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Tlie Greorgia ^Weekly ssenjojer, Telegraph and Messenger. MACON, MARCH 1, 1870. Brannrlck. Persons irishing to invest in property at Sxxmswiok, the title to which ean be relied on M perfect, are referred to the advertisement of Messrs. Turpin & Ogden, in another column of this paper. They offer to sell alternate lots of large site, with a portion of the well known property in Brunswick, belonging chiefly® to fthartas Day, Esq., of this city, which has never before been offered to the public. These lots are prioed low, to encourage improvements on The great commercial advantages of Bram- wiok, added to its desirableness as a residence, now that its communications with all parts of the eountry are secured by two railroads—the Macon and Brunswick and the Brunswick and Albany railroads—seem to insure that this city by the sea will soon become a large city, and that property there will Advance greatly in value. Kmiuoar Univebsity.—A catalogue of the Kentucky University for 1869, shows 767 stu dents—the largest exhibition, we think, in the oouutry. The Agricultural and Mechanical College shows 283 matriculates. The Faculty pf instruction and goygypigent comprises forty professors and tutors, ^ Gaixpobkia regards it as a bad sign for one to die with his hoqtg qp. They are not so par. Ocular when it comes to sleeping. ^Detroit Free Brest. Fbancis P. Bum and wife are still hearty after their married life of sixty years. One day last week they rode tW*ty*tW9 miles on horseback. Pit xhb Nationaz, Debt.—George Fox, a New York miser, recently deceased, left a will bequeathing all his property, valued at between three and four hundred thousand dol lars, to the U. S. Government, to assist in pay ing the national debt. A bubal. New York paper urges that notices of marriages and deaths should always he paid for, because one is an advertisement of copart nership, and the other is a notice of dissolution, and business is business. Afteb making the everlasting nigger a step ping stone to fame and fortune, Greeley lives to say: “We could better spare" Africa than Dr. ‘ Livingstone”—a continent of blacks than one white man. ___ Among the items in the contingent account of the Senate for past year are “one dozen rub- „bef nipples.” Consideringthe way in which this honorable body drains the Treasury, the World is surprised it should only have made provisions for twelve teats. Gobbioht.—We see the agent of the Associ ated Press at Washington read a highly inter esting paper, last Saturday, on the life of Frank lin,- at the literary reunion of Hon. Horatio King. The Press says Mr. Gobright exhibited a keen appreciation of the genius of the printer- statesman, and the close attention of his really intellectual audience show that his views met with appreciation. Several distinguised per sons were present. “A Southern widow of great beauty and greater wealth,” is the latest assignment to Sheridan.—Boston Post. What lnnatic asylum has she escaped from ? Surely no Southern woman in her senses would so insult the memory of the dead, and the wrongs and sufferings of tho living. Let Sher idan find a mate among those gentle demoisel les of the North who glory in the fame won amid the blazing bouses, barns and mills, and at the expense, of the homeless, houseless wo men and children of the Shenandoah Valley. A Monument to Howell Cobb.—Acknowl edging the receipt of Mr. Boykin’s memorial volume of the late Howell Cobb, the Colnmbus Sen says, and we heartily echo its words: “The book does all it can do for Howell Cobb the citizen. It say all that love and friendship should now say of the man. Bat Georgia owes him an unrequited debt for his great services and his unselfish devotion.*! And if it be granted to her in the future to fall upon days when the voices of her true sons can again be raised in her high places, it is to be hoped that a lasting memorial may be raised to the name and fame of Howell Cobb.” Two More Georgia Senators had their cre dentials presented in the United States Senate yesterday. This makes five altogether, includ ing Blodgett, who holds tack until certain charges against him are cancelled. Georgia seems desirous of getting as much reconstruc tion as possible, even if it is not of tho best quality.—Neu> York Herald 23d You don’t understand the situation down here, at all. Georgia, the real Georgia, loathes radical reconstruction as a sea-sick man does a piece of fat pork, she wouldn’t have it at any prioe if she had her way. But she hasn't, and so down goes the pork. The mongrel crowd who desire this sort of reconstruction, no more represents Georgia than do the roughs and rogues of New York, the respectable citizens thereof. Dawson and the Teleobaph and Messengeb. Our brother of the Dawson Journal, noticing a letter from that city to this paper, says: We thank “S” for his favorable notice of Dawson and some of her popnlation, in a com munication, which we copy below, to the Tel- eqeai-h and Messenger. We regret that he could not give the names of all the deserving, not only in town, but in the country surround ing. We excuse him, however, for their num ber is legion. He speaks correctly when bs says that the Teleobaph and Messenger comes here by the bushel, and on a pleasant day, just after the arrival of the train, we are reminded Of & school jugt called to order, as each one that Can spare a few moments from his busi ness, seats himself and begins the'perusal of his paper. Wish “S” could have gone out in the country and seen what sortof men the Daw son merchants have to look to for their patron age ; he would not then have been surprised at the business activity of our town. A Georgia Senator. This is the man whose brazen effrontery has Captivated our contemporary. He is a fair specimen of the men raised to power in the South by the Bsdical party, and held there with Federal bayonets. Governors sell commissions and Charters. Senator j are indicted for per jury, and members of Congress dispose of ca detships. And yet, with all these facts upon record, Northern journals uphold the scala wags. Well, every one to Their taste. We think the penitentiary the place for perjurers, not tho Senate of the United States. Oar con temporary thinks otherwise, and there we di vide.—Philadelphia Age. A Compliment to Whittemore. Amid all the denunciation that the big rascals of his party who hare not been caught, are pouring upon the head of brother Whittemorc, it is really refreshing to read a tribute like tko following from the pen of a Mr. Brooks, who was mixed up in Whittemore’s cadetship specu lations. As there are greater criminals than Whittemore, so, according to Brooks, are there those of smaller and meaner calibre : “There were a number of men in the Fortieth, as there is in every Congress, who could bo bought like sheep at so much a head. -1 bought them as fast as I could, but the number was finally exhausted, and I was compelled to apply to another class who requireiLdelicato manipu lations, and among them wasJdr. Whittemore.’’ Blot Oar Dufy to Get Rich. One of our correspondents writes a comfort ing thought that it is not incumbent upon any man to get rich. If it were a matter of duty, the vast majority of us would have a very foul oonsoienee, and great short-comings to answer for. %•< But although it be no duty, the idea that it is a great privilege—a high and glorious achieve- thent to get rich, is as general as it is absolute ly unfounded and foolish. Every man exercis ing a sound judgment and sober Christian or moral philosophy, is ready to oono9de that the rioh man gains nothing substantisl over the man whose moderate acquirements are sufficient to provide Mm with the ordinary comforts and conveniences of life. We never heard a sensi ble, considerate* man, assert the converse of this proposition. We never heard anybody of mature years express the opinion that the rich were happier, as a class, than people in ordin ary circumstances; while the judicious would probably concur unanimously with the moralist who compares the rich man to the traveler toil ing under a superfluous burden- But while almost everybody’s theory is sound enough on this question, his practice is fatally at war with it. Personal ambition most com monly takes the form of an intense straggle for wealth, wMob, in many cases, embitters exist ence itself. Li the eager pursuit of fortune we not only neglect;, to a greater or less extent, those exalted aims of life which reason, philos ophy and religion concur in commending to us as the rollJ en ^ s of existence, but we also pass by unheeded the tuCns«»d and one sources of rational delight and enjoyment which surround us on every side, and invito us to repose, re creation and refreshment in our headlong ca reer. . out mind and body and shorten our days by excessive anxiety, vigilance and toil to become rich; and not content with sacrificing our physical health, too often endanger or com promise our moral rectitude. We have but this one journey of life from the cradle to the grave; but we literally rush through it, not taking time to enjoy ourselves on. the road as we might do, in order that we may hasten that grand consum mation when we shall be rich. Social and in tellectual pleasures are neglected because we have not time to attend to them, and so, too frequently are thoso mingled pleasures and du ties wMch spring from our relations to the fam ily, to the church and to society. We have not time to do what judgment and conscience tell ns we ought to do to contribute to the comfort, enjoyment and improvement of those aronnd us, and the doing of wMch would be its own richest reward. We business Americans are well said to allow ourselves scarcely time to eat as we should do. We are ip a perpetual drive. We rash through this one journey of life as we would through a business trip—as if the main thing were to have done with it. We allow ourselves little or no time to make it comfortable to oqrselves or pro fitable to others. And if to be rich were a grand happiness, then one of the plainest and most unfortunate re sults of all this mad hurry is that it defeats its own end in the majority of cases. The impa tience to be rich is one grand reason why so few succeed. They can’t wait the result of slow gains, and in the haste to force conclusions and precipitate results, lose all the progress they have made and throw themselves far behind hand- Few men would fail to accumulate prop erty who c#nbined energy, perseverance and patience. But these small gains! they only fret the temper, .and stimulate to large under takings and rash hazards and experiments. So the final result in the vast majority of cases is that, after a life of chafing, worrying, fretting and toiHng to gain wealth, nineteen out of twenty of us die poor and our lives are a dead failure in respect to the particular end to which we have devoted it. But of the few who succeed, it may well be asked, are they in any better case in respect to tho sober ends of life ? They, too, have lost life, e^sept it may be in tho simple enjoy ment of the grand game of money-getting; and when they have made their pile, must simply leave it to demoralize and destroy their chil dren. The removal of those great restraints imposed on man by Cod Almighty in the neces sity of providing, by care, thought and labor, for Ms daily recurring wants ,is good for nobody, and especially so for those in the flush of youth. Some few, bom to wealth, escape the penalty of- such enfranchisement; but we doubt not that the most oven of them would have been better under the ordinary stimulus of self-provision.: Finally, what is the moral—the application of this little homily. It is designed simply to second the monitions in every man’s breast to moderate his aspirations for gain. Seek to en joy and improve life as you go along. Aim to make the monuments of your existence—not a mere pile of gold or greenbacks, but in the re collection of duties well performed to your fam ily and to society, and in a cheerful, improving influence shed like sunlight all around you in your pathway to the grave. Affidavit vs. Assertion. Some; days since we published an affidavit sworn to by Mr. J. H. Penland, the legally elect ed Representative from the county of Union, who was tricked into declining to take the oath of eligibility by a person acting a3 one of Gov. Bullock’s Secretaries, and who further repre sented that if he, Penland, would not take the oath, his disabilities should be removed in five or ten days, and he be allowed to take Ms seat. As the sequel showed, however, the Radicals in the lower branch of the Agency refused to stand by the Secretary’s bargain, by swearing in the man Penland had defeated, on the ground that he (Penland) by applying for relief from disa bility, acknowledge Ms ineligibility! We find in the 4$ra, of Friday, a eorroupon- dence between Bullock and this Secretary, whose jjame is Lester, in which Lester characterizes the charge as false inletter and spirit, and de clares that he is “personally responsible” for what he says—which declaration, we suppose, he means as a sort of “biting of Ms thumb” at the gentleman from Union. We hope Lester will do nothing desperate. “Loyal” men must not set their valuable lives against tho worthless “wital” spark that animates the pestilent cor- pusesof “unrepentant rebels.” Between Mr. Penland’s affidavit and Mr. Les ter’s more denial, the publio will judge, so we leave the verdict with them. Single Newspapeb Packets. —For several years we have had great complaints of the fail ures and irregularities of newspapers in single packets to reach their destination. They are a troublesome mail to distribute, and where in terruptions occur, accumulate in such vast quan tities that, in some one or other of the post- offices on their route, distribution is delayed and postponed, until, perhaps, sometimes they may be thrown aside altogether. They are but newspapers—of no great money value, and each one bearing a separate address, the temp tation is strong, when such blocks occur, to shove them aside. If this is not tho pMIosophy of tho uncertainty of “single packets,” we are unable to give any. Our correspondent in Hall county, who makes bis griovoos complaint, has our sympathy, but we can’t help Mm. We mail his paper very regularly. If he will seenre a few of Ms neighbors so as to mako up a post- office packet, we beliove it will go much more regularly. We say to Mm and to all readers in like condition, if they will try this remedy, wo will deal liberally by them. Oa» Tkwqhte, Precisely. The Baltimore Gazette commenting upon the charge brought against it by a county optompo- rary of being rather bitter and extreme when discussing thS Southern situation, states very tersely and eloquently, our own thoughts and position upon the subject It holds that it is, of course, very wrong and foolish for men to argue all questions with anger, or with bitter ness, or to manifest animosity towards those to whom they may be opposed. But there are ex! oeptional cases. There is such a thing as right eous indignation. There are times when com promises are disgraoefoL We are living in such an epoch. Bo fat as Congress and the South ern people are concerned, we hold that there is only one true and manly way of dealing with tha subject They do this journal gross injustice who suppose it to be animated merely by the resentments or wrongs'of the past It bears no animosities against any section or any honest man. It makes no vain lamentations over the result of the war. It has rio antipatMes against those who fairly and bravely fought and triumphed over the cause in wMohits sympa thies were enlisted. But of the present leaders of the Radical party it holds that it is eminently becoming in the press and the American people to express detestation and abhorrence. If the men who now govern the oounsels ofthat faction we re only misguided fanatics or ignorant fools it might be well to Speak of them rather in sorrow than in anger. Bat they are neither.— They are simply a set of political knaves who, for their own indivinal and party ends, are daily violating every principle of right and jus tice, and trampling under foot everything that we been taugut J? hoU dear *“ d sacred.— ^Laer th? p ratfiXt of most transparent false hoods, they have kept the South for years ground down under a merciless military despotism. Under a hypocritical avowal of a newly devel oped love for the negro, they have made Mm the equal and the ruler over the men of their own blood and race. Under the plea of pre serving Republican government, they hive by force and fraud installed in offioe, as Governors and legislators, in the South, a set of adventur ers and renegades who have no interest in com mon with the people over whom they are placed, and who not command the confidence of any one, North or South. If these things had been done in a time of Mgh excitement, under the lead of Jackson or Calhoun, of Clay or Webster, it is possible that, while denouncing such acts, the press might still have spoken with some small respect of the statesmen who perpetrated them. But when these outrages against law and reason are deliberately concocted and car ried out by creatures like Butler and Schenck and Sumner, and the characterless politi cians whom they represent, it is taxing too far the charity, of any one to ask him to treat the matter in a tone of forbearance. The Constitution of this country has been over thrown, the rights and liberties of millions of people invaded, and the prosperity of whole States retarded for years by unprincipled men who are looking for notMng bnt the retention in their own hands of place and power. About all this, thank Heaven, we do feel much bitterness. Towards the present leaders of the Radical party we do cherish a deep animosity. Towards the whole carpet-bag fraternity we do entertain a profound contempt. Were it other wise, we should fear that our love for our coun try, our devotion to the principles of our fathers and our respect for truth and right had passed away forever. As it is, we regard as the sad dest symptom of the decadance of publio spirit and virtue in this laud, the fact that the American people can look without bitterness upon the condition of this country under its present rulers. Brother B. F. Whittemore. We mourn for brother Benjamin Franklin WMttemore, of the First District of South Car olina. He is a son of the Pilgrim Fathers, and a most exemplary member and preacher of the Northern Methodist Episcopal Church. Broth er WMttemore came from Massachusetts di rectly after the war, as part missionary and part speculator, and made a good thing of it. Everything he touched turned into gold, and what would not tarn of itself, he turned it. The piety of brother WMttemore was of that severe stripe wMch could make no allowance for the wickedness of the Rebels, and when he saw them carelessly smoking their pipes, and counting up their losses, and giving away their sixpences to the niggers, Ms indignation was stirred within him, and he vowed a vow that he would skin wMtes and niggers alike and un sparingly, and as a good man, he kept his vow. He never spared one of them. Because Brother WMttemore has been turned out of Congress as “unworthy of a seat," let no man suppose he is worse than the other carpet-baggers and indeed most of the members of that honorable body. This would be a grave error. Brother WMttemore has only had the misfortune to be oaught. Probably spores of them voted to expel Brother WMttemore, with a thousahd dollars of stealings in their pockets for every one of Ms hundreds; but they were more careful in the use of ink and paper. If any carpet-bag member from - the South has neglected to turn every thing in the way of offioial power or patronage into gold, it has been by mistake or oversight. Every man in Con gress knows that the entire race have been gathering honey every day from every opening flower in the Sonth, ever since the war, and Mving it down in Skowhegan at a fearful rate. The punishment of WMttemore for selling a cadetship is a tribute to official honesty, in the nature of the religion of the scribes and phari sees. It is like the Mghwayman who whipped his boy for stealing apples. While the rascals are pulling up their short collars and putting on airs of incorruptible integrity, they are slyly lmiglilng in their sleeves at the Simplicity of Brother WMttemore who is tqrned out of Con- ^ cess tor a five hundred dollar speculation,while they have pocketed their thousands in security. We think Brother WMttemore is one of those little rogues who are caught in the meshes of the law by the Mg rogues, who drive through them in a coach and r jX. Wages of Farm Labor. A summary from the Department of Agricul ture furnishes some statistics in reference to the wages of Farm Labor in the United States. The following is a statement of average wages in the different seotions last year, as oompared with the year 1866: December, Deoember, 1866. 1869. Eastern States $33 SO $32 03 Middle States 30 07 29 15 Western States 28 91 27 01 Southern States 16 00 16 81 California 45 71 46 38 The Commissioner has the following remarks upon freed labor in the South: The general tenor of reports indicates a gradual improvement in the quality of freedmen’s labor. The wild notions that freedom is synonymous with idleness, and that a free farm well stocked is an in cident of suffrage, are generally discarded by the colored man. The trial of independent farming without capital or foresight has.so often resulted in total failure, and comparative destitution and suf fering, that only a very few, whose energy has pur chased success, or those who prefer semi-starvation to regular work, still continue to cultivate land on their own account. Freedmen are more inclined than formerly to enter into contracts for their labor. The copar tnership system still prevails very gener ally —-'working on shares” as it is commonly called. It is a pernicious Bystem, is becoming unpopular (as wo predicted a year or two ago,) and should l>8 ex changed for fair wages as soon aa the change can be made. I-f is reported that Empress Eugenie visits Sweden and Norway in the sprmg. Effects of High Freights. The Chattanooga Times says : The high rates of tariff which the Western and At lantic railroad have recently made, have worked against the interests of our grain merchants and our coal dealers, but it is an ill wind that blows nobody any good. Owing to the high height tariff on coal, the Atlanta rolling mill is unable to bear the ex pense of shipping coal to Atlanta, to puddle their pig iron, and the Vulcan Works of this city are now engaged in working up 500 tons of pig iron into pudr die bars,-for the Atlanta mill to make rails of. That’s an illustration of how a country can he killed in order to make Mghnilway freights for s time. The policy of CoL Halbert was a large and a wise one—a policy becoming the ideas in which the State Road originated. That road was constructed by means furnished from the State Treasury primarily to develop the great section of Georgia which the road penetrates— to give the whole State the benefit of a cheap and rapid communication with the great food- producing regions of the West, as well as to develop the mineral wealth of Northern Geor gia. Keeping these grand purposes in view Hal bert advocated the gradual development of a local traffic by a system of low freights wMch should build up the business of the country all along the roads and seek the welfare of the road rather in the increasing amount of its trade than in exorbitant freight charges. And there can be no doubt that this is a sound practical policy for all our railroads; Trafflo and travel should be encouraged by reasonable charges, and exorbitant freights are bad perma nent policy. We could cite cases where freights of less than 200 miles in Georgia, have been a little Mgher than freight on the same articles for over 3000 miles by land and water, and ■«vber» *• ’ ’ ' ’ 150 miles has exceeded ,-v wAutau irtugu. v. . through railway freight for 550 miles, all wMch strikes us as silly and impracticable. But we see that the idea of Hulbert has been altogether abandoned under Blodgett Railroad Stock, A Southern railroad, whose stock pays a dividend of soma kind, is a desideratum. There are a great many thousand 'miles of railroad in the Southern States, but so far sb we now remember the reports of the various companies, there have been no divi dend declared by any of them last year or in 1868 or the year before, or indeed from their origin. There is glory for the directors, emoluments for employees, convenience to the public, enhancement to property, relief to agriculture and encourage ment to the whole world in general, but not a par ticle of consolation to the real owners of the roads who are the States, cities, corporations or individu als who own the stock. The holders of Southern securities would “drink the wine of astonishment” to hear of a dividend on the st'oek of a Southern railroad. The above from the New Orleans Commercial Bulletin, displays an amount of ignorance we certainly did not look for in that quarter. NotMng can be farther from accuraoy, so far as tMs State is concerned, at least. With one exception, we do not know a rail road in Georgia that has been in actual opera tion throughout its whole line for three years past, that has not earned, and paid ont to its stockholders during that time, a dividend, on an average, of 8 per cent. Last year the divi dends of all the Georgia roads, with the excep tion above referred to, ranged from' 8 to 10 per cent, and to-day their stock is held at from $93 to $120 a sharo. We advise our New Orleans cotemporary either to read Ms Georgia exchanges more closely, hereafter, or to consult some well posted stockbroker when he purposes writing about “Southern Railroads.” P. S. We were about to forget to remind the Bulletin that the Western and Atlantic Rail road, extending from Atlanta to Chattanooga, the property of the State, has been paying into the State Treasury, monthly, for the past two or thTee years, up to last Ootober, from $25,- 000 to $30,000. TMs, too, when it was more or tags in the interest of a political party, and, therefore, not allowed a fair opportunity of proving what it could do at its best. The Tin Plate and Chalk Swindle. The Chicago Tribune (Rad.) calls attention to three mysterious items in the new tariff bill which read as follows : . “On tinned iron, known as tin plates, and on iron or tin plates galvanized, and on iron, coat ed with zinc or any other metal, two and a half cents per pound. “Palm and cocoannt oil, free. “Tib in pigs, bars, or blocks, free.” And says: The present duty on tin plates is twenty-five percent, or one and one-tMrd cents per pound, and yields annually about $2,000,000 in gold rev enue to the Government. Tin in pigs, bars, or blocks, pays a duty of fifteen per cent, in gold. The duty on palm and cocoannt oil is ten per cent The manufacturers of tin wares in this country have remonstrated against this increase of the tax on tin plates, and as that article has never been made in the United States, there has been an inquiry why the committee pro posed to change the law. The New York World explains the whole op eration. It appears that the manufacture of tin plates is a specialty with the Welsh, and, though Welsh mechanics were brought over to the United States some years ago to mako them here, the enterprise failed. To make tin plates there arc three essential articles;, thin rolled sheets, tin and palm oil—the process being the dipping of the iron in a body of liquid tin and then cleaning it with palm oiL One Mr. McDaniels, a constituent of Kelly and Cake, proposes to try to manufacture tin plates, and as a preliminary, Mr. Kelly proposes to let McDaniels have Ms pig tin free, and his palm oil free; and that the tax on imported tin plates shall be doubled, so that he can have a monopoly of the market. The-revenue on these three artioles, amounting to $2,500,000 per year, is to be discontinued, and the publio are to be required to pay that amount of tax to McDaniels. It must be remembered that this action of the Committee of Ways and'Means, in cutting on $2,500,000 of revenue and doubling the tax off every tin pan in the country for the personal benefit'or whim of one man, is not to proteot any industry now in existence, but is designed wholly to enable this man in Pennsylvania to try on experiment. The tin ware and utensils of forty millions of people are to be taxed, not for revenue, but to holp McDaniels to begin business. The Chalk business the World explains after tMsfasMon; Chalk was once brought into Boston as bal last and given away. Some fellow found a chalk-hill on hia farm in Monmouth, and at once sought protection. TMs was given in the shape of a $10 duty per ton, and now chalk rules at $12 per ton in the Hub. Free chalk cost nothing; protected chalk wrings out of our withers $10 to the government and $11 to the worthy one whom it protects. And the worst part ot the whole miserable business is, that the very seotion these odions, grinding discriminations bear so hard upon, is represented in Congress by creatures who vote solid every time to make them heavier. The Blifils and Black Georges of New England.who, by the aid of the negroes,. have stolen the South’s Congressional representation, go just as they are bidden by their Puritan masters. The Sonth, leaving out aU other considerations, would, on this ground, be a thousand times bet tor off without any representation at alL A Cbuel Pabent.—Here is a cruel and mer cenary parient, sure enough: A rich widower named Elkhart haBheen detected and nailed in an attempt to abduct a Miss Julianna Murray, of New York, who refused bis hand. The plot was hatched by the girl’s mother. Her son-in- law, one Baker, took her to the theater, and drove her to a minister’s house, where Elkhart was await ing her, but she broke away-and took refuge on a street car. The minister was to get fifty dollars, the cabman fifteen dollars and Baker fifteen dollars. Elkhart has given up the game but the girl is in close confinement in her mother’s house. The Tennessee Constitutional Convention has dedicated a proposition to prohibit negroes from holding office and sitting on juries, by a vote of 39 to 29. Fletcbeb, the Radical Secretary of State of Tennessee, is charged with misappropriating (?) the publio funds to the amount of twenty thou- srnd dollars. Letter from Keafaeky. , Kentucky Ukxvkbsxtt, ) Lexington, Kt., February 21, 1870. j - Editors Telegraph and Messenger : With this letter I send you a copy of the catalogue of Kentucky University for 1869. Since tho pub lication of. this catalogue a number of students have entered, whose names, of oourse, do not appear. This institution is located at Ashland, the homestead of Henry Clay, wMch extends np to the city limits of Lexington, and is one of the most beautiful, highly improved and fertile estates in Amerioa. The brilliant descriptions of tins Mstorio place fail to do it adequate justice, and the many fan cies of the great statesman’s home dwindle be fore the reality. There we see the native Mae grass, spread ont in undulating lawns, "and even in .winter looking soft, and green, and pleasing to the eye. The fields are all enclosed with nice plank fences, and no stomps, rooks, or other unsightly objects obtrude themselves upon the vision. The 500 sores present the appear ance of one smooth lawn, and with the fat cat tle gracing is complacent delight, you have a picture that a rural artist would ?9Y8l IP? From these attractive fields you oan plainly s«a tho* top of the towering monument erected in Lex ington oemetery to the memory of the great Henry Cay. His name, and Ms fame are as dear to Kentuckians as household gods, and all parties and peoples here speak of him with rev erential fondness. The founding of the Sentuchy University upon the site of Ashland is an appropriate tribute to the memory of its former owner, and a safe means of preserving the beauty and re pair of the estate. On a portion of the land there is an experimental farm, connected with the Agricultural Department of the University, and ably managed. Here thoee students who have not the means to pay the regular expenses of ani education can earn the latter by compen sated labor of so many touts per diy. have the same privilege presented them in the Mechanical Department, also, These colleges grew Out of a grant of land made by Congress to the State of Kentucky, with the express provision of their establish ment. TMs grant constituted a part of the en dowment of the “University.” Many private subscriptions were made to the fond for looating the University by Kentuckians, Tennesseeans, Missourians, Ohioans, and other "Western and Northwestern citizens. Transylvania College, formerly located in Lexington, was merged by the Trustees into the University. As you will notice from the catalogue, this in stitution is striotly upon the university plan. It is composed of the College of Arts, Be College of Law, the. College of Medicine, the Commercial College, the College of the Bible and the College of Agriculture and Mechanics. These several colleges are subdivided into different sohools, or branches, composing as thorough a course of education as can be fonnd in the country. The endowment was large to oommence with, and constant donations have been made since to the institution. The history of the way and means of found ing it, is contained in the catalogue I Bend you, and reflects-great credit upon “The Re gent,” J. B. Bowman, its founder. The project originated with Mm, and most energetically and zealously has he prosecuted Ms work. He in formed me that he was still raising funds for the institution, and had met with excellent suc cess in all Ms collecting tours.. He designs erecting all the various buildings of the respect* ive colleges anew, at Ashland. Now, some of them are temporarily located in the city of Lexingtoru The Commercial College that I am attending is located in the city. The professorships in all the colleges are full and able, and young men wishing to complete or prosecute any of the studies of our modern universities, can have a good opportunity here. The tuition here is unusually low, and board can be had in the bfest private families at $21 per month, includ ing everything, or at $10 per month hy the “club system.” The latter is" where the stu dents board themselves, and includes everything in the way of board and lodging. Lexington is a city of from twenty to twenty- five thousand inhabitants, well built and hand some. It is situated in the heart of the Blue Grass region, and is noted as being the best stock market in Kentucky. The best lauds in this section of country range from $100 to $150 per acre. Fine stock is the most profitable part of farming here, and hemp the next There is considerable commercial business carried on in Lexington, and a good number of wholesale houses are in operation here. The people of this city and seotion of Kentucky are very muohia favor of the Cincinnati and Chat tanooga Railroad being built, as it will come through or near Lexington, and give them a shorter connection with the South by two hun dred miles than aronnd through Louisville. The latter city, of course, is very hostile to the road, and is doing her utmost to prevent the. Kentucky Legislature from granting the right of way through this State. Cincinnati and Louisville are now competing very earnest ly for the Southern trade. Louisville thus far has the advantage. Lexington is about equi distant from each city, and has choice of either market. In reference to the political senti ments of the people here, I think the majority are of the Democratic persuasion, now, although they were divided dining the war. Kentuoky is now, and has been since the sur render, sounder politically than any other Southern State, as she has not been crucified with the entertainment of the “nation’s wards.” Coffee has to be very modest up here. But, to return to “The University”: I must mention that it is in a very flourisMug condition, as we now have about 760 students in attendance. “The Regent” informed me that from 1000 to 1200 could be accommodated. Most of the students here are young men from the age of twenty-one to forty years; representing every Southern and some of the Northern States. Georgia has but a Blim representation as yet, because the Institution is only slightly known there. It should be well known, however, in Georgia, as young men there oan find no bet tor facilities for education than those presented here. TMs section, too, oan boast of good health, good society, good tables and beautiful ladies—no ordinary attractions. Should any one in Georgia desire a catalogue or any infor mation, about the University, he ean prooure it by writing to “The Regent” Hoping this letter may be of some service to your readers, I remain Yours vary truly, J. W. Nibbkt. The Curbenct of Texas.—A ^ Texas corres pondent of the Columbus Inquirer, who has just gone there,, gives many very interesting facts concerning the country. He says: “The oiroulating medium is specie, which to a recon structed man is very annoying. When yon have any money it weighs your pocket down. I had occasion to send $100 into Navarro coun ty to pay for somer%>rn, and had to send it in half dollar pieces. Currency can be passed, but unless the party is posted, or not pressed, at a ruinous discount In trade, or at regular broker shops, it ranges at about two or two and a half per cent below the New York quotations. But there is no scarcity of gold and' silver here, and all transactions are. striotly in coin. Some persons mu8t be making money out of the immigrants who brought currency along with them.-” THE NEGRO VOTE. Why the White Ben ot the Month Should Control the Vote* of the Freedmen— Speech of Ex-Saaiter Hendricks in Mew Orleans. Ex-Senator Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indians; addressed the Democracy of New (Means an the occasion of Ms visit to that city last week. He rid: I have heard it said by men of tMs State, and of some other Southern States, that they would take no pert in the political controversies of the times; that it was no use to do so; that the States had settled the question. Will you allow me to say that that sentiment ought not to be entertained by any citizen of the United States? (Applause.) There is no man so high that he is above the consideration of those questions that touch the liberty of Ms country. (“Good,” and applause.) There is no man so low that he can not exercise some influence for the welfare of Ms country. (Applause.) Why shall the men of the South say they will take no active, re sponsible part in the discussion and decision of the questions that occupy the pnblio attention ? The Southern States have a vast population.— They have mighty resources. Their fortunes are now bound up in the fortunes of all the States in this Union, and it is no time now, when the institutions of this eountry are im perilled, for any mar. to hesitate for one mo- giant in the discharge of his duty to his country. (OheerSj) Have we stopped to QOPeider how important is the influence whish the Southern States of this Republic have upon the affairs -of the entuo Union ? The demand is made by many that we should return to specie payments, and I, for one, will be glad when the day shall come that we shall have once more the currency of Andrew Jackson for the currency of the entire country— (applause)—but I look with little confidence to the Congress of the United States, aa jt is now organized, for any action that will bring us in the direction, even, of specie payments. (A laugh.) It is in the power of the people them selves, and of the people alone, to facilitate a return to the constitutional currency. And how? By celling more abroad that they buy abroad. By turning the current of the precious metals from Europe towards our shores, and stemming the flow of specie from our porta to the ports of Europe. If thfi?e is any gentleman present who hesitates to turn Ms attention to the finan cial questions of the day, I desire to call Ms at tention to one or two faots drawn from a well considered statement recently made by a gentle man now in Congress, showing the important relation wbioh Southern products bear to the general commerce of the country. In the years 1857-8-9, the entire exports from the United States amounted to $1,305,000,000. Of that thirteen hundred millions, about $181,- 000,000 was of gold and silver; that being de ducted, leaves $1,127,000,000 of the products of the labor of the country which were' exported during those three years. Of that eleven hun dred and twenty-seven millions, there was ex ported directly from the ports of the South, and of Southern products from Northern ports, $596,484,591; of that vast sum, a little less than one million dollars was gold and silver. So that of the entire products of the country ex ported abroad, excluding gold and silver,- $595,- 487,050 were contributed by the South, while the North (excluding gold and silver) contribu ted $531,853,361. Thus, it appears that, of the entire exports of the country, exclusive of spe cie, during the years 1867-8-9, the products of the South constitute fifty percent. . Are you prepared, then, to say, yon men of the section that contributes so mnoh toward the squaring of foreign accounts, men who contri bute from your section so much to establish the balance of trade between us and foreign na tions—are you willing to sit down and say that yon will take no responsible part in saving this great country from financial rain ? (“No, no,” and applause.) When I speak of the country, I do licit wish you to understand that I do not at the same time properly appreciate the luxurious products of the North. Our productions to a very large extent are consumed in the country. The products of New England, of the Middle States, and of the great Northwest, to which I belong, are, to a very large extent, oonsumed in the country, and do not appear in the foreign exports. I am glad to see that the estimate made of the entire products of the labor of the country, daring the last three years, reaches sixty millions of dollars and more—a great item in favor'of a great country. Now, yon men of the South can contribute your part of the work. What have we to accomplish ? We have onr institutions to preserve, the constitution to maintain and the Union to perpetuate. This is the work for you as it is the work, for the men of the North. ' Upon what party, upon what men ean you rely for tMs work? Will you rely upon radicalism that is carrying us day by day further from the pathway marked by the feet of the fathers of the country? (“No,” and cheers.) Will you, then, rely upon the Democratic party with such conservatives as are willing to co-op erate with that party for the good which is to be accomplished ? (“Yes,” and applause ) I appeal to yon to organize under the banner of the Democracy, because it is the national party —not national in the sense alone that it has its supporters in every seotion of the country, north and south—bnt national, because it sup ports the rights of every section of the coun try; national because it upholds the bright ban ner on which is written the principles upon which onr forefathers erected the fabric gf this government. (Cheers.) You will allow me to speak of one other ques tion which is somewhat local and pecnliar to yourselves—a question in which we of the State of Indiana shall have to deal, to the extent to' which you have to deal with it. In one way or another the Radicals a# Washington intend to have it a fixed faot that the .fifteenth amend ment to the Constitution has been adopted. Right or wrong, they intend it shall be declared adopted as part of the Constitution of the United States. Under'that provision of the Constitution, then, when it shall have been or dered to have been rdopted, the colored people of the whole country become voters ; they be come clothed with political rights as they have been before by Congressional action; as far as Congress could do it, clothed with civil rights. It is a question for you to consider very carefully what attitude you men of the South shall ocoupy toward the colored popu lation. There is a deliberate purpose on the part of adventurers from the North—a doss of men who are described as carpet-baggers .(laughter) —to appropriate the entire colored vote of the South to their oause. And what is their cause ? It is not your cause; it is not the colored men’s cause (assent); it is the cause of plunder. (Cheers.) And the question presents itself just in this form: Are you, men of the South, will ing that these adventurers shall appropriate that large vote—ip some of the Southern States a majority of the entire vote? Are you willing that this vote shall b s appropriated for such a purpose? (A voice—“Not if we oan help it.” Laughter and applause.) How can we help it? Simply enough. It is a question simply of per sonal influence between you men of the South “to the manor born,” and those who have set tled here for the purpose of making their home here, on the one side, and these hap-hazard ad venturers of the North on the other. This is the way the question stands. New re lations have come to exiat between you and the colored people of the South. How will you Mace yourself in regird to those new relations ? They have not been of your seeking, and they may, perhaps, be very disagreeable to yon; but the negro is a voter in Louisiana, as he will be in Indiana, if the Fifteenth Amendment is de clared adopted, and it is not worth yonr while, nor is it worth my while, to go back on the fixed fact. That traveler in the mountain pass is not wise, when he is overtaken by the stonp, to be casting his eyes; back upon the plain which he has left. It is Ms business to consider the dangers wbioh menace him at the time, and to save Mmself from the threatened peril. How can you do it? These new relations are upon you. How are you to conduct yourselves toward the colored people ? They were once yonr friends and you were their friends. There were social relations between you—the relations of master and servant. They had your confidence and yon had theirs. Is it possible that the stranger can now come in and make these ancient servants of yours his servants and your enemies ? (Ap plause.) There is no occasion in these new relations wMohwere forced upon you, that you should entertain sentiments of dislike to the negro be cause of it. It was not bis seeking; he did not produce this change of relations. The altered condition of thiDgs has been forced on the country and on you, not by the colored man, but by ambitious politicians, Noith and South, who wish to make oapital out of it. (“That’s so,” and cheers.) I hope to see Southern men taking this weapon, which is placed in their hands, and using it for their country's good. (Applause.) You have no cause to entertain against the colored people a feeling of prejudice. (“We don’t do it.”) When your young men were far off in the field, and even -your aged men—many of them were afaeent during the four years of the war—you lefh these colored men at your homes, where they stood sentinels at the doors, whsreryouir wins and firea were safe under their protecti^ labored and cultivatedjwur' fimds those products which sapported tL ' ‘ the field. And now, is it possible tbaHhe f 0 „ speak not of the fontanel ae a m» n 3 eountry, but men foreign to your i n w* of other sections of the country—j g u* that they shall come in and destroy interests are the interests of the coloLl A few oolored men may be brought ,?■ lobbies of the Legislature. They mj*? porarily invested with a few offices- bml to work and perauade the oolored meat interests are assured by just laws andJ laws alone, and that these apparent wMch are conferred on a few of tbebi do not go far to make np the benefit,1 great body of them. Give them to that the offices which are conferred ontLl ed men here and the oolored men therff positive injustice to^he pedble at h * them understand that with regard tot rights you are willing io give them irJtL The negro, of hia own notion, is C? ask for social equality or social rightr. i Northern adventurer only who is tnin 1 tate that question, to make it a gromi?,’ til-feeling between yon and the coul In 1867 Senator Wilson, addressing in this square, declared this true doctnii no law in any land oonld open anv to him, and no law oould open his u«,i 1 other. The social rights, & 6 ^ff** a man depend upon himself. n,ej, regtuatC^ liw, and the man ^t'rmL there shall be sociable relations bet* whites and blacks, inconsistent with ij relations of these two races, is neither. He is the enemy of both a*. 1 plause.) l In my judgment, the colored peonle, satisfied if you assure them that *ou vrl them just laws, fairly administered ul and then the outside adventnrer camnl their votes against you. Let the C SI understand that the legislation of joms not being carried on to make a few meB at the expense of the ^reat body of Appeal to the oolored men to stand bi* your fight for honesty, for justice, f 0 /3 ty, and for equal laws, and that avJ reach his heart as readily as it reacheati of the great body of the white people I don’t want you to consider what lb as the expression of a man who is well h on the subject. I have never been hot dose contact with oolored men to any« able extent. I don’t know much of their J I don’t know much of the influence hr; bear upon them ; bnt I do believe thu who have known them from childhood men who have been their friends in tii may, by a proper coarse, restore that _ in themselves wMch will enable them ti the oolored vote for the good of yonr for the good of the country. Let the dated sentiment of the men of Loi brought to bear upon the Legislature, the right. - You ask notMng that it Yon ask that you shall be taxed only publio good, and that when the taxes lected the money shall be expended public good, and that the corrupt tided; legislation shall be stopped. We have mnch to accomplish. W intend? That this Union shall be that it shall zest on the Constitution, all the rights, privileges, and prerq the State shall be maintained forever' government, and that the National la supported by States clothed with a!l will be the temple in wMch freemen ship forever together. (Cheers.) 1 wish to acoomplish ? Nothing that is everything that is right. We wish to in the United States, equal-laws and tion. These we must have. This plunder of the State andnati; ry is becoming universal. There masi torn to a spirit of honesty in the pnbEti both national and State. There is i| greater than that of law. Daniel ft one of Ms beantiful orations, when th; was agitating the heart of the world ment Russia would extend to K< whether Rusair Trould demand the rel patriot when ho was under the p; Tnrkey, said there was a power mi, the earthquake—more terrible than d ling of the storm—the judgment of (Cheers.) Let us, North and South, unite a; purpose of maintaining the institatioi eountry in the spirit in wbioh they to blished by the great men who founded eminent. I thank you for the alia have given me; I thank you for tbit It is my first visit to the Southern thought that I knew some of your inti tnonght I would come to see if I was I am satisfied, on observation, I vz taken. I am satisfied that the course felt it my duty to take in regard to tbi; of reconstruction was right. I thoai right at the time. Now I doubt it not I was right. (Cheers.) I have seen to face. I have heard your gentlemi this subject. I know how you feel is the past to you. The future is its weighty interests and responsibili! ns rise to meet that future. Let ns« and let us bo sure that “liberty for i- pression for none” is the watchword a'j ture. (Loud cheers.) The Southern Future. Speculating on this subject, the Clink remarks: The brilliant promise of the South, taring country, cannot always be hidua 1 el. Calculations made with'care shows! mill in Sonth Carolina can make me!.?| similar mill in Lowell barely pays its r penses. These are plain, broad facial spreading over the United States, and j quickened the pulses of the spinneraoflf The Sonth wants no protection. V* with equal chances and freo trade, oi gooda as cheaply as any other cote:.’I them, it is not to the advantage of jh| turn from the hoe to the loom and Bp® Wo believe that we can manufacture i as cheaply in the 8outli as they can he n in any village in New England or Old I we cannot, then we will grow the staple spin and weave. , At this time Sonth Carolina, and the is hampered by want of commercial SH is one great trouble. We have not cij- 1 to handle the raw materials, and cotton? State is shipped direct to NewYoA* brought back again to Charleston for-^ eir States of Louisiana, Alabama, GWq Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia tiq thirty-six national banks, with a cornel of $7,000,000. Charleston alone, IxL’T had $13,000,000 of bank capital. Wj then, that it is only by squeezing and s-j can hold the trade we have, without inr— lar in machinery and bricks and morUr. There is, however, in the Southern xj sum of money which lies idle, and does 1 good to its owner, and to the countPJ weight in brass or unprinted paper. of currency sent down South year by Jjj in the South; but the money is not ■ building factories and railroads and s.fq in widening and deepening the cliannejl It lies hid in old comers—it is hoardej the Tndian ryot, in a state of eternal :_q turns his hoard of silver to tho ground*] it came in the shape of cotton and no I Southern people hide away with zea . profits #f each season. And this thev - to do until they have honest and stasWl emments. until they have a free bank'-Sl the restrictions imposed by Congress/^ circulation of the currency are altogeti* It is generally believed that there -1 money in Sonth' Carolina than there ago, and the hoard increases in vofca*| year. When Congress unties our ha5#J obtain an able and economical gold and the greenbacks will quitf-J from their biding places, and give usc»j to handle all the business we can build ail the mills we need. But it the better be long delayed, tho jnisjWj become another nature; and then, wj need of commercial means, we shall udl tender mercies of the spjculator These will come when they find that Sp made more plenteonsly here than making money for themselves they * raise nplnd develop the whole State» people. Let them come, then, ana i merrier! A young gentleman of Charier sent seventy-five cents to New i°- for a method of writing without He received the following insert j» J type, on a card: “Write with a ” The Kossuth House, at NashviHV] Sunday morning. All the inmate*,^] in number, had to jump from 1*^,1 to save themselves. Three nieu J broken, and one little boy was b fl - “Wei*," says Jitn Nye, ref«^] physiognomy, “when you sees^'l wants to gnaw through the bridg® stand oat of Ms .way.” O. M- Babbab, who wrote “Wrl how building an elegant villa in - is “crooking the knee th at ^ " fawning” to some purpose.