed. It declares, in view of tho doubts and misconceptions which have arisen, that the true intent and meaning of the acts relating to thp in com o tax is that all persons are liable to the payment of their prop er income tax scorning and to accrue for and dnriDg and up to tho end of 1870, and that the assessment and collection of any such tax in the year 1870, and remaining unpaid on the first day of January, 1871, may, under the existing pro- - visions of the law, be made in the lost men tioned year. Tho resolution continnes the income tax for this year; but docs not touch the question about the future continuance of tho income tax or the rate at which the tax shall he imposed. That will bo considered when the House takes up the amendments to the Internal Tax Law. The Result of Competition.—We noticed, not long sinoe, that a certain stage line in Mas- ofansetts, to break down a rival, was carrying pas sengers nine miles for 10 cents. Wisconsin beats that all hollow. From Warsaw,in that State, there is a route of some fifty miles, on which there is a combined opposition to the “bloated bond holder” and “monopolist” who has run stages for many years. Ono line carries for nothing and gives a dinner to each passenger; the other carries for nothing and gives a dinner and a pair of buck-skin gloves to each passenger! Medora Lxron.—We have reoeived, from Havens & Brown, a copy of this pamphlet by Chas. Mackay, a literalcur of some note in Eng land. It gives “the other side” of the Byron- Stowe scandal, and is, no doubt, to bo accepted as a final and conclusive answer to Mrs. Stowe’s horrible slander. This whole matter, with, all the prostitution of pen, ink and paper it has caused, is a shame to decent people and the civ ilization of the century, but people will read about it. -i- - • »* Xr*jr Tnz Texas Almanac roa 1870.—The pub lishers, Messrs. Riohardson be Co., Galveston, send us this, the biggest, and in some respects the best almanac that is published. The amount of information furnished, especially with refer ence to Texas, is really .wonderful, and as a hand book for those “rolling stones” who are bent on emigrating thither, we do not know, its oqual. The members of the Savannah bRr favor the adjonrnment of the Superior Court of Chatham eounty, preferring “not to take judgments un til itoau be ascertained whether or not theycan be enforced, and that cannot be known until after the political status of the State and its jn dic’.al officers shall have been settled. Meningitis.—This dread disease is at work again. Mr. Wm. McLaughlin, and Mrs. Zeig- ler and George Zeigler have just died at Quincy, Fla., from it We also notice the death of a youth named Charles Xirkpatrick, at Athens, of tho same direBfc.reSV . m> The Savannah and Charleston Railroad is all ready for the cam, exoept about 6,000 feet of trestle work on the Georgia side of the Savannah iver, which cannot be finished until' the river bsides. Oue friends of the Atlanta Constitution will have some of their err an eons impressions re moved by referring to the advertisement of Mr. David W. Lewis, Secretary of the State Agri. cultural Societv. The Only Hope for XT*. The Mobile Register strikes the key note of the final deliverance of the oountry from the bonds of the common enemy, in a recent article intended to point out the folly and danger of a third party. We heartily endorse its arguments and conclusions, and adopt as our own this much of it. The argument, it says, is that because we are weak we must weaken ourselves still further by intestine divisions. While every white man is needed at the front, we are counselled to “de spair of the Republic,” to wrap ourselves in the weakness of our Southern isolation, and to re ject with scorn and contempt every hand that is stretched out to help and every plank that floats within our reach to Bave us. It isthe argument of demoralized sailors when the vessel under them is in danger of wreck, to abandon their poets when all hands are called “to save ship," and rush to the spirit-room and meet their fate in riot and drunkenness. Tins is not the part of men who love liberty and deserve to enjoy it. That man never despairs and never cepses while life remains, to aspire after and struggle for the freedom with which God endowed him. And how should the struggle ho made? Surely not by picturing the hopelessness of the public con dition and teaching meD to sit down on their chains in hopeless despair. Not by throwing ourselves hack on our vaunted deeds while war raged in tho field as an excuse tor throwing down our Arms whAn the conflict is transferred to another fornm. Not by organizing another party to distract and divide us when our united strength is demanded by patriotism. Bnt we should look for succor and allies wherever we can get them. So far as human vision and human reason can instruct U3, there is no hope of snccor except in the white men and in the white party that exist in every State and hamlet of tho United States who ~nr* M aa w> mo to me atrocious administration of the Radical power. Admit that theso allies are not all wo would have them to he—at last we must take them or none. They are onr best and only hope. Reason, prudence, statesman ship, alike command U3 to cultivate and ntilize them to our own deliverance. And nothing but cowardice or selfishness can counsel us to break away from the post of duty on deck, and coun sel others to desert and rush to the spirit-room, and dio the death of liberty in a drunken de banch. “We pursue and counsel no such course. We have nailed the flag of redemption and lib erty to onr mast. "We do not and will not de spair of the Republic. Who is despairing enough to believe that thirty millions of people in this great country, descendants from the most intelligent and fighting race stocks of the earth, will surrender their liberties to a party of base-born fanatics and traitors without a fight ? For one, we do not Thirty-seven sov ereign States cannot die without a struggle, and Puritanism will not crown its Emperor or King of tho United States nntil after torrents of blood have been spilled, and American man hood end patriotism have been crashed out. At Last. From tho tenor of our noon dispatches yes terday, we judge that those enthusiastic Virgin ians who have been begging Federal powder and gnns to celebrate the restoration of the State to tho Union, will be firing their salutes very soon—to-day, perhaps. The old State, so grand, not only in her traditions and memories, but in her deeds that crystalize in letters of dia mond brilliance and indestructibility upon the most luminons page of American and Southern history, goes back, not only crippled and bleed ing, bnt manacled and gagged. And yet some of her sons with noses and palates keener for scent and taste of office flesh-pots than anything else under Heaven, are asking the power that thn3 degrades and outrages their old mother, to help them commemorate her abasement! Wo wonder what those sons of hers who went to their reward before these evil days were even dreamed of, would think if they knew the shameful story. The thunder of the first gun that is fired to signalize this sorrowful apotheo sis ought to electrify their very dust with shame and indignation. Royally at Washington. For the instruction of all who take an interest in the movements of the British Prince who is now in Washington, we give the appended pro gramme of what he is expected to do this week. If he can stand all the stuffing, guzzling and radicalism, his torturers have here marked for him, we consider a policy of insurance on his life a good investment: On Monday he will call at the Executive Man sion to pay his respects to the President. In the evening, there will be a dinner at the British Legation, to which the following named gentle men have been invited: The Vice President, Chief Justice Chase, General Sherman, Senior Sumner, and the members of tho Cabinet— There will be a reception in the evening, to which the families of the members of tho Cabi- net, and the Diplomatic Corps only, will be in vited. On Tuesday there will be another dinner at tho British Legation, to which the British Minis ter and Mis. Thornton have invited Senators Cameron, Casserly, Morton, Conkling, and Hamlin, and the Speaker of the House, the Prussian, Russian, Austrian, and Turkish Min isters, and Admiral Dahlgren. On Wednesday hi3 Royal Highness will dine with tho President. On Thursday the Prince will dine with the Sec retary of State and Mrs. Fish, and in the even ing attend a grand ball given by the British Minister, to which will be invited Mr. and Mrs. Thornton's personal friends and acquaintances. On Friday there will bo another dinner at the British Legation, to which the following gentle men have been invited to meet his Royal High ness: Senators Schnrz, Williams, and Anthony, General Banks, and Belgian, Argentine, Peru vian, Danish, Spanish, Brazilian, and Nether lands Ministers. On Saturday the Prince will probably leave for New York." ThcTalbofton Standard. We find the first number of this new weekly on our table. It is a very neat looking sheet, and promises well in every respect. Wo hope the publishers, Messrs. Gorman £ Waterman, may realize all the expectations of themselves and friends. We are indebted to the Standard for the following local items: A New Esteri-rise.—What wo have needed for many years in this part of tho State, is about being supplied by onr enterprising coun trymen, Messrs. Smith and Castleberry—a nur sery of the choicest fruits. This nursery will be located within three miles of Geneva, on the line of the Southwestern Railroad, and will consist of four acres of tho best selected and choicest .fruit trees in the South. Mr. James Smith has been at work one year, planting seed and grafting, in view of canning fruit, , probably, and shipping to North ern markets. Twenty acres will be immediate ly sot for an orchard. A Lucky Man.—We learn that Mr. Patrick Gormley, of this county, has boon left a very handsome little fortune in Philadelphia, by tho death of his brother. The bad weather has retarded the movement of cotton in this oounty.' There is considerable inquiry for bagging and rope. . s Fbok. Chattooga County.—The Romo Oon- r er, of Sunday, says: We learn from a gentleman who came down from Summerville on yesterday, that perfect quiet and good order prevails in that communi ty. On Thursday night the military went out to arrest a young man by the name of Pinkney Daniels, bnt it happened that he was not at homo. Blocked.—A dispatch from Nashville; of date the 21stj to the Courier-Journal, says: The Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad Company have given notice that they will not receive any more through freight until the pres eat blockade is relieved. The depot is jammed with unshipped freight, compelling the com pany to confine their operations to local busi ness for the present. 8 U *3® VS STANTON. Secretary Staatm’g Political Position in I860—Reminiscences of the Close of Bach- anon's Administration—Tbc Hon. Jcre. Black’s Card to the Public. > ___ To the Editor of the Herald : Since the death of Mr. Stanton some newspa per writers have revived the scandalous counts which began to be propagated, T think, in 1862, concerning his conduct while a member of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet. It is asserted that he came into that administration with views en tirely opposed to those of the President and the men who were to be hia oofieaguaa, all of whom, except Messrs. Holt and Dix, were in favor of the Southern Confederacy and ready to sacri fice the Union; that supported by these two 1m bullied the rest; that he terrified the President by threats of resignation into measures which otherwise would not have been thought of: that he urged immediate war upon the seceding States to crush out the rebellion; that though defeated in this by the treason of his associates, he carried with a hign hand other points of sound policy : that by these hardy displays of hostility to the administration which trusted him he pro moted the interests and won the gratitude of its enemies. This is the substance expressedin my own plain English of many statements coming from various sources extensively circulated and so generally believed that if not soon contradicted the are likely to be received as authentic histo ry. They are not only false, but they must he injurious to Mr. Stanton’s reputation; and they are grossly unjust to others, dead as well as living. I am not the special defender of Mr. Stanton and I certainly would not assail him. Befoie he fell away from the Democratic faith, our friendship was intimate and close. There was no separation afterwards except the separation which is inevitable between two persons who differ widely on public subjects believed by both to be vitally important. Our correspond ence of last summer and autumn (began by him self) showB that I was able to forgive him my particular share of the injury be mid done to the liberties of the country, and he had my sin cere uood wishes tar M- f - 4 — ana wel rare. His political attitude towards the Buchan an administration previous to his appointment as Attorney General is wholly misunderstood or else wilfully misrepresented. He was fully with Us at every stage of the Kansas question, and no man felt a more loathing contempt than he did for the knavery of the abolitionists in refusing to vote upon the Lecompton constitution, when nothing but a vote was needed to expel slavery from the new State, and terminate the dispute by deciding it in the way which they themselves pretended to wish. He wholly denied Mr. Douglas’ notions, and blamed him severely for the unreasonable and mischievous schism which ho had created in the party. The Know-noth- ingism of Bell and Everett found no favor in his eyes. In tho canvass of 18C0, he regarded the salvation of the country as hanging upon the forlorn hope of Breckinridge’s election. "We knew the abolitionists to be the avowed enemies of the Constitution and tho Union, and we thought the Republicans would necessarily be corrupted by their alliance with them. As we saw the march of these combined forces upon the capital, we felt that the Constitutional lib erties of the country were in as much peril as Rome was when the Ganls were pouring over the broken defences of the city. Whether wo wero right or wrong is not the question now. It is enough to say that Mr. Stanton shared these apprehensions fully. He more than shared them; to some extent he inspired them, for he knew Mr. Lincoln personally, and the account he gave of him was anything but favorable. The Gth of November came and Mr. Lincoln was legally chosen President by the electoral machinery of the Constitution, though the ma jority of the popular vote was against him by more than a million. The question was now to be tested by actual experiment whether a party which existed only in one section, and which was organized on the sole principle of hostility to the rights, interests and feelings of the other, could or would administer the federal govern ment in a righteous spirit of justice, or whether the predictions of all our great statesmen for thirty years past must be verified, that the abo litionists when they got into power would disre gard their sworn duty to tho Constitution, break down the judicial authorities and daim obedi ence to their own mere will as a “Higher W than the law of the land. The danger was greatly aggravated by the criminal misconduct of large bodies in tho South, particularly in South Car olina, where preparation were openly made for resistance. "What was the federal Execu tive to do under these circnmstances.? Make war ? He had neither authority nor means to do that, and Congress would not give him the one or the other. Should he compromise the dispute ? He conld offer no terms and make no pledges which would not be repudiated by the new administration. Conld ho mediate between the parties ? Both would refuse his umpirage, for both were as hostile to him as they were to one another. Nevertheless he was bound to do them the best servico he could in spite of their teeth; and that service consisted in preserving tho peace of the nation. It was his special and most imperative duty not to embroil the incom ing administration by a civil war which his suc cessor might be unwilling to approve or to pros ecute. It was undoubtedly right to leaye the President elect and his advisers in a situation where they could take their choice between compromising and fighting.' In fact, "Mr. Lin coln was in favor of the former, if his inaugu ral be any sign of his sentiments. The mind of no man was more deeply imbued with these opinions than Mr. Stanton’s. The idea never entered his head—certainly never passed his lips—that the President ought to make war upon States or put the whole" people out of the protection of the Laws, and expose them all to indiscriminate slaughter as public enemies, because some individuals among them had done or threatened to do what was incon sistent with their obligations to the .United States. He knew very well that no such thing was either legally or physically possible. Gen. Scott had "reported officially that five companies constituted tho whole available force which conld be sent to the South for any purpose offen sive or defensive. Is it possible that Air. Stan ton would have undertaken to oonquer the Sonth with half a regiment ? He was thoroughly con vinced that a war at that time of that kind, and under these circumstances, would not only “fire the Southern heart” but give to the secession ists the sympathy of all the world and ultimately insure their success, while it could not help bnt cripple, disgrace and ruin the cause of the Union. Nor did he feel pleasure in the anticipation of any civil war between tho two sections of his country. From the standpoint which he then occupied he said that war was disunion; it was blood, conflagration, terror and tears, public debt and general corruption of morals, all end ing at best not in the union of the States bnt.in the subjugation of some to the despotic will of the others. He was apt to take a sombre view of things, and he looked at the dark side of this subject. The glory, profit and plunder, the po litical distinction and pride Of power which brighten it now, were not included in hie pyos- pcetive survey. j On the 20th of November I answered the President’s qnestion concerning his legal pow ers and duties, holding that the ordinances of secession were mere nullities; that the seceding States wero and would be ns much in the Union as ever; that the Federal Executive was bound there as well as elsewhere to execute the laws, to hold tho publio property and to collect the revenue; that if the moans and machinery fur nished by law for these purposes yreio inade quate, ho could not adopt others and usurp pow ers which had net been delegated; that neither the executive nor legislative departments had authority under the Constitution to make war upon a State; that the military power might be used, if necessary, in aiding the judicial au thorities to execute the laws in collecting the revenues, in defending or retaking the publio property, but not in acts of indiscriminate hos tility against all the people of a State. This is the “ opinion” which has sinee been so often, so much aud so well abused, denounced and vil- lifled. Air. Stanton did not stultify himself by denying tho plain,- obvious and simple truth which it expressed. The paper was shown Lim before it went to the President,"and after a slight alteration suggested by himself, he not only approved, but applauded it enthusiasti cally. It disappointed the President' He had hastily taken it for granted that Congress might make secession a cause for war; and in the draft of his message already prepared he submitted the question of war or peaoe to their decision. Bnt the advice of the Law Department, sup ported by a powerful argument from General Cats, convinced him of his error, and that part of the message was rewritten. The substance of the message so modified reoeived Mr. Stan ton's hearty endorsement in everything that re garded secession, and the treatment it ought to IBBnk - . «AAmtC Soon after this General Cass retired. I was requested to take the State Department and Mr. Stanton was appointed Attorney General upon my declaring that I was unwilling to leave the care of certain causes endding in the Supreme Court to any handy hot his. This appointment •lone, without any other proof, ought to satisfy any reasoning mind that all I have said of Mr. Stanton’s sentiments must be tree. No man in his sober senses ean believe that I would have urged, or that Mr. Buchanan would have node the appointment, if we had not both known with perfect certainty that he agreed with ua entirely on those fundamental doctrines of constitutional law to which we wero committed. Hie faintest suspicion of the contrary weald have pot the Attorney General's office as tkr beyond hu reach as the throne of France. We took him for what be professed to be—• tree friend of the Union; • devout believer in the Constitution; » faithful man, who would net violate Ms oath of cAee by wilful disobedience to the laws. I am still con vinced that he did not deceive m. If he aban doned those principles in 1-862, the change, however sodden and unaccountable, is not sat isfactory evidence that he was an impostor end a hypocrite in 1860. He did not find Mr. Holt end Gen. Dix con tending alone (or contending at all) against the President and the rest of the administration. Mr. Holt, on the 3d of Much, 1861, appended to his letter of resignation’s strong expression of his gratitude for the “firm and generous sup port”" which Mr. Buchanan had constantly ex tended to him, and pays a warm tribute to the “enlightened statesmanship and unsullied patri otism’’ of the outgoing President. Gen. Dix was not there at all when Mr. Stanton came in. He was appointed a month afterwards, when there was no disagreement in the Cabinet. He took up his residence at the President’s house as a member of his family, and remained there da ring the whole time of his service as head of the Treasury Department He performed his duties faithfully, firmly, and in a way which met with universal approbation. I do not re collect that fce had one word of serious contro versy either with the President or with anybody else. If, therefore, Mr. Stanton was at any time engaged in dragooning the President and hectoring his colleagues, he could not have had Air. Holt and Gen. Dix for his backers. There were disputes and serious differences of opinion in the Cabinet daring the period of Air. Stanton’n kaitiaa , Hmt u. .buo m them nas not been truly stated. I am not writing the history of those times, and therefore I say noth ing of what others did or forebore to do, except so far may be necessary to show Air. Stanton’s acts and omissions in their true light. Before the election it was determined that the forts in Charleston harbor should be strengthen ed so as to make them impregnable. The order was given, bnt the excoution of it was unaccount ably put off. "When General Cass ascertained that the delay was acquiesced in by the Presi dent he resigned. Two weeks afterwards Major Anderson commanding Fort Monltre,apprehend ing an attack, threw his garrison into Fort Sum ter. SimultaHeously came certain commission ers from Sonth Carolina demanding the surren der of the latter fort to the State. The charac- ter of the answer that should be given to the commissioners and tho question, whether Fort Sumter should be furnished with men and pro visions were discussed for three days, each day mnning far into the nighE“ ~*V On tho one side it was insisted that the sur render of tho fortress was so incompatible with onr plainest duty that the demand itself was a gross insult. To leave it in a condition which would enable rebellious citizens to take it if they pleased, was still worse, for that would be merely another mode of making the surrender, and a worse one, because it would be fraudulent and deceptive. Major Anderson should, there fore, be immediately so reinforced that “his castle’s strength would laugh a seige to scorn,” and then no attack would be made. This last, instead of being dangerous, was the only mea sure that gave us a chance of safety; it would not bring on hostilities, but avert them, and, if warmest comeat all events, the possession of Fort Sumter, which commanded the other forts, the harbor and the city, would be of incalculable value .to the government of the Union. To this there was absolutely no answer, except what consisted in saying that the fort could not be relieved without difficulty and danger of suo- cessful opposition; that Sonth Carolina would take it as an affront, and that it was tantamount to a threat of coercion. The replication was easily made: There was no danger in even an attempt at resistance to a ship of war, the state ments made of tho hostile power were more brag; if South Carolina took Offence at our preparation for the safety of onr own men and our own property, she must already be in a temper to make reconciliation impossible ; and as to coercion, let her take care not to coerce us, and she would be safe enough. At length the President produced his decision in the form of an answer to the commissioners. While it was far from satisfactory to the South ern members, it filled us with consternation and grief. Then came the desperate struggle of one alone to do what all had failed to effect. It was pain ful in the extreme but unexpectedly short and decisive. The President gave np his first, ground, yielded tho points on which he had seemed most tenacious; the answer to South Carolina was essentially changed, and it was agreed that Fort Sumter should havo men and provisions. Daring these discussions Mr. Stanton was al ways true, but the part he took was by no means a leading one. He said many times that he was there only that I might have two votes instead of ono. On no occasion was there the slightest conflict between him and me. Ho exhibited none of the coarseness which some of his later friends have attributed to him. He never spoke without the greatest respect for his colleagues and the profoundesi deference to the President. He said no word to the President about resign ing. He told me that he would resign if I did; but when certain concessions were made to my wishes he expressed himself perfectly satisfied. He did not furnish one atom of the influence which brought the Presdient round on the an swer to Sonth Carolina. Nor did he ever pro pose to carry any measure of his own, directly or indirectly, relating to the secession troubles, He uniformly professed to be as anxious for the preservation of the publio peace as any man there. It wonld be a wrong to the memory of Mr. Stanton not to add that, so far as I know, ho never gave countenance or encouragement to thoso fabulous stories of his behavior. Jeremiah S. Black. From Taylor County. Reynolds, Tatlor County, Ga., > January 22, 1870. , > Editors Telegraph and Messenger : la the “American Union” of December 21st, 1869, appeared an article signed “ Spectator,” which contained statements relative to the "Wilbur brothers, representing Oliver C. Wilbur, Jr., as a persecuted Republican. Your correspondent would most respectfully beg through tho columns of your valuable paper to correct an erroneons impression whioh said article is calculated ("whether designed or not) to make upon such of the public as read the sheet containing the statement to which" refer ence is made. Oliver 0. Wilbur, Jr., is a Northern man. He was born and reared in Washington village, in the State of Rhode Island, is thirty-three years of age, and never did vote with any, except the Democratic party, in his life. His political status (a Democrat) North, was unchanged when he came South four years ago. He has never shown any sympathy with the party which claims him (in the article mentioned) as a per secuted Republican, has voted invariably with the South since the war, has spent much time and money to farther her interests, tendered a magnificent hall (of which he was proprietor) to a Democratic club during the last- Presidential canvass, and was himself an active, working and indefatigable member of said clnb. In short, he has more warm friends among the in telligent classes of the Sonth than nlmost ’nny other Northern man within her limits. He married one of those gems of this genial clime whose grace, beauty and true nobility jof heart wonld honor any man, be his birth-place Northern or Southern Latitude. His political creed is this—Georgia should not be forced to accept any law which would be unpalatable to the people of Rhode Island. He has acted for years as Justice of the Peace, sinoe the war, to the entire satisfaction of all classes and colors. Oliver C. Wilbur,. Jr., is a noble hearted, benevolent gentleman and a true lover of his whole conntry, North, Sonth, East and West To say more would be superfluous. In confirmation of these statements, the publio are refered to Col.. Wm. Robinson, and Gen. Phil. Cook, or to any respectable citizen of Macon connty, A Citizen. LETTER FROM WASHINGTON. Hitch in the San Domingo Bmlam Bpan- Isb Gold Snl»l dialog the Press—Female Suffrage—Anoijnens Kndtesl Ues—The Mew KegTO Organ. Washington, Janaary 22, 1870. It seems quite probable that there wifi be a little hitch in the transfer of San Domingo to the protection of the stars and stripes. There axe daily cropping out in Congress indications of opposition to this real estate operation. On Thursday last Mr. Loughridge introduced in the House the following preamble and resolution, which were referred to the Committee on the Judiciary and ordered to be printed: Whereas, it is understood that certain nego tiations are pending and others in contempla tion for the purchase of foreign territory and the annexation thereof to this government by and through the treaty-making department of the government: therefore, Be it resolved,.That the Constitution of the United States does hot confer upon the treaty making department of the government the power to extend the area of- this government end bring within its jurisdiction foreign coun tries and foreign people and invest such foreign people with the right of citizenship in this gov ernment without the consent of Congress; and until such consent is given, no compact, agree ment, or treaty to that effect is valid or binding upon the government of the United States, and no officer of the United States has any authority on behalf of the government to take possession of such territory until authorized by act of Con gress so to do. On the same day, Mr. Wood submitted the following resolution, which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs- Resolved, That in the judgment of this House s right to consider the propriety and expedi ency of the appropriation of public money for any purpose whatever cannot .be impaired or denied; nor can tho treaty-makingpower vested in the President and Senate conclude its action in by aw wRoro legislation ia xcquiuaX tO exe cute it. It is not only intimated that tho President has exceeded his rightful authority in this San Domingo business, bnt it is whispered about that this annexation scheme covers a huge job, in which certain New Yorkers and other parties are, moro or less, interested. From one source we get tho most glowing acoounts of the natural resources and capabilities of San Domingo; whilo from others we learn that the Island would not only foil to augment onr material wealth and prosperity, bnt would bo a source of con stant annoyance, as a large portion of the inhab itants are strongly opposed to being made citi zens of this “great and glorious Republic.” Concerning Cuba," ono hears nothing at all now-a-days. It seem3 to have almost passed from men's minds that a revolution exists there, or that this government has violated, in tbe most flagrant manner, the solemn pledges it made to those in the interest of the insurgents. When Air. Seward returns from Havana, we shall no doubt have his views concerning the revolution, and possibly something in relation to annexation. It is now stated by a New York paper that tho Washington correspondents of certain leading papers were offered one thou sand dollars in gold, each, by tbe Spanish Min- ister here, and it is intimated that none of them refused the golden bait. That their telegrams should be slightly tinged with Spanish gold, is natumal enough, uudar the circumstances; and, indeed, some of them do appear to be so color ed. But I prefer to discredit tho whole story, and to believe that if the offer was made it was scornfully rejected. If members of Congress take bribes—and it is notorious that many of them do—for Heaven’s sake, preserve the in tegrity of the press! "The Female Suffrage Convention held in this '..ity, adjourned yesterday. Financially, and in some other respects, it has been a success. It drew large audiences, and the pocket-book of the Treasurer was made plethoric. I know of one correspondent, who wore trowsers, and who went to scoff, bnt is now in a condition that a smile from any one of the nicely dressed and really clever ladies who presided at the meetings would briag him into the ranks of the female suffragists. This is the more terrible as the young man in question has a wife and children. Being myself a batohelor, and being susceptible I wirely refrained from exposing myself to the smiles or arguments of the fair orators (oratress es ?) I bave diligently read the reports of their meeting, however, and must endorse the many good, sound and sensible things that were said. I am, moreover, informed, that they were said as well, if not better, than the average speaking at male meetings. The Northern people got* some healthful raps for the while slavery in their midst, which they have ignored while eradica ting black slavery; and Sumner and other win dy and hypocritical humbugs, wero shown np in their true colors. There were no short dresses or hybid costumes to make the ladies of this con vention appear ridiculous in the eyes of the publio; and altogether, I feel that I must con gratulate them on the good impression they made here, and the good results that are likely to result from their deliberations. It is a very common thing now for Radical members of Congress to read telegrams and let ters from persons in reconstructed States, or purporting to be snob, and which teem with slanders against the people of these'States. When asked the authors’ names, the reader re plies that he is responsible for them, and will vouch for the senders. But who will be respon sible for the men who put on record against a helpless people the infamous slanders of disap pointed office-seekers, scalawags and carpet baggers ? Air. "Sumner read the other day a batch of lies concerning tho people of Virginia; and Mr. Howard read to the Senate on Thurs day a slanderous telegram from Atlanta. I en close an extract from the Congressional Globe, containing this telegram and the debate it elic ited. It calls for no further comment. The Senate has passed the Virginia bill, loaded down with amendments. Now it goes back to the House. From the declarations of Butler, and his conceded power, it is safe to predict that even in this form the bill will never be heard of more. It is assumed that Butler will secure its reference to the Boconstrnction Com mittee, which is equivalent to consigning it to the tomb of the Capnlets. A new bill wifi then be reported, the tenor of whioh cannot well be predicted. That it will be stringent in its pro visions may well be imagined. Some of the Virginians fear the application of the test oath, but others say that this condition will prove the death knelt of the Radical party in Virginia. It is understood that the Democratic members of the House stand pledged to a man to vote against tbe Virginia bill as it comes from the Senate; but Virginians here say they are willing it should pass, as it only demands'a fulfillment of pledges already made. They are weary .of the delay and the uncertainty as to tho future. Some idea may be formed of the lack of sub jects for letter-writers in "Washington at thts time, from the fact that “J. B. S.,” of the New York World, devoted a column and a half to de scribing a walk from his boarding-house to •Newspaper Row.” “G. G.,"- (Grace Green wood) sends to the New York Tribune a gossip- py letter describing the personnel of the House after tho recess. She gives a very graphic sketch of' the Hon. John Morrissey; but a love of truth compels us to state that the “Hon. John” has not been in his seat since the ad journment for the holidays. The newsboys, especially tho Ethiopians, have been lustily shouting for the last day or two, “Ere'a Fred Douglass’ New ’Ear.” To put tbe announcement into English, it means that they have have for sale the new weekly organ of tho oolored aristocracy, of which Sella Martin is editor and Fred Douglass corresponding editor. * I 3fl v Damon. y i Planters’ Policy. Editors Telegraph and Messenger: What shall planters do to obtain, , at.this late hoar, a fall supply of hands for the present year ? This is a question very difficult of solution at this time, but" had every planter oousnlted his future as well as present interest, from the first year of “freedom” up to this date, there would have been no oooasion to ask such a puzzling ques tion. To obtain joint action among the indi viduals who, of so many varied tastes and opin ions, follow the avocation of farming, wonld be a task to human power as g.-eat as the bringing of light out of darkness, or the forming of one unbounded sphere of the unnumbered spheres decking here and there the illimit&ble realms of space. But if this concert of action, and uniofi of thought and opinion could be brought about, I do not know as it would be to the.m&- I will not oombat it. I will merely, by looking over the past, show what “might have bean.” In 1866, when the planter made hia arrang meets for a crop, the majority made poor calcu lations, and set their expectations out of roach, both as regarded the capacity of the negro, and the results of the crops. Our lands, during the war, had been cultivated almost exclusively in oereals, and grass and weed seeds were very plentiful in the soil, which the idle year, 1865, gave a double harvest for germination. As Boon as the soil was stirred with the plow in the Bpring of 1866, tho incessant rains daring the spring months, gave this crop of grass and weeds such a start, the froedman, with indolent step and tardy lick, oould never overtake and conquer; in fact, the froedman was beaten, and the first year of free labor seemed to be a fail ure. Many of them, farming on shares, came out in debt, and those planters who had hired them, wore scarcely able to pay them. The next year was the year of low prices in the cotton markets, and hard times vith the planter. All this was very discouraging to the froedman, -for the planter, oontrary to his own interest, persuaded the negro, that with cotton at 12} cents, six to eight dollars per month was good wages. The negro never could work and live at that very low rate. For we note this, that, though cotton was sold by the planter at about an average price of iwelve cents per pound, other articles, of every day use, did not decline in price—nor did cotton sell at that low rate when the speculator got hold of the bulk of the crop. Now, how conld the negro, who had contracted in 1868, for less than one hundred dollars, live and support whatever of a family he might have had ? The majority of them have children, and of course they have to be fed. Consequently the result of their labor, for tho year 1868, brought them nothing but poverty and rag®, and many of them were dissatisfied, even when they received every cent due them according to contract; saying they were cheated out of what was promised them. I find, now, many of them embittered against the whites be cause, though they may have received all of their dues according to a just settlement by contract, they are still penniless, and have bnt little encouragement to work longer. Many of them do not think they should be charged for lost time and then much less the rations they consume while idle—which is nothing bnt just. Now, if the planter had continued the wages of the negroes up to fen or twelve dollars per month, in 1868, and taken a little farther risk in using fertilizers, it would have been the true policy, both for the planter and the negro. Where the negroes have labored for shares in the crop, and no manures were used, they have made buc little; where they were willing to pay for part of the guano, the results have been better. Now I will come to the point: What should the fanner do to secure hands for an other year and for any number of years ? Iden tify a sat of hands with the interests of every plantation, either by share labor, or by paying each liberal wages as will induce them to stay, and in fact enable them to lice. I am sore tho planter should try to induce the same hands to remain with him year after year, for when they break np and go away every year it is generally a month before he can get others, and there is one month of the year due to fences, ditches, etc., lost entirely. I object to share labor for several reasons, some of whieh, if I had space, I would enumerate, but I will take the objections in order in my next, and give them in fulL I know many have adopted the plan of working for one-third to the hand, he finding himself, and some paying one-third the guano where guano is used. If he, the negro, will continue stationary he can make a good liv ing on such terms. Then I know of some who Work for one-half, and the land is not manured, and naturally so poor that if the negro continues to labor there he will finally perish, and the land owner have to sell out to buy bread. This is so in many sections of this State. There has been bnt little, if any, new land cleared since the war closed, from the simple fact that If the owner gives consent, the negroes working on shares will not consent to do it—preferring to work the depleted hills, worn by the plow and washed by the rains for half a.century. "Where I see ne groes working for one-third and making nothing, X am cvmTinced of ooa £aet: tho plant*'t is asleep to his interests. "Where I see them working for one-half and making nothing, l am convinced of another fact: the planter has no interest in farming, and no business with land, for he does not know how to cultivate and make it produce a support for all who tend it. Now my policy is simply to employ for wages—money wages—-and sufficiently large to enable the ne gro to live comfortably, and then, on my part, arouse every later * nergy of the mind to devise some in ewer, to enable me to clear as much again on that Land as it cost me to pay and feed him. Now, I would advocate this policy for all, and laydown these axioms for the guidance of all who are employed in trying to till the soil: Make your land rich enough to pay for the cul tivation, and then clear as much from it as all these cost If you don’t yon are not accumu lating anything by-farming. Don’t be afraid of paying hands good wages, calculating for cotton to go down. Don’t bo afraid to expend money for good guano, for it will pay as well as the hands you employ, and if you give them good wages it will pay much better; for mind, a negro can’t live on poor wages. If cotton does go down make tho more of it, and keep yonr corn crib and meat house near you. Don’t let the prospect of a decline in the price of cot ton debar you from the use of good guanos, and plenty of them, nor prevent you from giv ing good wages for hands. For I sajrthe negro must have something to stimulate him to work, and good land, high manuring, and large, crops will surely do it He must be identified with the interests of the planter and the plantation. .This is the planter’s policy. I will dose now but will give a*Tew more articles shortly, all re lating to the planter and his interests. Goodmobk. Macon, January 25th, 1870. Foster Blodgett. Editors Telegraph and Messenger; I see In to day’s issue of yours-a letter from Foster Blodgett to the Constitution of the 17th inst, which begins: “In consequence of having taken an early and an .active part in (he organi zation find success of the Republican party in thi3 State, I am prepared to expect much abuse and misrepresentation in virtue of the fact that I am a native Georgian and have devoted the greater part ef my life to the advancement of what I honestly conceive to be her best infamy, politically.” If Air. B. is telling the truth (bnt I believe that there was’ a true bill for perjury'found against him, if “parly newspapers” are to be behoved,) when he says he desired what he “ honestly conceived to be her (Georgia’s) best interest, politically,” it is time, high time-, lor every man who loves his country, be he white or black, Northman or Southron, Democrat or Republican, to pray for it to be delivered from the influence of friends of sneb honest concep tions. Politically, Georgia has sinned, as what people has not? "We confess—we ask for a re mission. “ Deliver U3 from evil," for honestly conceiving leaders (self-styled) would ostracise every man in the State who has ever, in days ante bed urn, thought fit by popular voice to be worthy to make or execute a law. Ia it an “evil” fpr the reina of government to be BY TELEGRAPH taken from the learned, the experienced states men and to be given to the unlearned and in experienced ? “ Deliver us.” Is it an “ evil ” for the coffers of a sinning, bnt confessing State to be unlocked to the greedy grab of self ish bog-carriers, who give no account of the contents ? “Deliver ua.” -♦ oaSfA If there is a man “with soul so dead” who claims to be an American citizen who doss not love his country, ’tis not to him I’d speak; for language Can light the dead ashes of his soul exoept for evil. A soul given for. a good pur pose bnt burned np by the hard-to-be- resisted desire of gain, and every application of fuel will only concentrate strength to destroy. Bnt to every one who would honor the memory of his forefathers—who holds dear all that makes life desirable for himself and posterity: peace, good will, prosperity, happiness—to-day and in future—I would say, make haste to be delivered from such leaders who have taken “an early and ictive part” in bringing about the present! state of affairs in Georgia. Ambition and avarioe axe not evils developed by the late revolution. Envy, and malice have long been known in the history of man: they culminate iff treachery. Alas! for Georgia, for our whole country, for the world, that ambition and avarice, envy and malice, should lie, not dead, but living and almost ready to overwhelm many of the early and active organizers of a jority desirable. The negro is fast becoming . _ our farmer instead of our laborer solely, as for- to Sh«. tS This line of polioy I do not think the j <« Theykiiow not what they do,” marly. best, but as many are pursuing it at this time, J FROM ATLANTA. Congressional Agency not Vet a. gnntced. ^ Military Commission Hongs Fire, The PreecealloB Foils to make Can*, ngnlnst Certain Members. ^ Probably None will be Excluded. Special to the Telegraph and Messenger.'} Atlanta, January 24.—The Senate met and tj. journed till to-morrow. The House met Carpenter, of Pierce, wu qaiij. fled. An order from Bollock was read adjourna* the House till ten o’clock to-morrow, pending tbs decision of the Military Commission, when the or der says the organization may be confidently ex. pected. It is thought the Commission awaits the decision of Attorney General Hoar. ThoComajj. sion and attorneys for the defense have been bnjT all day. Rumor says none of the House will be excluded. It is known that two or three of the cases have beej abandoned, the prosecution having failed tomtit cases against them. A grand Republican rally is advertised for to. Georgia FROM WASHINGTON. WAsanfOToy, January 23—The Express says- Senators who saw the President this morning ' 01T he advised those who desired the admission cf Tii. ginia, unconditionally, to make no further efforts to carry this point, it being evident that the Senate would not pass any bill without imposing some con ditions upon the admission ef that State. Mr. Bingham- favors taking up the "Virginia bill and patting it on its passage. Mr. Butler favors its reference to the Reconstruc tion Committee. The beat opinion is that the House will pass tbs hill as it came from the Senate. The Democrats will all vote against its reference to the Committee where Butler ean bold it indefinitely. It is stated, in answer to many letters, that pc:- sons desiring relief from political disabilities, should send a formal petition addressed to Congress—set ting forth the facts ra the ease, as it seems there is no probability of tbe passage of x genend relief bill this session. The presence of Prince Arthur earnsea little ex- dtoment. He walked to and from church with Mrs. Thornton. Washington, January 24—The Reconstruction Committee unanimously agreed to report the Senate Virginia bill and press its passage to-day, if possible. Mr. Bingham accepts it, and the Republicans aa far as heard from wifi vote for it. Revenue to-day. $617,000. Delano will recommend that tbe Indian Territory be formed into asaeesive and collection districts, foe the purpose of collecting the taxon tobacco, whisky and malt liquors. .. A. : The Ways and Means Committee seem in fivor of raising the duty on all manufactured steel i&d iron. The Supreme Court to-day derided in a case con ing from the northern district of Alabama, that On plea of Confederate authority is no justification for the indictment, arrest and imprisonment of a party foe treason against that power, by its courts, officers and grand juries. Governor Walker is holding that a joint resolu tion adjourning the Legislature is void without til approval. Re will proclaim a convocation' as boos as the President signs the bill. The Preeident sent in the following nominations: James G. Tracy, Postmaster, Houston, Texas; Hamilton Taylor, Collector of Customs, Pearl hir er, Mississippi; Jas. P. Butler, Collector Customs, Brazos de Santiago; Isaac 8 trail, Appraiser of Mer chandise, Savannah, Ga.; George P. Peck, Collects Internal Revenue, Second District, North Carolini; William L. Ferrold, Assessor, Fifth District,Virginu; David H. Starbush, Attorney for North Carolini; Lurien B. Eaton, Marshal, Western Tennessee; Commodore John Rodgers, Rear Admiral. . CONGRESSIONAL. Washington, January 24—House—Several bSh were introduced under the regular call. A contest arose over the reference of the Postil Telegraph bill. It was finally referred to a special committee of seven—a triumph for the friends of the hill. The following are among tho hills introduced: Resuming possession of the lands granted to Ar kansas for a railroad from Mississippi via Little Rock to tire Texas boundary; paying letter carriers $1200 per annum; increasing Judges of the Supe rior Courts and defining the jurisdiction of United States Courts; conveying certain property in Beau fort District, S. C., for school purposes; paying black and white soldiers equal bounties: establish ing a postal telegraph was referred to a special com mittee ; a resolution that, in the opinion of the House, owing to its peculiar duties, the Committee on Elections is a judicial body, aud in deriding questions should act according to all the roles of law as purely as though each member was under oath in each case—passed, yeas 138; nays 25. The House then took up the Virginia bill, and after a very sharp debate between Messrs. Bing ham, Balter and Farnsworth, mostly of a personal character, the House concurred in the hill as it came from the Senate, and was passed by a strict party vote. The House adjourned. Senate.—Morrell was qualified, as Fessenden’s successor. A bill to provide for a natumal currency of coin, notes, and to equalize the distribution of the circu lating notes was taken np and discussed to executiv* FROM LOUISIANA. New Orleans, January 23.—Charles Horn, Assist ant Foreman of the Washington Fire Company waa shot and killed last night by an unknown negro. A negro was accidentally wounded by a shot from the same party. _ The British bark Nictaux, at anchor in the river, having cleared for Liverpool with nineteen hundred bales of cotton and other cargo, took fire in her hold, was towed to the levee and pumped of water. The cargo was damaged by fire and water. The Gas Company threaten to cut off its supply of gas if their bill is not paid by the 1st of Fehruaiy. The claims net up by Mrs. Myra Clark Gaines, to property embracing a large portion of the City of New Orleans, has been extensively commented on recently by the city papers. The opinion of lawyers aud others, which are published, go to show that Mrs. Gaines has no valid claim. This morning’s Times publish** »n article from Her >, the custodian of tbe notorial records, showing that Daniel Clark sold the last of this property in 1810, tbm divesting himself Of all ownership. GENERAL NEWS. Richmond, January 24.—News of tbe final passage of the bill admitting the State was received here after dark, and there appeared to be a general feel ing of welcome and relief, but none of the demon strations of joy that followed tha news of the pass age of Bingham's unconditional bill >n the House. Tho City Council upon the receipt of the intelli gence, passed a resolution hailing with delight Virginia's return to the Union, and requesting Gen. Canby to fire one hundred guns in honor of the event, to-morrow. Ban Francisco, January 23—The war steamer, Jamestown, arrived in seventy days from the For mosa Islands. ' - ■ English settlers from Australia red New Zealand, are arriving in large numbers at the Feejee Island to cultivate the Island cotton which ia said to grow fabulously.-MfZ-' -JUSTOittata Lynchburg, January 24—Yesterday a sleeping ear of the train which left hero at 5:20 Friday, at Sr.*, was thrown from the track by the tweaking of a wheel, dragged some distance an$ was thrown down a precipice and dashed to pieces. Conductor MiiJon, Gen. To. C. Boddey, of Krbrisrippi, and ten others, the cimnp—In. were revereiy-bruised. The injured inwngsro ware placed in other can and proceeded on thrir joux&qy. Cts Goman, January 26—The Distiller's Associa tion protest against Delano’s dirfffrf in favor of forty-righthOTratermentatioh. ". The rigar makemareou a strike. Bcwwnq January 24,—The back Juba brings Haj. tire advices to tbe 14th The Provisional Government baa decreed an ex- port tax qf fow^oaatajxer pound on oeffee, °om- .Ito soppreee onim* owed the new ja quiet.