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4 REV’ A. J. RYAN, Editor- AUGUSTA, GA., AUGUST 8, 1868. CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITU TIONS IN THE SOUTH. Wherever the Church goes, she founds institutions of learning. Beside her Altars, Colleges and Convents rise and flourish; and her teachers stand as high as any in the intellectual world. She fears Ignorance, and the prejudices and bigotries of Ignorance; but Learning she loves, and loves to make the handmaiden of Religion. Her Educational Establish ments, in number, character, influence, and success, rank the equal of any, superior to many, inferior to none. Yet is she accused of fostering ignorance, and opposing the progress of intelligence. More, and more accurate, religious know ledge is required of her children of twelve years of age, than other Churches require of adult members. A longer training, and a more extensive course of study, are required of her Priests, than any other, so-called, Church demands of its Ministers. And yet the old calumny is still kept alive, that we strive to keep our members ignorant. We would have no fears to institute a comparison between Catholics and non- Catholics, in the matter of Education. But this was not to be the purport of these few words. We merely wished to call the attention of the Catholics of the riouth to our Colleges and Convents. They need no recommendation at our hands. They have proven their claims to our confidence and support, by the upright citizens, and good Christians, whom they have trained and sent forth to honor every walk of society through which they move, and every avocation of life of which they are engaged. First and foremost, stands Georgetown College—an Institution without a superior in this country. Ask the Protestant young men who have been trained in Georgetown, what sort of men Jesuits are ?—for Georgetown is one of their Institutions—and you will wonder what stories they will tell of the goodness, kind ness, virtue, ability, simplicity, and straightforwardness, of the Fathers. The children of those who hold the Jesuits in horror, rise up and defend them. Georgetown is doing noble work in the training of our youth. The character which it has made for itself in the past is the pledge of its future prosperity. In reading over the list of its Alumni for the past Academic year, we find a long array ol Southern boys and young men. Next year we hope the list will be larger. Then, there is Mount St. Mary’s, iu Maryland, presided over by Rev. John McCaffrey, D. D., one of the most accom plished of gentlemen, one of the brightest ornaments of the American Priesthood, and one of the ablest of educators. Assisted by a splendid corps of Pro fessors, he has made Mount St. Mary’s a name of honor throughout the country. It has been mainly supported by Southern patronage, which we hope will continue to increase. Spring Hill College, near Mobile, St. Mary’s College, Kentucky, St. Vincent’s College, Missouri, by the high order of education they give, and, particularly, by the moral training their pupils receive, should be sustained by the Catholics of the South. All these Colleges, and others not now rememhered, are training to high learning, and to pure virtue, young minds from every part of the South. They should be supported and sustained. Our Convents, too, are many, and we are willing that their character should be measured by the character of those they educate. We can only ennumcrate them, with the simple remark, that each and every one of them is every way worthy of the patronage of our people. In Maryland, we have St. Joseph’s, at Emmetsburg, under the charge of the Sisters of Charity, and the Academy, at Frederick, under the Nuns of the Visita tion. The Academy of the Visitation, at Georgetown, has no superior. In Vir ginia, in charge of the Visitation Nuns, are the Academies at Richmond, Wheel ing, and Abingdon. In South Carolina, the IJrsuline Academy, near Columbia. In Georgia, wo have Academies at Sa vannah, Atlanta, and Columbus, in charge of the Sisters of Mercy; and, in Augusta, a Convent is in course of erection, which is destined, we hope, to be one of the first Institutions of the State. In Florida, the Sisters of Mercy are in charge of an Academy at St. Augustine. Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, have their own Convents, in charge of the Sisters, of various Orders. Kentucky is dotted with Convents, between which there is a holy rivalry, each striving to surpass the others, yet all working in Catholic har mony. Tennessee has her St. Cecilia’s, of Nashville, and her St. Agnes, of Mem phis, under the charge of the devoted and accomplished Dominican Nuns. Between all these, there is room enough for choice; and we trust that they each will receive that share of patronage which they all so nobly deserve. SUFFRAGE. This age has taken upon its wise self the task of solving many great political problems. In fact, it wishes to solve them all; for it has no idea that its suc cessor, the 20th century, will inherit half of its wisdom. Our age is charitable, indeed, thus to busy its brain and wear out its life for the sole benefit of the coming centuries. We wonder, will they be grateful, or will they laugh at our folly, as we smile, so complacently, at the follies of preceding ages ? Some of these problems our age has already solved, whether rightly or wrongly, time shall tell. On the political black-board now is marked the most difficult and complicated problem of all—that of Suffrage. The age demands its solution. The age, as usual, is in a hurry. It will not wait. It has set down the problem, and it calls impatiently on Europe and America, its two brightest scholars, to come up quickly and solve it. Europe, cautious and slow, looks gravely at the problem, sees all its difficulties, studies it with closest attention; but, instead of solving it, shakes a head which history has made wise, and asks time for more reflection. Up, with a jaunt} 7 air, yet with the look of an overgrown schoolboy, jumps America. America is a bright boy, wonderfully gifted, not much given to study, yet very precocious; thinks little, ’tis true, yet talks well on all subjects— in fact, speaks best on subjects known the least—is somewhat of a reckless, devil-may-care character, yet, withal, clever-hearted, always dresses well, and has a harmless mania to show off and appear to best advantage; is apt to guess at the answer to any hard question, in order to avoid the trouble of making it out, and is a first-rate guesser at that. What does America care for the difficulty of that problem, which poor old ploddiDg Europe was afraid to solve ? Why, ’tis not a circumstance; ’tis as easy as A B, C. ’Tis all settled, in a moment, just a guess, and America turns about, and says: “Why, I’ve got it—l bet I have--just as sure as you’re alive—there’s no mistaking— I knew I could do it—pshaw! it doesn’t require a bit of study—l knew, Europe, old fellow, I was a heap smarter than you—we don’t do up things in your slow style—by-jingo ! we go abead— nothing stops us—like lightning—hurrah for me!—three cheers for the stars and stripes!—here’s the answer to the pro blem —I bet it’s right—Suffrage must be universal!” America, that’s your guess. You may guess something very different after a while. But, go ahead, as you say you do ; make your guess an American Mini ©i i®i ®©im- political dogma. Believe in it, and act according to it, and let the future decide your wisdom. The political equality 7 of all men—white, black, yellow, ignorant, educated, upright, corrupt—yes, of all men, who give such signs of high man hood as to chew tobacco, drink whiskey, whittle, curse a little. The political equality of all men—a royal, purple phrase—but take care that it does not cover a hideous falsehood. Build your future Government upon that dogma, it certainly is broad enongh, but don’t turn prophet, and tell the world your Government will last forever. Some of us have doubts; we cannot, for the life of us, make an honest act of faith in your new dogma. And, besides, it was only a guess ; you didn’t work the proplem out* We have tried calmly and coolly to work a part of that problem, and our solution bids fair to be far different. Instead of extending suffrage, we would limit it. Perhaps we are narrow-minded. Who ever has manhood, has the right to vote, seems to us to be devoid of sense, though we are free to confess the proposition does contain real American logic. Physical manhood by no means neoessarily implies intelligence and conscience. We are of the opinion that voting is a moral act, and should be regulated by moral condi tions. If it should be proved to us that every man is intelligent and conscientious, then would we accept the conclusion that every man might vote. We fear, how ever, that such a proposition shall never be proved. Universal suffrage is a sham ; it is more than a sham, it is a blunder; it is worse than a blunder, it is a crime. It is based upon universal equality. Are all men equal, physically? intellectually? morally' ? Who will say so ? And if they are, as they are, unequal; if among them there is superiority and inferiority; if this inequality be, as it is, a law of humanity, a universal organic law, potent and palpable the world over; how expect humanity to live, and thrive, and advance, when one of the laws of its life and motion is violated ? Violation of that law is contravention of God’s designs. Contravention of His designs is crime. Therefore, do we say, and re-assert, that universal suffrage is worse than a blunder—it is a crime. From the universal inequality of men, deep-rooted in humanity, bow logically deduce universal equality ?—and, if you cannot do so, how proclaim Universal Suffrage ? It is against reason, against sense, against the very laws of humanity, against History—against God. And, therefore, it cannot last. It is a paradox which fanaticism would lift into a law. It is the greatest political falsehood, which fanaticism would erect into the aublimest political truth. It is the most dangerous political error which fanaticism would sanctify as the grandest political dogma. By its fruits will you know it; and its fruits will be fruits of blood. It is the germ of future revolutions and anarchies. So surely as it is planted, and takes root, and grows, so surely shall there be death in its fruits. A destructive principle leads to de struction. It will be a law of death and doom to this land. One of two things— either that law must be destroyed, or, it will destroy us. Which alternative shall we choose ? RADICALISM" If the Banner of the South were strictly and entirely a Religious paper, we should eschew Politics altogether in its columns; but it is, as its name im ports, an organ, not only of the Roman Catholic Church, but also of the oppressed and down-trodden South. It is designed to uphold and vindicate principles which, nor war, nor plunder, nor oppression, can destroy principles, to maintain which, our people struggled through four bloody and vengeful years—principles which live to-day, and burn as brightly as they did in the now far distant days, when it was proclaimed: “Justice a breastplate ; true judgment a helmet; equity an invincible shield and, later, still, “The Truth shall make you free and, farther down the rapid flight of years, when the Catholic Barons of Eng land proclaimed their Magna Charter at Runnymede; and, still later, in that glorious 4th of July, 1776, when the people of America sent forth to the world their grand Declaration of Independence. Yes, these principles are living to-day, despite the opposition, enmity, and tyranny of the dominant party. And, if the Banner of the South upholds these grand principles—principles rendered so sacred, because of their Divine association and honorable antiquity, and, more than all, because of their connection with the Lost Cause, so dear to every true Patriot —surely it cannot remain a passive and silent spectator of the struggle now going on between the party of Justice and Right and the party of Oppression and Wrong. Hence, we feel it a duty we owe to our dear South, to give our efforts, humble though they be, against that spirit of injustice and tyranny embodied in the word Radicalism. It has been tried and found wanting. It has brought the burthens of an enormous public debt and most onerous taxation upon the people. It has bankrupted the Nation; it has alienated, more than ever, the different sections of the Union; it has destroyed public credit; it has ruined trade and agriculture; it has destroyed the liberties of the Southern people, and placed over them a galling despotism. These, and many other evils, are fastened upon that Radical party; and, it therefore, becomes the duty of every true patriot, and, above all, of every Southern patriot, to do all in his power to overthrow that party. Destroy it in November next, by placing at the head of the Nation the Democratic candidates, Seymour and Blair; and then there will be hope for the South, joy for the Patriot, and glory for the Nation. IMMORAL LITERATURE. Immoral literature is one of the greatest iniquities of the age, and one of the worst, if not the very worst, signs of social corruption. Out of the Press, day by day, come papers, pamphlets, magazines, books, with foulness on every page, and deadly moral poison in every sentence. Broadcast over the land these are spread —by thousands are they hourly read—by young and old, till we are sure that we may say, without exaggeration, that not an hour passes in which innocence docs not pass away from some soul, and purity from some young life, before the evil influences of our corrupt literature. There was a time when the author of a bad book would conceal his name. There was a time when the readers of a bad book would seek secrecy, where, beyond the reach of any eye, they might feast on thoughts of passion and scenes of sin ; but now, publicly to the world, authors of vilest books give their names ; pub licly the books are bought and sold; publicly are they read; for, not only have the people lost love of virtue, but they have also lost shame of sin. The minds of the rising generation are giving evi dence of the terrible power of evil read ing. Among our young there is a fearful precocity in evil. Boys, in years, are men in crimes; and girls, entering their teens, are women in knowledge. That literature is revelling in the ruin of the hearts of our children. Wc must save them from its influence. For the evil reading we must substitute something pure and high, something that appeals to virtuous feelings and not to vicious propensities. Read they will, and read they ought; but let their reading be such that the purest might not suffer from it* Let parents see to it, that no book, paper, story, magazine, be allowed to enter their hands, unless they are certain of its moral character. There ought to boa Public conscience that would silently rebuke immoral pub lications of all kinds. In the absence of such a censor, why are there not laws; and if there are, why are they not rigor ously enforced against the publishers and sellers of such writings ? An impure literature, more rapidly and deeply'than any other cause, corrupts«a people. corrupt people never yet preserved liberty long. THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES BY A, H, STEPHENS. We have read, with care, the ii rs t volume of Mr. Stephen’s great work, “The War between the States.” From the reputation of the author as a Statesman, a Thinker, and a Speaker much was expected, and we believe that he has successfully met the most sanguine expectations. For accurate statements close reasoning, and a clear, keen insight into our form of Government, the volume before us is remarkable beyond any work of the kind we have ever read. His style is simple and plain—though not classical, nor beautiful, still not without elegance. Yet, style, in a work of this kind, is the least thing to be regarded. The thought, the truth, the logic of the work, are of first importance. There is one statement, however, to which, with all respect to Mr. Stephens, we have reason to object. On page 33, illustrating an idea, he says : “Galileo complied with the exactions of torture by renouncing his belief in the rotary motion of the earth.” We are surprised that a man of Mr, Stephens’ attainments should fall into such a grave historical mistake. Galileo was never tortured, nor did he ever re nounce his belief in the motion of the earth. We hope Mr. Stephens, in his next edition —and we trust his able work will go through many editions—will correct this error—the onlyono that mars the pages of this first volume. If he wants proofs of the incorrectness of his statement, we have them, and are ready, when called upon, to furnish them. «■ mm<*- ■ MEETING IN CINCINNATI. SPEECH OF MR. PENDLETON. My Fellow- Citizens: I thank you from the bottom of my heart for the kind greet ing that you have given me. I appreciate all your kindness. I have had occasion, often in the past, to thank you for esteem, and confidence and support. I can only to-night repeat to you the words which I have so often before uttered. Democrats of Hamilton County, you are my neigh bors and my acquaintances; you have known. me from my boyhood; you know my political opinions, my personal charac ter, and the motives by which I have been governed in all my public life. You have given me a cordial and earnest support for the highest office in the Republic. [Ap plause.] You have said that you are willing to confide to my keeping its duties and its re sponsibilities. [Good.] And when you are defeated in your trust you have given to me so many tokens that my heart swells with an emotion of gratitude, which my trembling voice can scarcely find words to express. [Cheers.] You have laid upon me a burden of obligation which I cannot repay. I shall always endeavor to deserve your confidence, and the memory that I have it here to-night will be the proudest reminiscence of my political life. [Cheers.] And what I say to you, my fellow-citi zens, I might say with almost equal justice to all the Democratic party in the State of Ohio, and to the hosts of friends from ail the other States who seconded their ef fort. And it gratifies me very* much to know that here, at my own home, my rec ognition, my acknowledgments are due, due, not only to my Democratic, but also to many Republicans, convinced, some of them, perhaps, of the correctness of my opinions, and some of them actuated by personal kindness, desired my success. And while lam on this subject, my friends, I hope it will not be considered out of place for me to say to all Democrats and Republicans—to those who differ with me as well as those who agree with me— that in all the warmth of political discussion, I have endeavored to cultivate the ameni ties of life, and that where it was necessary to differ I have differed without intending to impugn the character, or question the motives, or excite the bitterness of those with whom I have felt called upon to differ ; and that it gives me pleasure to know that the struggles of fifteen years have left no sting of bitterness in my heart toward any of my fellow-citizens, and to hope that they feel none toward myself. TAMMANY IIALL CONVENTION. 1 have had occasion lately to speak of the proceedings of the New York Conven tion. I approve them all. [Cheers.] t approve the platform ; I approve the nominations. The platform the principles for which we have so zeal otisly struggled. I have enumerated them before : Fidelity to the Constitution! Fidelity to the Union ! Fidelity to the rights of the States ! ( Fidelity to the liberties of the citizen • Fidelity to the principles of free govern ment !