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4 s|jl REV. A. J. RYAN, Editor- AUGUSTA, GA., JULY 11, 1868. LIBERTY. Such is the word that runs through the weft of all human history, now as a thread of gold, and then again resembling a thread that has been steeped in blood. Every man desires to be free, every na tion aspires to liberty, every century has laken the word “Liberty” for its watch word ; and yet there are scarcely two men living who entertain exactly the same opinion as to what that word im ports. It is just because of this diversity of opinion on so vital a point, that one and the same word is so fraught with a curse as well as a blessing for humanity. In order to be free, men will fight and reduce each other to slaves; one people will conquer and oppress another because each considers its liberties secured only by the oppression of its antagonist; under the banner of Liberty, one party will as sail another; in the name of Liberty, one man will mutilate and butcher another ; with that name for a watchword, one generation and one century will revile the other without measure and without scruple. Thus, from the very beginning of time, a constant war of all against all has been carried on in the name of Liberty. What one century strove to at tain as its ideal of Liberty, that same is rejected as tyranny in the next; what, during one epoch, every man sought to realize as Liberty, even at the price of his blood, that is opposed and branded as downright slavery by the epoch that fol lows. Thus, in olden times, all were anxious to belong to the “ free,” while now, those same “ freemen” are stigma tized as a blot upon humanity, who de served nothing better than the fate of slaves. During the middle ages, there was a general rush after so-called “ liberties, ’’ while, to-day, all those liberties are de nounced as so many outrages upon the liberty of the race, that should be looked upon in no milder light than that of abuses and acts of violence. During the centuries that followed, doctrinal innova tors everywhere called out lustily for the free Word of God; but no sooner did any one of their number dare to interpret the Word of God in a sense different from their own, than he was anathematized, and, it possible, executed by the same in novators. In more modern times, various attempts have been made in various places to secure what was thought political Liberty, but it was in this, as in all other cases, whosoever did not think and act precisely as those thought and asked, who, for the time being, had proclaimed them selves the privileged heralds of Liberty, had often an opportunity of atoning on the gallows, or under the guillotine, for the liberty of his speech, or even* his thoughts. By this means it has come to pass that the word Liberty, at the sound of which all hearts, at once, beat faster, has now become a term of dislike, if not hatred to many. Amid such a confusion of ideas and the many prejudices and errors that follow as a necessary consequence, it is necessary to cast a glance at Liberty in the abstract before we can throw any available light upon the subject, or reduce the various mistaken ideas concerning its nature, into order. Liberty, in its general sense, implies the power and freedom to do only that which one desires. It is, therefore, of a three-fold kind, namely; 1. The liberty to desire and to do only that which is yood. 2. To do both good and evil. 3. To desire and do only that which is evil, God alone possesses the capacity for the first in its perfection and of Himself, and therefore it is called the Divine Liberty. by pre-eminence. The second kind cor responds with the nature of man, and, hence, it is known as Human Liberty: ; while the third dwells in the nature of the Evil Spirit, and, is, on that account, designated as Diabolic Liberty. Man was created and called that he might will only that which is good, but man’s nature is such that he may also will that which is evil. He is a being composed of spirit and matter. The spiritual element within him urges him on to that which is good, while his material body inclines him to evil. Between the two, man is given his free choice, since he is endowed with a will perfectly free, and hence, man ap proaches either Liberty Divine or, Dia bolic, in the same proportion as his will decides in favor of that which is good or that which is evil. As this is the case with the individual, so, too, it may be said to hold good in re gard to entire nations, or, rather the en tire human family. Whenever the race desires for, and labors to attain that which is good and which is vouchsafed for as such both by reason and revelation, then it is drawing nearer and nearer to that Liberty which is Divine. If, on the contrary, the race follows its natural in clinations to sensual indulgence and evil, it, no doubt, still follows the dictates of its free will, but that will accords, in such case, with the will of the Evil Spirit, and, hence, the liberty made use of in so acting, is the Liberty of the Devil. But a daily experience proves to us that the nature of man is so constituted that he but very seldom does only that which is either good or bad. To do no thing but good requires on our part a degree of sanctity which docs not belong to man without the intervention of a most special grace of Almighty God ; while, again, on the other hand, to do only evil presupposes a degree of diabolism to which man sinks but very seldom during life. Thus, as man possesses an innate free will, by virtue of which he may choose either the good or bad, we find that, during life, he avails himself of this elective power, now to do that which is good, and then again, that which is bad; and in this circumstance lies the reason why so splendid a gift of God proves often a curse rather than a blessing to the race. It follows, of course, from what we have already stated, that every man—the good no less than the bad—constantly aim at the full attainment of liberty as the neces sary condition for securing the final end at which they are aiming. Now, as each individual struggles to attain this liberty, so does, also, every political, doctrinal, and literary party forever aim at the same boon, since without it they cannot secure the end and aim of their party. This is the reason why, at all times, the cry for li berty has been raised as by acclamation wherever anew faction or anew genera tion succeeded that which went before. But, since one party only furnishes the other with the desired weapons of de fence, in granting such an universal liber ty, it most freqently happens that each party lays exclusive claim to the liberty in question, at the same time withdraw ing all similar claims from their oppo nents. Hence arises that anomaly in his tory—a warfare against Liberty carried on in the name of Liberty. And this warfare becomes all the more stubborn and sanguine when party aims come to its assistance, for, thenceforth, the battle rages simply to vindicate, either the right or the wrong Since, however, that which is evil easily finds a response in the human heart, and since it is no difficult matter for our sensuality to tri -1 uph over the arguments of reason, it fol lows, likewise, that man, during his life, far more frequently abuses his liberty of choice, by selecting that which is evil, rather than that which is good. One evil deed, however, is but a stepping stone to another, and the habit of evil, when once acquired, serves but to determine the will more and more to that which is bad, and hence it comes that the party of evil fre quently gains the victory over the party of good, and that human Liberty has be come like unto a thread of blood that MBBSn ©S SIS SOUSE. winds its tortuous way through the his tory of humanity. If, therefore, Liberty is at the same time the ambition and the bone of con tention between all, if it forms the source both of virtue and vice, if it hides within its bosom both a curse and a blessing for the race, what must we do in order that this Liberty may henceforth bring only well being and not misfortune, to the human family ? All manner of Governmental in junctions, laws, and safeguards, have been tried time and again to avoid an abuse of Liberty; but they have, one and all, invariably proven themselves as insuffi cient, and they will, no doubt, continue to do so until the end of time. The only sure and certain means to avoid an abuse of Liberty is not of a physical but moral nature, and may be found in the teach ings and the practice of the Religion of Him who brought unto us the “liberty to become children of God.” It is only in our endeavors to secure this Divine Liberty that vie find a safe guard strong and efficient enough to prevent our human Liberty from becom ing a Ijiberty which is diabolic. These few words contain the sum and substance of all that can be said upon this subject, and they are borne out by the experience of our race, as recorded in the world’s history during the last six thousand years. JEFFERSON DAVIS. When other and seemingly greater names shall perish and be stricken from the roll of fame, the name of Jefferson Davis will still live, and have its place among the highest on that roll. Not because of his name, not because of his deeds, not because of his trials and suffer ings—but because of the great principles of which he was the representative man, and for which he was the indomitable pa triot, and the patient, enduring martyr. Whether we view him in the Council Halls of the United States, declaring his love for the Union, deprecating the mad fanaticism of the hour, and hoping for the restoration of peace and harmony between the jarring sections; or in the zenith of his official career as Presi dent of the new-born Nation, wielding its destinies with Roman firmness and Grecian bravery; or, as the patient, en during martyr in the felon’s cell within the Prison walls of that grand old For tress which guards the seaboard of old Virginia—we can but admire the man, his character, and his greatness. And what made him great ? It was not alone his nobility of soul, his moral fortitude, or his powers of endurance. These, it is true, are the ingredients of real, human greatness; but there is something else underlying and overlaying all these ins gredients. There are groat principles to be sustained and defended at any and all hazards; and among these great princi ples are those which gave birth to the Confederate States, and which, though their supporters and defenders are over whelmed and defeated, still live, and will forever live. Those principles put Jef ferson Davis at the head of the young Nation; and there he stood, calm, firm, and unmoved, as incorruptible as the Roman Senator in Rome’s palmiest days ; there he stood, until the last gun had been fired, and the last sword had been given up, and the last banner bad been sadly and sorrowfully folded and laid away ; there he stood, until the great and glorious cause of American Liberty had become, indeed, a “Lost Cause,” until “its people’s hopes were dead,” and until its followers were chained to the Moloch car of Mili tary Despotism under “the best Govern ment the world ever saw.” Then, and only then, he sought safety in retreat; and then when his hopes as Father of the young Confederacy had all gone, he clung, with true affection, to those who were nearest and dearest to his heart. Unwilling to save himself and leave them to the tender mercies of a cruel and re' lentless foe, he stood by them, as he had stood by his country, until the minions of Despotism overtook him, and carried him a prisoner to Fortress Monroe. Chained, guarded, insulted, here he lay, a very martyr to those great princi- pies he loved so well, and defended so bravely, for weary, weary months, until Yankee barbarity, ashamed of its own cruelty and wickedness, at last released him upon bail to stand his trial as a trai tor to his country! Jefferson Davis, the patriot, the martyr, the representative of American Liberty, a traitor to his country! Verily, Time will do him justice, and our cause justice ; and those “great men” who sought to destroy his principles and our principles, the princi ples of Constitutional Freedom, will, in that time, be either sunk in oblivion, or else have their names blazoned on the records of Infamy; while the name of Jef ferson Davis will shine forth from the bright scroll of illustrious names, re splendent because of these illustrious names which will surround it, resplendent because of the grand principles which it represents to-day, and will still represent then. CHEERING. It is somewhat cheering, amid the gloom which surrounds our unhappy country, to hear the bugle notes of Democracy, as it were, calling its clansmen from every section of the Union to rally around its standard of glorious and time honored principles, and give the victory to Truth, Justice, and the Constitution. It is cheer ing, because it gives us hope that the peo ple may at last be aroused to a sense of the impending danger—that they may see in the fate of the South the fate which awaits other sections of the Union, It is cheer ing, because, in that hope of triumph, is another hope of release from the tyranny under which we of the South are suffer ing. We cannot identify this journal with any political party, but firmly and sincere ly bound to our dear Sunny land, as we arc, devoted to principles which wc hon estly and conscientiously hold, we would be recreant to ourselves and to these prin ciples did we not express a hope, or breathe a heartfelt prayer, for the triumph of a party, which we truly and firmly believe will, at least, give justice to the South and release her from that cruel bondage under which her people are now bound down. Hence, while we raise no political banner, or shout no political war cry, still we hope and pray for the success of prin ciple, for the restoration of the Constitu tion, and the speedy return of prosperity. Hence, we are cheered by the enthusiasm of the people, by the prospects of success, and by the hope of Constitutional tri umph. Hence, we bid our people be ot good cheer, and never to forsake princi ples which they have learned to love from childhood, which they have cherished in manhood, and which they have defended at the point of the bayonet. These are the principles of Constitutional Liberty, upon which the American Government was founded, and which was attempted to be perpetuated in that later Government to name which now is esteemed, in some quarters, a crime, but to Freemen every where is as dear as though it still exist ed, as dear as the principles which it was to perpetuate, as dear as those who gave up their lives in its defence. [For the Banner of the South.] THE DRESS IS NOT THE MAN. BY MATTIE C. CHAPMAN. Some writer, in a hopeful mood, has said: “ The Dandy is almost extinct, that we seldom meet with a specimen nowa days.” But, I think , it is a mistake. We still have a quantity of that rnonkey fied variety of the human race. We see them swaggering along the streets of our towns and cities, smelling of musk aud insolence; ringed and chained with triu kets, and rejoicing in ringlet whiskers and moustaches. See the pompous airs they assume— how vain-glorious are their ideas of self-im portance —they have a vacuum in the cra nium large enough to admit the idea that man’s true greatness consists in the amount of gaudy trash with which lie decks the body—spend their time in idleness, and perchance in crime, “ For Satan finds some mischief still for idle hands to do.” Observe them in company: every one must succumb to them and their opinions; think they are vastly smarter than other people, because they gab faster and say more senseless nothings ; imagine all the ladies are, in love with them, and all the gentlemen envy them—remaining i n blissful ignorance of the fact, that the dress doesn’t constitute the man, rather thinking it can overbalance all mental and moral deformities. But, I say it can no more do it than a prolusion of fancy goods put upon an effigy of a imm can mike it think, act, and move. X , the dress is not the man. The greatest minds and the noblest hearts are often hid beneath a mean exterior. History, as well as observation, verifies the asser tion. Why was it the loud cry of “ Long live the Emperor!” would be raised and caught up with wild enthusiasm through out N mighty army, as he passed through the encampments, or mingled with the weary soldiers on the march ? It could not have been the dress he won* for he was ever recognized by the slouched hat and the old grey coat. No it was his unrivalled heroism and trans cendant genius before which inferior minds bowed with wondering, involun tary admiration. Such a mind as that needed no outward ornaments of dress it shone without them with a dazzling bright ness that astonished and stupefied the world. While history affords us striking proofs like this, observation points us to instances of the same nature. In the late struggle with our country’s foe, while the true patriot and noble hero had donned the “Jacket of Grey,” and were attempting to uphold its Banner, through the heat of summer and the winds and snows of winter, led by a Jackson and a Lee, who were habitually seen in the uni form of the common soldier, without any insignia of rank to tell their high posi tion ; these butterflies of folly and fashion were still to be found in the rear, idly looking on. Oh! which were the men? And, though the war is over now, we arc not free, nor our country independent. We have as much need now of sensible self sacrificing, deep-thinking men, as we had then. Therefore, I hope men will cease to tolerate such vain idleness, and, also, that ladies will cease to smile upon them. Look upon them as they really are, re membering “ all is not gold that glitters,” As the glittering sands may cover the barren soil, so a shining exterior may conceal a mind as devoid of merit. Turn from such with genuine contempt, and seek rather to admire the beauties of the mind, the cultivated, refined intellect, the generous noble heart, adorned with knowledge, virtue, truth, and grace: with these the immortal mind may shine when the body is senseless dust. Jefferson , Ga. [For the Banner of the South. J A FRAGMENT BY MRS. SUSAN H. WADDELL. As I stepped into the parlor, I saw a man sitting by the fire. He had a glazed cap upon his head, and wore an overcoat buttoned to the chin. He held his head down, and was busily engaged in examin ing a leather pocket-book full of papers ; some of them were very much soiled, and interspersed with them were bank bills, apparently to a large amount. He had, also, a purse upon his knee, which he presently took up, and. opening the end, poured into his left palm several pieces of gold and silver. So much absorbed was the stranger that he did not observe me; but when I opened a drawer to a china buffet, he loooked up, and, as I was directly in front of him, I saw the linea ments of his face, and noticed the rapid manner in which his eyes ran over my figure and passed away again to his papers. 11 is complexion was red, eyes deep set and black, nose long, very high cheek bones, with a projecting mouth and teeth. He resembled that corrugated bad face of Nero, that is sometimes seen upon the old imperial coins. “I have found the paper at last”—said he, handing it to Mr. Brief-—and I have counted out your retaining fee, and now, Lawyer, there is one thing I want you to do; it is to humiliate that man in the Court House, until he is not able to hold up his head for shame; I will pay you more for that”—lie slapped his knee by way of emphasis—“than for gaining my suit.” “Mr. Lister,” said his counsel gravely, “I thought you had more respect for me than to suppose I would receive pay for mortifying a man before a large audieuu ■ and for so small an offence, or even for a great one, unless necessary to the devel opment of my client’s wrongs.” He looked down for a moment, shook his head, bundled up his pocket-book and purse, handed the fee to Mr. Brief, and, throwing himself back in the chair, drew from his side pocket a piece of to bacco, and stripped it into shreds. A noise, as if from a restive horse, at tracted his attention; he rose quickly and hurried out of the apartment. We heard him calling loudly : “Whoa Trotter, Whoa, I say !”