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-AJNHD G-EORGIA JOURNAL & ME8SENQ-ER REID & REESE, Proprietors. The Family Journal.—Fbws—Politics—Literature—Agriculture—Domestic.Affairs. GEORGIA TELEGRAPH BUILDING established 1826. MACON, TUESDAY, JANUARY, 17, 1871. YOL. LXI7—NO ,29 | For the Telegraph <£ Messenger. 7 Uc Girl on ilie Train. i do not know when ever before, L met eo sweet, eo bright a being, n. nben W seen, I’m veiy euro, too so rcsllj worth the seeing. «,t eje beneath ita drooping lid, So street]? blue, *o softly smiling, go'oodeatly, eo slilv hid, ia'd »b! «o bnlifnlly bcgniling. Ii« forehead white, as enow above— Aad checks with dimples crowned, ini brows, I’m sure a god might love, to arched and slightly ehronded With i at two Ikies of auburn hair, ,, Aa tbo’ a pencil made them, frpreislr with enchantment’s air, Tbe eyes to clotho and ebado them. Tiiat rounded chin eo sweetly white, Iboee rose red lips and teeth of pearl, Hat smile eo full of softened light, Asd envious solitary curl, fllucb foil, and floated where it pleased; And shaft like neck so soft and fair, And that mild langh, oh! how they leased Those eyes, red Ups, and auburn hair. Hw sun shone through the window pano And lit her cheek with vermil dye, As only a moment stayed tho train, To touch tho heart and glad tho eyes With tli&t enchanting vision mild; To thri'.l the eonl and start tho sigh, The whistle shrieked, the lassie smiled, The train went off, and so did I. W. H. S. Jim Blndso. (of the fbaibie belle ) fill, no! I can’t tell wbar ho lives, Because fee don't live, you see; Xsastwaye, he’s got out of tho habit Oflivia’ liko yon and mo. fllur tare yon been for the last throa year That von have n’t heard folks tell gow Jimmy Bludso passed in his checks, The night of thoFrairaie Belle? Ho were n't no saint—them engineers Is all pretty much alike— One wife in Natchr z-under-the-Hill Another one here, in Pike. A kceriess man in hie talk was Jim, And an awkward man in a row— But he never flanked, and he never lied, I reckon he never knowed how. Acd this was all the religion be had— To treat his engine well; Sever bo passed on the river; To mind the Pilot’s bell; And if ever the Prairie Belle took fire— A thousand times be swore. He'd hold her nozzle agin the bank Till the last soul got ashore. Ail boats has {heir day on the Mississippi, And her day come at last— ThoSIovaetar was a better boat, But tho Bello she wouldn't be passed. And so she come tearin’ along that night— Tho oldest craft on the line, With a nigger squat on her safety valve And her furnace crammed, rosin and pine. The fro bast out as she elated the bar, And burnt a bole in the night, And quick as a flash she turned, and made For that willer-bank on the right. There was running and cursing, but Jim yelled cut, Over all the infernal roar, •‘I'll hold her nozzle agin tho bank Till the last galoot's ashore.” Through the hot, black breath of tho bumin’ boat Jim Blndso’s voice was heard, And they all had trust in his eussedness, And knowed he would keep his word. And, sure’e you’re bam, they all got off Afore the smokestacks fell— And Bludso's ghost went np alono In the smoke of the Prairie Belle. He wero n’t no saint—but at jedgment I'd run my chance with Jim, Xongside of some pious gentlemen That wouldn't shook hands with him. Ee seen his duty, a dead sure thing—3 And went for it thar and then: And Christ aint a go in’ to be too hard On a man that died for men. TI10 Jlidnigbt Cross. Cordelia ! Cordelia J"—To General Robert Toombs. The light hath lost its Sommer tints— The world, with woe, bath whitened, since Tho ehronded April, long ago, That laid our Idly in the snow! Tho Star that trembled down tho West licinms not from its qniet rest— And if the dawn awake the flowers, They thine for other eyes than ours; And yet—while grace of deed and thought . Shall linger where her hands havo wrought— We see the April of her eyes, And wait her Summer to at iso. Wo wait the dawn with spice and myrth— Wo tarry by the sepulchre— Where still tho sontry’s sullen tread Insults tho victor, not tho dead. The white palms crossed in perfect rest— The Book of God npon her breast— Iu witness of the good she sought— la token that her task is wrought. Tis a proud monument they rear, By this bowed pathos of Judea— This iron scoff that fronts tho skies— Watching lest Righteousness arise! Watch Eagle ! for a tale is told Of slumber on thine eyes of old— Or triumph, blind; of tears that kept The better vigil that they wept. Walk Roman ! lest the dawing hour "rite dust and ashes on thy power— * And retribution, swift and dread, «:se with tke Bighteous from tho dead! F. O. T. France. the Philadelphia Enquirer.') What, fallen? No! wave, craven, she can never be. Though min rage o’er all tho land, She battles on! Sho will be free, Or die, and dying, still will stand, Facing the foe! . , What, fallen? No! In letters, art*, in all, she led, The nations thronged to her to leatn. nhjU thoy th’ arena crowd, instead, To see lioT blood—ah! base return— Bun red below? „ What, fallen? No! *mm whero, beneath his gilded dome, bleeps her great Captain; from tho ekies; From all tho Ages. Athens, Borne, The Present, and the Past shall risa A wail of woe! Not fallen. No! 1 01 gyves and manacles on her ! bho taught to Europe liberty. And now—the patriot dead would atir From Yorktown to ThermopyJro, T avengo the blow. . Not fallen. No! "jink of her grinding in the mill, Great God! 'mid jest, and jibe, and jeer, Bunded and shorn, but Sampson att, And strong, in death; to shako tho ephoro With overthrow. THE KAILROAD POWER. Evil Besnlts of tbe Existence or Great Ho. nopolles—.Corrupt Corporntlons—Spccu- lntiens on tlie Remedy for the Evil by Charles Francis Adams, Jr. ! The January number of the North American i Review has an article from the pen of tho Hon. Charles Francis Adams, on “The Government and Railroad Corporations,” suggested, we havo no donbt, by tho able discussions on the tho same snbjeot in tho English press. Wo take tho following from Mr. Adams’ article. While wo are by no means prepared to endorse the suggestion of general control or proprietor- j ship of the great railways by the Federal Gov- I eminent, it is manifest that events are rapidly tending to a crisis in which somo power must interpose to protect the people. Mr. Adams says; Seventeen years ago six roads divided tho ronte between Albany and Buffalo, and in 1853 * these were consolidated into one. Three years ago four roads connected New York with Chicago, and these fonr wore then reduced to two. One year ago five roads divided tho At lantic and tho Pacific; six months ago these five were practically reduced to three. How long will it bo beforo these three are reduced to one ? How long before consolidation, as yet confined to connecting, will extend to competing roads? It is perfectly useless to discuss tho question whether this massing of wealth and.of power is desirable or otherwiso. Itis sufficient to recognize the fact that it is inevitable—that it is a natural law of growth. Legislation could only wage a futile war against it; checked in one form, it would devise another; by indirections it would find directions out. It has been steadily going on from thebeginning; it is now going os, and it is not likely to stop. Nolegislation can pre vent it, even wero such prevention desirable. Any attempt in this direction will but result in a recourse to subterfuge, and the practical reduc tion of law to a dead letter. Ton cannot pre vent, but yon may, by looking at facts as they are, not inefficiently regulate. How this can best be done is the problem. The power of these corporations in the hands of corrupt men as a disturbing and degrading influence in our politics, and tho crying abuses so notorious in the internal administration of corporate affairs, have of late occasioned no inconsiderable degree of publio solici tude. Examples of both descriptions of evil referred to aro always at hand, and the year just past has been peculiarly prolific of them. Certain instances, however, pall by force of repetition ; certain men succeed in acquiring a pre-eminenco in infamy which actually destroys their value for purposes of illustration. Tho world grows weary of hear ing of them. Tho frauds and outrages in tho Erie movement, for instance, have, perhaps, been dwelt npon ad nauseam. Not that jus tice has been, or, outside of a prison door, well can be done to their perpetrators, bnt nothing implicating them can longer excite- surprise. From the leading criminals them selves to the counsel who revel in their dirty work, these men have now brought all tho discredit they can on everything with which they live in contact, from American credit down to tho New York Bar. It is, therefore, hardly worth while to go on with the contribu tions of another year to their long bead-roll of offenses. A new illustration from other quar ters of the abuse of political influence would bo more effective. Even if no evidence should be found to exist of the perpetration of fraud, yet tho opportunity for it may erist so evidently— tho way, if tho will wero only there—that tho propriety of removing from erring humanity such an everpresent temptation may prove a subject worthy of grave discussion. Upon look ing over the broad field, various scandals at once suggest themselves. Tbe incidents of the recent Congress and its suspicions squandering of publio lands would naturally bo the first. Especially those vast grants which havo en dowed a single corporation—tho Northern Pa cific—with an appanage nearly equal to a dozen States of tho size of Massachusetts, and hardly, if at all, falling short of the united areas of tho five second-class European kingdoms of Den mark, Holland, Belgium, Portugal and Greece. At ono time during the last winter thore wero railroad schemes pending before Congress which appropriated 400,000,000 acre3 of tho publio domain—an area larger than the whole original thirteen colonies. That the National Government must, then, soon or late, and in a greater or loss degree, as sume a railroad jurisdiction, is accepted as an obvious conclusion to be deduced from tbo irre sistible development of the system in a course it has hitherto pursued.' The next question is, when, and in what way, and to what extent, is this to bo done? What is to be the basis of legislation ? This now admits of almost infinite modification, ranging from publio ownership on tho one hand to the m03t limited regulation on tho other. The same may bo said as to extent of jurisdiction. It may be assumed over all roads lying in more than ono State, or it may bo confined to certain trunk lines specially de signated as military and post roads. These questions it is now premature to discuss. They constitute tho final problom. All other pro posed eolations of it, resting npon State regulation or State control aro but tempo rizing expedients, important simply as illus trating the practical value of certain theories. Such may prove instructive resting places; they can hardly bo the final objective. The tendency of popular thought is now undoubtedly toward tho ownership of railroads by the community. The success of this system in Belgium, and the agitation in regard to it in England and in cer tain portions of this conntry, make it eminently desirable that the experiment should ba tried, if only with a view of testing a theory and giv ing a now direction to inquiry. Tho present is also a time peculiarly opportune in which to make the attempt, for it can now bo essayed on a small scale, involving,-Tat most, interests com paratively trifling. Tho result, as bearing on tho final national problem, conld not fail to be most instructive. It is impossible, in view of past experience, not to entertain grave doubts as to tbo result of any experiment of this sort, made through the political machinery which exists in America. A safer solution of tho difficulty may not im probably yet be found in effective regulation, than in Slato ownership. This last looks to tho destruction of the principle of private corporate life as the basis of tho railroad system, and to the adoption of the whole of it into the body politio. Regulation, on the other hand, pro poses to have the Government, while preserving the separation between the body politio and all private industry, yet exercise an active control over its own creations. This is the tendency of legislation in many of tho Western States, where the results of Government meddling are still fresh in the popular memory. Foremost among these States is Illinois. In tho remarkable Con stitution jnst adopted there the great principle is for tho first time recognized that tho railroad system is exceptional among all industrial pur suits, and must be reorganized and dealt with as such. This itself is an immense stride in ad vance. The one striking feature of tho Illinois Constitution is tho strong resolve of its framers to do away with what are known in England as “private bills,” and in this conntry as special legislation. A sound system of government should recognize individuals no more than the laws of nature recognize them. The law should I apply to without discrimination for or against * This final result is not attained in the Illinois Constitution; had it been, the value of that in strument would havo been more than doubled. : Indeed, the provision made in it brings the in- ' novator just to tho fatal point; as yet be has : done nothing, but the next step. involves every oxow Stobu South of the Gulf Stuf.au.— ! thing. In spite of its Constitution, Illinois ~*Plain Maury, of the Pacific Mail Steamship j must now slip back in tho deep mire of special - --! .sbicaiaer Ocean Qaeeu, reports having railroad legislation, or it must go on and solve with a violent snow storm several degrees ! the problem. The case stands thus: the Oon- ‘j'-lo.w tbe Gulf Stream on his late passage from 1 atitution implies the passage of (1) laws pre- U'mwall to New York. Such an event has not. scribing reasonable rates of charges on the dif- place daring tho past 20 or 25 years, : forent railroads, and (2) laws to correct abuses taring which Captain Maury has traversed the ’ and prevent unjust discrimination and extortion same route. * in tho rates of freight and passenger tariffo. The Legislature could enact its general laws for the requirements of railroads, as it does to meet the innumerable civil and criminal compli cations which arise; but, in the one case as in the other, the judicial and discretionary action under the general law shonld be devolved npon tribunals specially created to take cognizance of them. The Legislature declares the rule which is the same to. all; but the de grees of discretion which varying circum stances exact in the application of the role must constitute a trust neoessarily delegated to others. At present all these distinct powers are jealousy retained by the Legislatures. Their committees sit as courts and take evidence and listen to arguments. So fjur it is welL At this point, however, instead of framing a general law or dismissing the Individual case, they un dertake to give a charter to this applicant and to refuse it to that; to pass a special act in favor of this corporation, and to reject it as regards that; to authorize an inorease of stook here, and to direct the construction of a new depot there. These are functions which no legislative body can successfully perform; as well under take to decide every suit at law or to affix tho penally to every crime. Just so long as Leg- islateres insist on themselves doing work of this nature, just so long will corruption increase and the statute book fall into confusion. Thus tribunals should be clothed with all necessary powers, and be put forward as if the members were fully competent to represent tbe interests of the State with an experience and ability, a knowledge of details, and a zeal in their occupation equal to that ever so conspic uously displayed by the agents of the corpora tions. Such . men could certainly be fonnd; tho corporations always have them. Mean while the whole subject may be summed up in a few wordsunder a system which permits special legislation, boards for the regulation of railroads are useless; they are, however, indis pensable under one which confines itself to gen eral laws. Topiady and Wesley. BY JOSIAH COPLEY, ESQ. ■ The nearer Christians come to God in devo tion, tho nearer they come to together in heart and sentiment. Two of the noblest and most imperishable hymns in our language attest this fact. I allude to “Rock of Ages,” by Augustus Topiady, and “Jesus, Lover of my Soul,” by Charles Wesley. These distinguished men, as is well known, wero leaders of the two great schools in the Protestant world known as Cal vinists and Arminians. Both wero zealous in tho support and defenco of their respective views, and both abundant and successful in their labora to win souls to Christ. •They were contemporaries and in the midst of their labors just about a hundred years ago. It is said that they met one evening and debated with much earnestness and warmth tho theolog ical tenets upon which they differed, and that, after they returned to their own homes, each composed a hymn—Toplady’s soul gushed out in the sublimo strains of his magnificent lyric, Wesley’s in tho grandest and most-melting ver ses to winch his fine genius ever attained. They differed iu debate; let us see how they flowed together in soDg. At tho same time we may judge in what excellent spirit they must have debated. - ‘I Let Wesley speak first: “Jesus, lover of my soul. Let mo to thy bosom fly, While tho raging billows roll. While the tempest still is high. Hide me, O my Saviour, hide, Till the storm of life is past; Safe into the haven guide; O receive my soul at last.” Now hear Topiady sing: “Rook of ages, cleft for me, Let me hide myself in thee; Let the water and the blood From tty wounded side winch flowed, Be of sin the double cure, Cleanse me from its guilt and power.” Both these stanzas aro fitted to express the highest devotion to which Christians may hope to attain on earth, and both aro still sung with tears and penitence, hope and joy by both Cal vinists and Arminians n century after Wesley’s ransomed spirit flew to the bosom of Jesus, whom he loved so ardently and served so faith fully, and Topiady had “soared to worlds-un known.” Yet they differed a little, and that little is characteristic of their respective schools to this day. The Calvinist yearns for holiness, tho Arminian for heaven. Let us hear Wesley again: “Other ref ago have I none, Hangs my helpless soul on thee; Leave, ah! leave-me not alone, Still support and comfart me; All my trust on thee is stayed, All my help from theo I bring; Cover my defenceless head With tho shadow of thy wing.” Glorious confession of the sinner’s only re fuge ! And it is romarkable that the mind of the Calvinist shonld bo led to the same thought in the composition of his second stanza. Hoar him; “Not the labor of my hands Can fulfill the law’s demands, Could my zeal no respite know, Could my tears forever flow, «All for sin could not alone, Thon must save, and thou alono.” There is but a shade of difference between those two impassioned utterances; but the dif ference is the same as that already noticed.— The cry of the Calvinist is still for righteous ness, for salvation from sin; while that of the Arminian is for support, comfort and defence. In reliance npon Christ they are alike. Now let ua have Wesley’s third stanza : “Thou, O Christ, art all I want; All in all in theo I find; Raise the fallen, cheer the faint, Heal the sick and lead the blind. Just and holy is thy name; I am all unrighteousness; Vile and full of sin I am, Thon art full of truth and grace.” Topiady, in his third stanza, expresses almost the same thought, but in more terse and vigor ous phraze. Nothing in tho English language surpasses it; “Nothing in my hand I bring, Simply to thy cross I cling; Naked, come to tboe for dress, Helpless, look to thee for grace; Vile, I to the fountain fly— Wash me, Saviour, or I die.” Now let us hear Wesley's closing verse: “ Plenteous grace with theo is found. Graoo to pardon all my sins; Let the healing streams abound, Make and keep me pure within. Thou of life tho fountain art— Freely let me take of thee; Spring thou up within my heart, Rise to all eternity.” The introduction here of the figures of a foun tain of life and of healing streams is net as happy as the more direct pleadings fonnd in tho preceding portions of tho hymn, and is too declamatory for tho profound devotion of the first three stanzas. Still, these figures will come home with great power to many hearts, especially in that groat communion of which the author, with his illustrious brother, was the founder. Toplady’s close is surpassingly grand and impressive, especially whero he returns to his initial figure; “While I draw this fleeting breath, When my heart-strings break in death, When I soar to worlds unknown, See thee on thy. judgment throne, Rock of ages, cleft for me,' Let me hide myself in Thee." Thus we see how Calvinists and Arminians can harmonize in prayer and songs of praise, although they may differ on some points of dogmatio theology. Topiady adheres to his one grand figure of Christ as the Cleft Rock, as his Hiding Place, his only refuge. He clings to Him as the smitten Bode whence flowed the water and the blood which cleanses from all sin. Herein lies the power of his inimitable lyrio. Wesley’s more exuberant fancy flits from figure to figure^and by so doing weakens his hymn, which notwithstanding, is one of .the very best in our language. I often think, if such as these bo the songs of imperfect, sinful, dying men on earth, what must be the grandeur and devo tion of the song3 of tho just made perfect in heaven. . Extraordinary Production. From the Baltimore Methodist.'] A pamphlet has lately been published, being translated from tho Chinese, which has the fol lowing title: “Death Blow to Corrupt Doc-, trines. A Plain Statement of Facts. Published by the Gentry and People.” Shanghai, 1870. In the preface it is stated that'the book of which pamphlet is a translation came into hands of the missionaries in Teung-chow, Shan tung, several months since, though it is only recently that special attention has been given to its contents. Tho work i3 regarded by the missionaries as of too much importance to be withheld from the foreign public, believing, as they do, that it is a remarkably truthful repre sentation of the animus of the ruling and literary classes of China towards foreigners, and that it sheds important light on thomeans by whioh the massacre at Tien-tsin was brought about. The book is believed to havo been circulated exten sively, but with great secrecy, in various parts of China, great caution being used to keep it as far as possible from falling into tho hands of Christians. We havo seen the pamphlet, though we cannot say that wo havo read it, for its as- saults upon the Divine Founder of our religion and npon Christianity, aro so -horribly blas phemous and revolting as to scare us from a regular perusal. So far as a superficial glance goes, we are prepared to agree with the mission aries that no mere description could possibly convey any adequate idea of its venom and vileness. It is for the most part a compilation from other works of every false and slander ous charge which would suit tho purpose of the author, and so filled with obscen ities as quite utterly to unfit it for general reading. The object of tho book is to injure foreigners of all nations, and to discourage in tercourse with them, social, commercial and national. Religion is the point of attack, be cause the Chinese almost universally regard it as a political agenoy, used by foreigners for the accomplishment of selfish or political ends. The missionaries add, that to tho Chinese tho idea that Christianity is propagated from benevolent motives is inconceivable- We havo only to say that any ono who wishes to form an adeqnato idea of tho hellish passions which Christianity had to encounter in its first conflicts with tbe heathen world, has only to read ono or two pages of this pnmphlet. It is also apparent that an urgent necessity exists to teaoh China what tho Christian religion really is. Orator FnlT—Tlxo Two Tones of His Voice. (Extract from Hon. Ben. Hill’s Speech at the Kim ball House Banquet, 1870, “ If I ever was a Democrat, I can honestly say that I did not go to be. I was not a Demo crat certainly from choice, and if p. Democrat at all, I was a Demoorat from necessity.” (Extract from Hon. Bon.’s speech in 1668.) “ And these mon aro to make laws to tax dis franchised property holders in this enlightened nineteenth century and in this Christian coun try. Shame, shame! Is thero a member of tho Legislature who hears me to-day? Ah, to your shame bo it said, more than a hundred of you havo recorded your names. Go, my friends, and tako it back, for I charge you this day, in this bright sun and in tho central city of Geor gia, that if that record remains as yon havo made it, whereby yon have covenanted and agreed that these Southern States shall be un- equal members of this Union and that tho in telligent men of this conntry shall bo disfran chised and deprived of their right to hold office, and that pauperism shall fix tho burden of taxation, and vico and ignorance make laws for intelligence and virtue, you surely will go down to posterity so infamous that ■when a legitimate Legislature shall have assem bled somo unfortunate creatures, who may bo compelled by Providence to call you father, will apply to tho Legislature to have their names changed. I understand somo of yon that voted for tho 14th article, and voted to ex punge relief, call yourselves Democrats. You aro vain, deluded creatures, if you think that tho Democratic door will ba over open to re ceive you with such a name. Such a voto is di rectly against the Democratic platform, and di rectly for the Radical platform, and must bo re pented of and changed.” And again ho said: “But we have a party now organized, a strong and a glorious party, with a statesman at its head, and with correct principles for its plat form. From Maino to California the glorious tramp of the Democracy is growing more and more distinct, and by November a verdict will bo pronounced by tho great freemen of Ameri ca that shall gladden tho hearts of patriots now and forever." Horrible Stale of Affairs In South Carolina. The following extracts from our State ex changes, says tho Charleston Courier, show that a deplorable state of affairs exist iu somo sec tions of the State, which calls for the most strenuous and united efforts of all law-abiding citizens to bnng about a reform: From the Columbia Phoenix, of Saturday.] The Killing of A. F. Dubabd, Esq.—The community, on yesterday, were shocked to hear that this estimable citizen bad been shot and killed, on the publio highway. It appears that Mr. Dubard left this city Thursday afternoon, for his home—about fifteen miles above Col ombia. About six miles from tho city, his body was found—pierced through with several slugs. Tho deceased was robbed of his watch and money,, but tbe bundles in his bnggy wero left nntonched. _ It is sup posed that ho was instantly killed; his coat was bnrnt with powder, proving that the murderer stood very close when the fatal shot • was fired. The incentive of tho assassin was, doubtless, money. Mr. Dubard was an old and respected citizen of Richland, and highly esteemed for hia strong and reliable traits. He was a leading member of the Methodist Church, and iu his neighborhood was its main stay. A cruel deed deprived him of his life. But as a pious, God fearing old man, it is to bo presumed that he was not unpreparod for the qnlok summons that came to him. His violent and sudden death will excite general and genuine sympathy. The assassin is not yet known; but it is to bo hoped that the officers of the law and the friends of the deceased will use eveiy proper means to fix up on tho offender the responsibility of his atrocious crime. The marks of flat feet wero distinctly seen abont tho body. From the Columbia Union, of Saturday.] Information has reached here of the death of Strap Jeffries, a oolored man of considerable in fluence in bis neighborhood, abont eighteen miles from Union Court House, and near the line of York county. Oar informants state that on the night of the 29th ultimo, several dis guised men took him from his house and shot him dead, within the hearing of his family. 1 LaJIs.—I The "Wild Lan5s.—Upon a representation to tho Governor, by Comptroller-General Bell, tho following was issued on tho 9 th instant: Ordered, That tho Comptroller-General desist from tho issuing of executions against nnro- tumed wild lands until the lst'day of Julynext; and it is furthered ordered, that the advertise ment of the list of returned wild lands be dis continued from and after the 11th instant-, and that the Comptroller-General continue to col lect the unpaid tax on said lands until the 1st of Jnly mentioned. Rufus B. Bulloch. A woman in Milwaukee left her house recent ly, and returned to find her infant child man gled and partially devoured by a hog. An offi cer of tho law was about to Bhoot the animal, when she plaintively begged him not to do so, “as her loss was heavy enough already.” Important Letter from Gov. Bollock. From the Few Era, 10eh.] "We have been shown a letter from Governor Bullock in reply to ono received from a promi nent Democrat, and at our solicitation wo have been allowed to publish it. The letter is as fol lows : Executive Depabtmeny,) . Atlanta, January 7,1871. j Deab Sir—Your letter calling my attention to the newspaper statement that Attorney Gen eral Akerman had pronounced the late election in this State a fraud, and that in his opinion Congress wonld or should set it aside, and ask ing whether such report be true. Also asking my opinion upon the late election, and what will or ought to be the notion of Congress thereon, has been received. In reply I have to say that' I do not believe the report referred to in regard to the statement and opinion of the honorable Attorney General of tho United States is well founded. Daring his late visit to this State I have had butlittlo opportunity to converse with him, but in the interviews which we have had there was certainly nothing said which would indicate that the views attributed to him were entertained by him. You do me the honor to ask for my own opinion of the late election, and what will, or ought to be, tho action of Congress thereon —and I shall respond frankly, and all the more willingly because you act with a political organ- izatian In opposition to the one with whioh I have the honor to be associated. Tiro election bald on the 20th, 21st and 22d of December last, taken as a whole, was as near a peaceful, fair and unbiased expression of pub lic opinion and preference through the ballot box as it is possible to have had in this State, at this time. So far as my knowledge extends, them was not a voting precinot in the State wlere votes were objected to, either by the mtnagers or by partizan leaders, on the ground that the persons offering to - vote wero colored. All parties and all citizens freely ooncede the right of the black man to the ballot, but it can not, and I presume will not, be denied that, in many cases, improper and unlawful means were exercised to compel the colored citizen to cast ballots of a different character from those cast by a majority of his race, and in opposition to his own preferences;, bnt the enthusiastic prac tice of various devices to influence the votes of citizens has been notable', both in this conntry and abroad, ever since the elective franchise his been enjoyed, and wo cannot expect to prove an exception to the natural effect of par tisan ambition for party success, stimulated by personal desire for official position. Tbo great contest in this and other Southern States has been to secure a universal admission of, and acquie3once in, tho right of tho oolored man to vote, and this seems to have beenfollygained- in Georgia. Tho question of how or for whom the colored man shall vote is secondary and local. I repeat, that the contest has been to secure, from tho people of our State, a universal admis sion of or acquiesenco in the right of tho color ed man to civil and political privileges, and in tho presence of the late election, no sane man will deny that this desirable result has been ac complished. To be sure there have been ex ceptional cases in parts of the State where this right has not been fully accorded, but the num ber i3 comparatively inconsiderable, and shonld not bo allowed to prejadice a judgmentin favor of tho State as a whole. Bnt while this is true, wo cannot overlook the fact that in one Con gressional District, a distinguished secession leader and a learned attorney have made a law unto themselves, and either through fear or af fection for these loaders, the white citizens of that district have generally followed their ad vice and havo set aside and at defiance laws of the Stato which were constitutionally enacted and ore of forco until constitutionally declared void. I need hardly add that I refer to tho Fifth Congressional District. The ambition of ono of these gentlemen has once brought his State to tho very verge of absolute ruin, and filled its shattered homes with widows and orphans. He seems still unsatisfied, and is ready to again blind tho eyes of his people with prejudice and drive them ou to a new crusade against the law and against tho power which will, at all hazards, maintain the law. I protest that the Stato of Georgia shall not bo held responsible for his words, as he has ceased to be a leader of the people of the State, and is simply permitted un- diatnrbed to denounco and villify the govern ment to whoso mercy he is indebted for bis property, his liberty and his life. This is the situation as I understand it, and now your query as to what will or ought to be the action of Congress thereon, must bo no ticed, and in doing so I can only stato my own conviction, and by which no ono else is bound, and for which I alone am responsible. I be lieve Congress will do justice, and in giving my opinion of what Congress ought to do, I speak with great deference for the wisdom, patriotism and virtue of the body whioh holds our future in its hand. I think Congress ought, without delay, to admit tho State into the Union by giving seats in the Senate to the Senators who wore duly elected by the Legislature legally or ganized in January, 1870, and by giving seats in tho Hoftse to the members of Congress duly elected from the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4tb, 0 th and 7th Con gressional Districts. That having been done a joint committee from each House of Congress shonld be appointed to visit the 5th District to investigate and report what action by Con gress, if any, is necessary to protect the people of the State and distriot against domestic vio lence, and to maintain a Republican form of government by securing to a majority of tho legal voters in that district their proper repre sentation. In individual cases of violation of the election law the aot of Congress, approved May 31st, 1870, doubtless furnishes sufficient remedy, but where a whole district set the law at defiance, and under the advice of leading publio men nullify tbe whole system provided by law for holding tho eleotion, overawe, arrest and confine, tho legally constitnted managers, and place others of their own unauthorized ap pointment in their stead, the case calls for more prompt and comprehensive remedy than the slow process of law against individnal cases in semi-annual courts, especially when the resnlts of suoh insurrection and usurpation will have been accomplished before a case in court could ba decided. If a Republican form of Government based npon the consent of the governed, is to be maintained in this State, tbe nullification in the 5 th District, Jmnst be promptly, wisely and boldly dealt with. The people of Georgia at large now want peace. They now accept the Constitution and laws of the United States and of this State as their guide and will, I believe, faithfully abide by and uphold both until modified by ju dicial decision or repealed by legislative enact ment. The nnllifiers axe but few as compared with the whole people, and need be noticed only to bo corrected. Outside of the 5th Distrist, there are bnt a few counties—some in the 7th District, border ing on tho Alabama lines—where serious distur bances have ocourred, immediately before, dur ing, or since the election. Therefore it is, that I am of opinion that Congress onght speedily to admit the State to the Union, because, as a State, she accepts and will abide by the Consti tution as it if. Congress ought to take early and efficient measures to advise itsolf and act upon the condition of affairs in the 5th Distriot; booause, if not oorrected, more serious and wido-sproad trouble, turmoil, and disaster will result from it. . _ ■ If you were a Bepubhoan, I should say fur ther, that Congress owes it to the party to whioh a majority of its members belong, that no delay bo allowed to occur in the work, of restoring Georgia to the Union. Its party friends here hare carried out its laws and its requirements. The party heretofore arrayed aginst us, now ad mit and will concur in the civil and political rights of the colored man, and I am encouraged with the conviction that the time has now ar rived when the great mass of our people can buiy past differences, and with the war and all the bitterness engendered thereby put away out of sight will unite upon tho platform erected by Wisdom, Modebation and Justice before our troubles began—“The Constitution, The Union and the Enfobcement of the Laws.” Under our Constitution and laws every man is entitled to a vote and a voice in the selec tion of representatives and public agents, and I express the hope that in future our differences will only be a rivalry to propose and carry out measures that will best secure a wise and eco nomical administration of the State’s affairs; the most rapid and permanent construction of works of internal improvement; the highest de velopment of our mineral and agricultural re sources, and the maintenance of a liberal and efficient system of free education. Respectfully and truly yours, 7cc.RufusB.Bullock. THE MONARCH OF ADVERTISERS. Wt»t nn Enterprising Doctor made by a Judicious use or Printers’ Ink—Helm- bold’s Princely Turnout. Helmbold’s big sleigh was out in tho Park yes terday, with a load of Judges and Generals. A Sun man, meeting the Doctor, asked him how much the bells cost. “They’re gold plated. There are 378 of them. They cost me $970,” answered the little giant of the medical world. On farther inquiry the reporter learned that the harness cost nearly $4,000, and the buffalo robes $1,S50. Thinking that a man with such a turnout ought to bo worth something, the re porter came down town and hunted Up the Doo- tor’s assets. He found them, to be as follows: Five-story brownBtone store,694 Broad way $200,000 Stook iu store 100,000 Private residence 60,000 Furniture in private residenoe 25,000 Stable..., 30,000 Horses, carriages, sleighs, harness, robes, and the finest turnout in tho world 30,000 Stores at Long Brandi....... 35,000 Cottages at Long Branch 25,000 Furniture in cottages 10,000 Land in Long Branch 420,000 Stock in his Philadelphia laboratory... 150,000 Total. $845,000 The reporter learned that the Doctor owns, in addition to the above, several lots on Madi son and Fifth ^venues, and some on the Bou levards. Tho reporter was assured that there was not a pencil mark against all this property. The Dootor’a business is immense. The orders have reached $30,000 and $40,000 in a single day. Seven years ago ho oamo to this city with $20,000 in his pocket. Now he is worth his millions, and spends as muoh money as any man in the city. “ How did he make his money?” asked the reporter of the Doctor's agent. “Through advertising liberally in tho news papers,” was the reply, “same as Bonner, Smith & Steele, Ayer, and Jayne.” Tho Dootor is advertising in 3150 newspapers. He buys his own merchandise and contracts for his advertising iu such a manner that ho is prepared to discount at seven per cent, per an num any obligation that may be presented. The Doetor is emphatically a self-made man. He has a special fondness for yachts,, and is spending larg8 sums of money in procuring models of the yacht Dauntless. He proposes to decorate his drug store with these models.—N. T. Sun. A Persecuted Croesus—Wliat a News paper Paragraph has Done for a millionaire; The prevalenoe of respectable beggary is really shocking. Some two or three weeks ago wo published an interesting paragraph from onr correspondent at Elizabeth, New Jersey, abont a young and intellectual millionaire named Dimmock, who resides in that place, who in a few years has accumulated a stupenduous for tune, and who is liberal as well as successful. Wo now learn from onr Elizabeth correspondent that Mr. D. has been subjected to intolerable annoyance since the publication of the para graph in question. He has been in daily re ceipt of great numbers of pitiful appeals and heart-rending letters of beggary, not only from Cincinnati, but from all parts of the country. Widows young and old, grave and gay, lively and severe, devout and festive, have implored and entreated of him to give them or lend sums of money, from five dollars to five thousand. Even clergymen in distress have begged of him for small annuities, for a trifling addition to their very slender sala- aries, or for a few thousand dollars to the “cause of tho Lord.” Aspiring young men have written to him for small sums to start them in life, and broken down old men have imagined ho would be willing to give them a portion of his capital to set them np again in business, or save them from despair. All the charitable societies have been after him; men with great ideas havo been after him; women with a “mission” have been after him; poor students have been after him, and dead “beats” innumerable have been after him. He has been solicited to subsoribo to ever so many periodi cals and publications. He has been elected a member of tho “Board of Trustees” and “man aging committees” of at least one-half of all the publio institutions on the American continent. If his fortune were fifty millions instead of five, he could not meet half the demands whioh the beggars have made upon him within a few weeks. .His life has been rendered wretched, and his millions are the cause of his misery.— It is feared there will be no end to the piteous appeals addressed to him, and that he will be bored l>y them as loDg as he lives, just as Hr. Peabody was always bored by similar appeals. We are grieved to learn Jhe»« things.—Cincin nati Commercial. ~ A wondbful feinting maohine is in progress, if not completed, in this city. Tho invention is designed to make 100 types of any font an swer, to indent and make a mold, from whioh a stereotype oast can be obtained, equally as per fect as those formerly obtained from a form of type set in the usual way. Thes types (of two alphabets; figures; pnnetuation marks and com bination words,) are placed in a type bead, in a machine operated by keys, and made to im print and indent a mold 100 impressions per minute, from whioh a stereotype cast can be obtained in five minutes, of uniform thickness, ready for the press, or they can be printed with ink on paper and transferred to a zinc plate, and printed by a reoently invented lithographic press, 2500 impressions an hour. Every style of type, borders, ornamentation, and also music, can be produced, requiring only ono typo of each character. Justification and corrections can be made without the loss of any more time than the same amount of matter would take in the usual way, and as many as fifty different styles of type can bo used by the compositor without rising from his seat (at the maohine.) The maohine dispenses with fonts of type and oases, setting, distributing, and seven-eighths of the labor of the composing room. The ma chine is driven like a sewing maohine, and oc cupies no more space. It can be manufactured for not over $200; and the type-heads for $3 each.—New York Express. Mobe Tbouble in Union.—Passengers report to us ft renewal or continuation of the unfor tunate state of affairs in Union. It appears that on Sunday last, Captain Aleok Walker, the oolored captain of militia, applied to the parties who had charge of the guns belonging to the militia, bnt his demand was refused, and he was subsequently arrested—as stated in Wed nesday’s Phoenix— charged with the killing of Mr. Matt. Stevens. Fifteen of his militia were also arrested. On Wednesday evening a party of unknown horsemen went to the Sheriff and peremptorily demanded the keys of the jail; they were given up, and they proceeded to the jail and took oharge of five of the prisoners— Captain A. Walker, Chamer Herndon, Joe Van Lew, Andy Thompson and Sylvanus Wright. he next morning the bodies of Walker and Herndon were discovered in the road 5 it was afterwards found out that Thompson and Wright were badly wounded. We are further informed that Mr. Smith, (the acting deputy,) who was wounded on Sunday last, died on Thursday night The ieachinga of bad men are bringing forth terrible troubles. STORIES ABOUT CATS. The Adventures of Hr. Oliver In Pursuit of Vengeance. From the Philadelphia Dispatch.) The fact that if r. Oliver lived in a uniform row of houses iu the Fourteenth Ward was the reason why he was unfortunate. One moonByht night last week the noise made by the eats on thoroof was simply awful Mr. Oliver lay in bed, try ing in vain to get to sleep, grinding his teeth with ragOj Untu at last the uproar overhead be- oame unendurable. Mr. Oliver crept out of bed Softly, so that his wife should not be awakened. He put on his slippers, seized a boot with eaoh hand, and, clad in the snowy robes of night, he opened the trap-door and emerged upon the roof. There wero thirty or forty cats out there hold ing a kind of general synod in the oool of the evening, enjoying the bracing air and singing glees. As Mr. Oliver approached the cats moved off to the next roof. Mr. Oliver ad vanced and flung a boot at them. They then adjourned suddenly to the next residence. Mr. Oliver projected another boot and went after the first one. In this manner tho whole synod retreated and Oliver advanced until the last row of twenty houses was reached, when the eats ar ranged themselves in a line along the parapet, ruffled up their fur, carved their spines and spat furiously at Oliver. That bold warrior gathered up his boots and determined to retreat. ; — He walked over a dozen bouses nafr de scended through a trap-door. He went down stairs to his bed-room and opened Abe door. There was a man in the room in the act of walking np and down with a baby. Before Oliver had recovered from his amazement the man flung the baby on the bed, and seizing a revolver began firing rapidly, at Oliver. It.then dawned upon Oliver that he had coins down the wrong trap-door. He prooeeded up stairs again suddenly, the man with tho revolver practicing at him in a painful manner. When Oliver reached the door ho shnt the trap quickly and stood upon it. The man fired through the boards twice, and then hooked the door upon the inside. ; • . T om A moment after Oliver heard him springing a watchman's rattle from tho front window. As soon as tho neighbors knew there was a man on the roof they all flew upstairs and fattened their trap-doors, and Mrs. Oliver fastened hers, with the firm conviction that some predatory villam had entered while she slept and stole her Oliver. "When he tried the door it was fast, and Mrs. Oliver was screaming so fieroely that he could not make himself heard. By this time the street was filled with policemen, all of whom were blazing away at Oliver with their revolvers, while the young men in the house across the street kept up a steady fire with pis tols, shot-guns and miscellaneous missiles. Oli ver, with every advantage of forming an opin ion, said that Gettysburg was a mere skirmish to it. He hid behind the chimney, and lay up against the brick3 to keep himself warm, while the policemen stationed themselves all around tho square to capture him when he would slide down one of the water-spouts. But Oliver did not slide. He sat on the roof all night, with tho bitter air circulating through his too trifling garments, listening to the yowling cats and oc casional shouts from the picket line below, and thinking of tho old Jews, who nsed to. pray from their house-tops, and wondering whether Musselmen were ever shot at, or bothered with cats and policemen, when they practiced’ their evening devotions on their roofs. And then he wondered how i t would do to take off his night shirt and wave it over the edge as a flag of truco. He ooucludednot to do so,becauseof tho danger of a bullet from some misguided police man not familiar with the rules of war. "When daylight oame the neighbors rallied in a crowd, armed with all kinds of weapons, from howitzers down, and mounted to the roof. Oliver was taken down and put to bed, and he now has more influenza for a man of his size than any other citizen of tho Fourteenth ward. He says he is going to move as soon as he gets well—he is going to move into a houso that is trext door to nobody, a bouse that stands in the middle of a prairie of some kind, and he in tends to stenoil his name in white on the trap door. x Exit a Patriot. The final bow which Mr. Fomeymakes to hia old Washington readers is neat, although some what artificial. He dashes his leave-taking, whioh is meant to be a union of dignity and grace, with a bit of appropriate sentiment, which is meant to bo affecting. All this is well; but a story reaches us—by a private but relia ble source—whioh blunts tho edge of Mr. For ney’s fine sentences at the same time that it ex plains the reason of. his going." Not very long ago, our correspondent writes us, Forney went to the Chief Clerk of theTreasuryDepartment and said: ‘ ‘Mr. Saville, how wonld you liko to be As sistant Secretary of the Treasury?” Mr. S.-‘ ‘I am not particularly anxious.” Forney—“If you will give the Chroniole certain printing, I can bring influence enough to secure you the appoint ment.” “What printing do you mean ?” asked Saville. Here Forney went into specifications. He wanted certain printing taken from other Republican papers and given to hia own. To this proposition Forney received a scathing reply. Mr. Saville, in substance, said: “Col. Forney, I am well satisfied with my present po sition, and not at all anxious for the Assistant Secretaryship. But, if I were, I would scorn to do what you ask. Yon have waked up the wrong passenger. ” Thereupon Forney went to Mr. Boutwell, made charges against Saville, and asked for his removal. Secretary Bout- well touched his little bell, and Saville was soon face to face with Forney. This was on enter tainment Forney had not expected. Then and there Saville told the story we have just related, and Forney could not gainsay a word of it. Poor fellow, he was headed for once, and in the house of his friends. We have no doubt that this affair has had muoh to do with his deter mination to sell the Chroniole. On being asked the other day, by one of his friends, why he proposed to sell out and leave Washington, ho replied; “Because I am not appreciated hero.” What a pity that such a patriot is not appre ciated in the National capital! The future historian will make a note of this neglect, and ascribe it to the degeneracy and demoralization of the age.—Courier-Journal. How is This ?—Hon. Cassias M. Clay made a speech in Riohmond, Ky., last Monday, in which he took strong and decided grounds against Grant and the present Administration; unqualifiedly favored universal amnesty, and advised the negroes that if they would be pros perous and happy they must stand by their late masters, and cease to act npon the ridiculous and totally unfounded hope of ever being their social equals. When a man like Mr. Clay, with all the peculiar political tenets that he has held for so long, takes the stand that he has taken, it affords ono of the most significant signs of the times, and still further confirms the rapidly growing opinion that the days of Radicalism are numbered. Mr. Clay, seeing at last that the course of the Radical party is oertain, if perse vered in, to entirely ruin the 00untry, lifts his voice against it, and no little credit ia due him for it; bnt his deoided and manly expressions will fall like a wet blanket upon the Radicals of Kentucky, who had been confidently expecting him to stump the State in their behalf. They had better profit by his example, and re-aasert thoir manhood and their dignity before it is eternally too lato.—Lexington (Ky.) Observer. Heavy Emlgratlan to Texas. Memphis, January 7.—The tide of emigra tion from Tennessee, Georgia, eta, is heavier than any previous season. Texas seems to be their objective point Aooording to the Ava lanche, the nomber of wagons whioh crossed at this point since September 1, is sixteen hun dred and sixty-four; number of people is over nine thousand. At Helena the crossing has been greater, and it is said large numbers have crossed at Point Pleasant As a class these em igrants are much better than those who have gone before. They have better outfits, and are generally in a condition to purchase farms.