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4 (&£«> REV. A. J. RYAN, Editor- AUGUSTA, GA., JULY 18, 1868. THE SOUTH WANTS YOU. It has been stated that Jno. C. Breck inridge intends to return to this country at an early day. Under the recent Amnesty Proclamation of President Johnson, and even under the Statute Laws of the United States, no indictment for treason can now be had against those who participated in the Revolution for Confederate Independence. The time for filing such an indictment has passed, by limitation of the law. and even if it Lad not, the President’s pardon applies efficaciously to all who were concerned in that Revolution, excepting only such as are now under indictment or conviction. Mr. Breckinridge, then, and Mr. Ben jamin, and all the other exiles who expa triated themselves at the close of the war, can now return in safety to the Union* And they should do so. The South wants them. She wants all her sons now; and she appeals to those who are here* to stay with her, and to those who are absent, to come back. A great strug gle is at hand, in which her rights and her liberties are involved—and not only hers, but the entire Nation’s. She calls upon all, then, who love her, to come to the rescue, and join hearts and hands with those true men of the North who arc battling for the Constitution and true Republican Government. Upon their success depends the preservation of the American Union, on the principles upon which it was founded ; and every vote for those principles is a step to the achievement of that success. Come home, then, ye absent sons of the South, and give your aid and your work to the Cause of your native land. PARDONED! At last, ye Rebels and Traitors of the South, a day of grace has dawned for you ! You strove to overthrow “the best Government the world ever saw” : and you failed. And, because you failed, you be came Rebels and Traitors, and deserved the halter, the prison cell, and confisca tion. But if you had succeeded ! Oh, if you had succeeded, you would have been patriots and heroes, and your very ene mies would have lauded your bravery and extolled your patriotism. But you failed. And why did you fail ? Was it because of the injustice of your Cause, the wick edness of your Rebellion, or tho sin of your Treason ? It certainly was not. The Cause we of the South engaged in was a righteous Cause. It was the Cause of Constitutional Liberty, and the per petuation of a true Republican Govern ment, as transmitted to us by the patriots who founded it. The “Rebellion,” if you so please to call it, was not wicked, be cause it was but a war of defence, on the part of the weak, against the oppressions of the strong. The “Treason”—but what Treason ? ls T it treason to iOvubn> Pvtv^ls to defend your y rights? Is it natural ami pob . me the principle that the treason to pra . „ T . * Avereign ! Is it treason to States „ that the people are sovereign ? _ J it treason to believe in the right of self government ? Is it treason to throw off the yoke of the oppressor, and assert National Independence ? If these con stitute treason, then, indeed, were the people of the South guilty of Treason— “tor this extent had their offending, and no more.” Then, why did we fail ? It was because of our numerical weakness, and the over powering atrength of the enemy. This is what conquered us, and made our Cause rt Lost Cause, and the bravery and patri otism of “the men in grey” Treason and Rebellion, And this is the Treason and Rebellion that we have atoned for through three long and weary years of Congres sional Oppression and Military Tyranny. And this is the Rebellion and Treason for which President Johnson has granted an indulgence, as it were, an amnesty, a pardon 1 Let us be thankful for small favors. Let us rejoice that the ban of oppression has been uplifted. Let us shout hosannas to “the best Government the world ever saw !”—but let us never forget the principles for which we strug gled, through four long and bloody years; and let us never forget the gallant “men in grey” who so nobly, but yet so vainly, struggled to vindicate and uphold these principles. THE DEMOCRATIC NOMINEE, The contrast between the two great political parties of the country, and be tween the candidates of these two parties, is so striking and so apparent, that we need not paint it here. On the one side, the Republican party is arrayed with principles which have destroyed the Union, bankrupted the Nation, and established Military Despotism over the ruins of the people’s liberties. On the other side, is the party of the Constitu tion, of National Economy, and Equal Justice—the Democratic Party. On the one side, is “the man of blood,” General U. S. Grant, and the proscriptive man, Schuyler Colfax. On the other, the up right Statesman, Horatio Seymour, and the just man, Francis P. Blair. On the one side, is Debt, Taxation, and Tyranny. On the other, is Economy, Peace, and Prosperity. How can the people of the United States hesitate, for one moment, “which of the two to choose ?” We should be recreant to our duty did we fail to give our voice, weak and humble though it be, in behalf of the latter. The plat forms and the candidates are now before the people. They must choose for them selves. But with us of the South, there is but one course to pursue ; for there can be no hope, no freedom, no peace, no prosperity, unless the Democratic party is triumphant. It behooves us, then, to give to that party all the aid, all the en couragement, and all the strength, that we can bring to it. Let us not fail in the performance of our duty. SPEECH OF HON. HORATIO SEYMOUR. Fellow-Citizens:— We see in every part of our land proofs of a change in political feeling. As the evils of this government unfold themselves, the best men of the Republican party are driven from its ranks. At its late Conven tion, its policy was shaped in a great degree by those who are most violent in their pas sions and most brutal in the policy they urge upon our people. While the ablest Republicans refuse to go on with a party which tramples upon the judiciary, usurps power, and is unsettling all ideas of politi cal morality, and unhinging all the business machinery of our land, wc are laboring un der some embarrassments from the great volume of the change in our favor. Those who are rallying around the standard of Constitutional rights have heretofore held conflicting views with regard to the events of the past eight years, and the question is, how can we set this great majority in the field so arrayed that they can drive out of place the disciplined and desperate horde of office-holders who now misgovern our country ? This is the only problem to be settled. The American people are disgust ed with the conduct ot the Congressional party. Can we mark out a policy which will unite the majority of our standard? This can only be done by a thoughtful, for tiine wc must uu uutßpuivcu auu must con front all the questions which perplex us. Men look forward with hope and fear to the action of the National Convention, on the Fourth of July. I shall not speak of candidates. Let the claims of each one be considered in a courteous and kindly spirit, and let us take care that no personal parti sanship shall draw us aside from our duty to our country. We should support, with hearty zeal, every upholder of constitution al rights. It is upon discord in our ranks that our opponents build their hopes. A party born of strife natually looks to selfish pas sions to keep it alive. Let this hope be crushed out by our action. It will, in the present state of our country, bean unholy thing to go into the July Convention with any purpose which shall not have in view the rescue of our Government from the men who now have it in hand. The next election will be controlled by thoughtful business and laboring men. No party can gain their support unless its tone and tem- •BAJfMI! ©I B©im.i per show that it seeks to get our country out of its troubled condition. Appeals to prejudice and passions will have no weight. These were tried at the late Republican Convention. I need not say with what cold indifference they have been received by the public. The quiet, watchful citi zens who seek for the protection of a wise administration of government, now turn their eyes upon us. We must look to it, that we take no position which will not bear the closest scrutiny. The financial condition of our country forces itself upon our attention. Among the evil results of our moneyed and tax policy, the most hurt ful is the jealousies it has made between the sections of our country. It has di vided our Uni< n into debtor and creditor States. It builds up favored interests and crushes out the industry of other classes. It taxes toil and lets some forms of wealth go free from the cost of the Government. It gives to labor and business a debased money and to the untaxed bond-holder sterling coin. These curses upon honest industry have grown up like ill weeds among the sacred interests of contracts, trusts, and the fruits of labor until we are troubled how to root out the tares sown by evil spirits, without killing the crops planted and tilled by honest industry.— Lest it should be felt that what I have to say on this point springs from any views about the candidates or action of the National Convention, I will go back to the first years of the civil war, when the Dem ocratic party of New York took its position upon the financial policy of government. In the elections of 1862 it was discussed before our people. We then pointed out the great evils which now trouble us as the sure results of the errors of those who were shaping our moneyed system. To show clearly how we then tried to avoid these dangers, let me read some passages from the messages of a Democratic Govern or to the Legislature, in January, 1863. In his position he spoke, alter a general consultation, for the great party which had just placed him in the Executive chair. Positions taken many years ago could have no reference to the personal wishes or purposes of this day. I will speak of the questions which now agitate our country in the light of the warnings we then uttered. In the Convention of 1862, the nominee of the Democratic party of the State of New York, for the office of Governor, used the words: The vast debt growing out of this war will give rise to new and angry discussions. It will be held almost exclusively in a few Atlantic States. Look upon the map of the Union and see how small is the ter ritory in which it will be owned. We are to be divided into creditor and debtor States, and the last will have a vast pre ponderance of power and strength. Un fortunately there is no taxation upon this national debt, and its share is thrown off upon other property. It is held where many of the government contracts have been executed, and where in some in stances, gross frauds have been practiced. It is held largely where the Constitution gives a disproportional share of political power. In his message to the Legislature, in 1863, the Democratic Governor, speaking of the public credit, foreshadowed our dis honored condition at the time in these words: Extravagance and corruption are viola tions of the faith pledged to the public creditors. The money loaned to the Na tional Treasury was not brought forward at a time of peace, but in a time of doubt and danger. These claims are held by the rich and poor. The amount held by cor porations represent the interests of women and children, the aged and infirm. The right of our soldiers to demand integrity is of the most sacred character. A fearful crime will be done by those who suffer na tional bankruptcy to turn into dust and ashes the pensioners’ bounties thus gained at the cost of blood and health and ex posure. It is worse that a government should be overturned by corruption than by violence. A \ irtuous people will re gain their rights if torn from them, but there is no hope for those who suffer cor ruption to sop and rot away the fabric of their freedom. These are the positions we took years ago in the darkest hour of the war, these are the positions we hold now, and they cover every question of party agitation. To show the anxiety we felt to avoid all sectional controversies and our sense of the value of intercourse with the Western States, I will quote from the message of the same Democratic Governor in 1864 : A deep interest is felt with regard to our commerce with the Western States. Its growing, oFV'ilcucAGsdepend ent for commercial prosperity upon that section of our country which sustains our domestic and foreign commerce, and which adds so largely to the imports and business prosperity of the city of New York. This State will be untrue to itself it it fails to con trol this great source of wealth by a vigor ous and generous policy. Rather than suffer its diverson into other channels, we should strike oft’ all tolls upon Western produce. New York should exhibit that degree of interest in all measures design 3d to benefit the West which will show our purpose to keep up the most intimate commercial relationship with that portion of our Union. These words are quoted—not because the words of any one man are of conse quence, but to show the record of the great party which inspired them. The Demo cratic party saw the evil in the beginning ; they are the party to cure it. They have always kept our public finances out of con fusion, when in power. Years ago we pointed out the wrong done to the West by making them send nearly twice as many soldiers to the war from each Congressional war district as were demanded from Ver mont or Massachusetts, while the currency given to them under the banking system was not one-quarter as great, although the Western States needed currency the most. The act authorizing the banks of New York to organize under a general banking law was not signed, because the currency was unjustly divided, and because the system made an useless tax upon our people of $18,000,000 in gold each year. Thus we tried at an early day to save our country from sectional questions. In vain we warned the East and the West against an unwise policy. The East and West upheld the policy ot the administration, and we have now to deal with the rc- Us. What are some of them ? All of the States are heavily taxed, but some of them get back as much, some m >re than they pay out, while others get but little. In the case of the heaviest item of expense —the military and naval system —the Western States get nothing back except the cost of Indian war, while large sums are spent at the South. The next heaviest item is the in terest on the debt. The West gets but a small sum back; most of it is paid to the North Atlantic States. The iudirect taxes, tariffs, are still more hurtful to the West, as they are practically premiums given to Eastern manufacturers. The division of the'favors of government in dis tributing banking currency is startling in its injustice. But the most offensive dis tinction is that of having two kinds of cur rency, good money for the bondholder, and bad money for the laborer, the pensioner and the business man. Every paper dollar now put out is a Government falsehood, for it claims to be worth more than its real value, and it goes about the country defrauding the laborer, the pensioner, the mechanic and the farmer. An indignant chief of one of the tribes from whom we bought land at an early day by a pledge of moneyed annuity,said this Government was a cheat. It got laud from the Indians by promising them so many dollars each year, that now it paid them in money which was a lie, which said on its face it was a dollar when it was but little more than a half dollar. The red man told the simple truth. Os all the devices to cheat honest labor, to paralyze industry, to de grade public morals and to turn business pursuits into reckless gambling, none has been so hurtful as a shifting standard of value, a debased and lying currency. I have not thus set forth the condition < of our country for the purpose of indulging in invectives against the party in power, but for another object. Many Republicans who admit the wrong doing oi their leaders, say that we have no plans for the relief of our country, that pointing out wrongs is of no use unless we can point out remedies. This we propose to do, and we probe the ulcers to the quick because we mean to meet the case audeure the malady. Among other things which have caused anxiety in the disordered state of our Union, is the fact that our Government bonds are mainly held in one section of our country. The labor of the West puts its earnings in a large de gree into lands, which are tax burthened. The labor of the East puts its earnings into savings banks, life insurance, or in other forms of moneyed investment. Thus they are deeply interested in Government bonds. The amount in savings banks, in this State alone, is $140,000,000. This shows that there must be at least $500,- 000,000 of money thus deposited in all the States. The average of the deposits in 1867, in the State of New York was $270. The number of depositors in the State of New Y r ork is about five hundred thousand (487,479), and in the city they number more than one-third of the population. This will make the number of depositors in the Union more than one million eight hundred thousand. In the State of Con necticut, in 1865, one quarter of its popu lation had deposits in savings banks. It is now usual for men of small property to insure their lives. The number of policies given out by the life insurance companies, about four hundred and fifty thousand, and the amount of insurance about one thousand and two hundred and fifty mil- lions. The money invested is held as a sacred trust, as it is a fund laid aside for their families when the insurers die. All of the funds of savings banks and life in surance companies are not put in Govern ment bonds, but they hold an amount which would cripple or ruin them if the bonds are not paid, or if they are paid in debased paper. If we add the trusts for widows and orphans we find that 2,500,- 000 persons are interested in Government ire compulsory owners at present prices under the operations of our laws. There is a fear that this state of things will make a clashing of interests between the labor of the East and the labor of the West. It is clear that our opponents hope that it will hinder us from going into the contest with compact ranks and with one battle ery. However alarming this aspect may be, I am sure there is a policy to be marked out which will harmonize all jarring inter ests. It can be shown that the dangers sprung from an unwise conduct of public a flairs. They have come up like fogs of night from foul fens ; they rise from un wholesome, darkened counsels, and will fade away before the light and life of a clear and honest policy. Is it true that the laborer, the pensioner, the tax-payers and the bond-hoiders have conflicting in terests which will hinder them from acting together in upholding constitutional right ? Why are the tax-payers laboring under a debt which bears an interest of six per cent., while other Governments can borrow money at 3 percent., and at this low J n . terest their bonds sell for better prices than ours? Why is the laborer, the farm er, the mechanic and the pensioner paid L bad money, so that they get one-quart er less than they are entitled to on every paper dollar paid to them? Why is the bondholder wronged by the tainted credit of the Government, so that he cannot sell his bond for as much by onc-third as the citizen of Great Britain gets for the bond of his Government, which bears a lower in terest; and why is his claim made odious in the eyes of the people by the fact that his interest is paid in specie, while they are compelled to take debased paper? ft is clear to every thoughtful man that public safety and honor will not admit of our hav ing two kinds of currency for any length of time. We must have a uniform cur rency for all classes. There is but one question to be settled. Shall our currency be uniformly good or uniformly bad ? Ary we to force the bondholder to take bad money ? Are we to have an honest stand ard of value for all, or is industry, enter prise and morality to be perplexed and dis ordered by a shifting and dishonest standard? If it can be shown that all these evils under which we labor, spring from a common source, then it is clear that all classes should join in a common effort to root out the policy which sheds such widespread curses. There are two ways of making our paper money good as coin. One is to contract its volume by calling in the legal-tenders. This will make them scarce and will force a specie standard, but it will carry ruin and bankruptcy into every part of our country. It will bear down the prices of property and of labor. It is a policy which cannot be carried through, for the country will not consent to it. There is another way of lifting up our greenbacks to par which will not harm any, but will help all, which will bring back confidence, will revive business and enterprise, will lighten taxation, will give to labor honest money and will do justice to the public creditor. And that way is to give to all the world full faith in the honor and wis dom of the American Government. Our paper money is Dot its par in coin, because the national credit is dishonored. How can the notes of our Government, which pay no interest, be worth their face in gold or silver, when the bonds of Government which pay six per cent, interest, are worth only eighty cents on the dollar? You can not make the notes put out by banks worth more than the bonds which secure these notes. It is a sad thing to say that our credit is dishonored in the markets of the world, but it is true, and it mu3t be said, if we are to find a remedy. It is humilia ting to find that when Great Britain bor rows a thousand dollars for twenty years it pays the lender but $1,700, when if we make the same loan we have to pay $2,700 T' ‘ lender. If we wish to help the tax •, if we wish to get at the cause of de based currency in the hands of the laborer, we must first find out why our credit is dishonored, for it is a tainted credit that sinks alike the value of bonds, of greenbacks and bank notes. Make the credit of the United States as good as that of Great Britain, or of a mer- chant in good standing, or of a mortgage on a farm, and our troubles would disap pear. If we make our paper money good by a harsh system of Contraction, wc shall cripple the energies of the country, and make bankruptcy and ruin. If. on the other hand, we debase the currency b> un wise issues, we shall equally perplex busi ness and destroy sober industry and make all prices mere mat ters of gambling, tricks and chances. This will end as it did in the Southern Confederacy. At the out set the citizens of Richmond went to mar ket with their money in their vest pockets and brought back their dinners in their baskets; in the end they took their money in their baskets and took home their din ners in their vest pockets. Make our money good by an honest and wise course, and when this is done, it will be worth twenty-five per cent, more than it is now. which will be equal to an increase of one quarter in the amount of currency. Bad ness will be strengthened, industry will be encouraged, prices will be regular, and men will then dare to go on with useful enterprises. We find right here the cause of our troubles, perplexities and natural disgrace. Our credit is tainted. But for that, wc could borrow money as Britain does at t • rce per cent, and cut down taxa tion. But for that our paper money would be good, and gold and silver would glitter in the hands of labor. But for that fact there would be no question how the bonds are to be paid, and we never cLnuld discredit business men would not be perplexed, and the disquiet and fears which now disturb the public mind would not exist. Now if this dis honor cannot be helped, we must bear it in the best way we can, and we must get on with the sectional and social and political troubles growing out of it until time and events shall bring some cure. But it it can be shown to be the work of those in power, then all sections, all classes, aud all interests should unite and turn them out. Fortunately we have official state ments to guide us in our inquiries. We take the showing of the very parties under impeachment to show where guilt lies. To show the waste ot those in power, k‘ us compare the cost of Government daring the four years of peace before IS6I, an I the four j 7 ears of peace following the Ist ot July, 1865. For the fiscal year enuin r T July 1, 1569, I will take the estimate ju-' made by the Committee of Ways ted Means. Bear in mind that this is i e best promise the Republicans can m ike 1 the eve of a Presidential election. It val!