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Fidelity to that policy in matters of finance and taxation which, by paying the five-twenty bonds in legal-tender notes, «}ll lift from the shoulders of labor the burthens which oppress it; and by equali 0f taxation will make it to reap the just rewards of patient and cheerful industry. " \xoveroor Seymour and General Blair have each explicitly declared that they cordially approved those principles. [Ap plause.] ~ Our candidates realize all we expect in riU re, patriotic, able, cultivated Christian statesmen. I have known Governor Sey mour well. I knew him throughout the trying scenes of the war. I have closely watched for many years his course, and his opinions; and I tell you in all sincerity this night, that he is the first statesman in \merica [cheers], and that we can commit to him more safely than to any other man the destiny of our Government in these troublesome times. Self-possessed, cool, calm, sagacious, moderate, tolerant--he will unite deliberation in council with vig or inaction. And seeking nothing but the enforcement of the Constitution, he will bring us back to union and peace and happiness under the shadow of its wings. [ Applause. ] INDICATIONS OF TIIE CAMPAIGN. [ am glad you came here in such numbers to-night. lam glad to see this immense crowd— this great outpouring of the peo ple. lam glad to recognize so many of our political opponents among your fa miliar faces. The spirit which animates them fills my heart with hope. It is not the enthusiasm made to order by the cla queurs of politics, nor yet the zeal en gendered by party discipline. It is a spirit of thoughtful and anxious inquiry—of boding fear. It shows that the public calamity weighs heavy upon the public mind. It shows that the management of public affairs excites their apprehensions. It shows a sea I say a conviction —that the great powers of Government have fallen into unworthy or unable hands, and are being wielded now rather for the advancement of a party than for the good of the country. [Applause.] My friends, I desire to reason with you to-night. I will not speak to you in any partisan sense. We stand in exactly the same position. We are fellow-countrymen -fellow-patriots. We have the same lives to live, the same blessings to win, the same dangers to avoid. We have thesame interests, the same hopes, the same fears. We have the same country to love, the same institutions to preserve, the same liberty to enjoy. We ought to be —we are alike honest in our motives—thoughtful in our investigations, and sincere in our convictions. [Applause.] I believe in the principles of the Demo cratic party. I desire you to embrade them. I believe they will maintain our liberty and perpetuate our Government. You have been, perhaps, for a long time members of the Republican party. You have given to it your love, your confidence, your votes t your money, your exertions. You have installed it in absolute power. It has had uncontrolled sway. Has it answered your expectations ? Has it sat isfied your demands? [Voice, “No,” “No.”] Answer this question not tome. An swer it to your conscience, and to your God. [Applause.] QUESTIONS AT ISSUE. The two great questions into which poli ties are now divided are, restoration of the Union and the management of finance and taxation. Has the policy of the Republican party satisfied your demands on either ? Voices— “No, no.” RETROSPECTION. Let me recall to you the retrospect of a few years. We were told that the object of the war was to enforce the Constitution and to maintain the Union. Mr. Lincoln fold us so in his inaugural address. Mr. Seward told us so in his dispatches to foreign ministers, and in his invitations to Senators and members to return and oc cupy their seats they had left. Congress [old us so in its resolutions and laws. Lvery recruiting officer who desired to be Colonel of anew regiment —every can didate who desired to hold office—told us so * It was this inspiring thought of devotion to the Constitution and the Union —the old Constitution which Washington and franklin and Madison made, the old inion which was the bond of peace for seventy years—which brought volunteers to our ranks, and collected that mighty host under whose tread the very continent seemed to shake. This was continued till the very end of the war. When Mr. Lincoln met the southern Commissioners at Fortress Mon roe, in the spring of 1865, he expressly de clared to them that he only required that they should lay down their arms, rec ognize the abolition of slavery, and return thf L Union ; that no other condition m i be demanded. We were told that mega* force impaired the relations of the J 5 rates to each other; that the force must be removed, and the relations would of themselves be restored. Ihe war was brought to a close. John stou surrendered to Sherman. The last toau laid down his arms. The last arm was given up. The State Governments were then in full operation and vigor; they had remained unchanged; they per formed all the functions of government in the preservation of civil society. Some of the office-holders had fled; some had been some were liable to indictment; but the *orms of governments were there, and the State Constitutions were as binding as they ever had been. General Sherman carried out to their legal conclusion the principles upon which the war was com menced. He conquered armies, he sub dued hostile forces. He cut with his sword the knot which tied the States of the Confederacy together, and having re established their relations to the Union, he said to his prisoners, “Go to your homes in peace.” This was .Union—this was peace—this was enforcing the Constitution—this was maintaining the Union—this was execut ing Federal law, while it maintained the rights and powers and dignities of the States unimpaired. This was a fitting' conclusion of the war. It asserted Sher man’s ability as a statesman to be equal to his vigor as a soldier. The terms of that pacification will remain for all time, the monument of his wisdom, and foresight, and moderation. Its rejection has been the source of many troubles. But the President of the United States, and the party which elected him were not satisfied. They annulled its terms. They insisted upon the appointment of Provis ional Governors; that the ordinances of secession should be repealed; that slavery should be abolished; that the Confederate debt should be utterly repudiated, and promised that then the States should be restored to their position in the Union. — A 1 was done. The States were recognized to have sufficient vital power to assent to an amendment of the Federal Constitution, and to bind their people for all time. Con gress . and the President quarreled, and when Congress met in 1865, he had not the power, and Congress had not the dis position, to recognize the restoration of the Union. A change had come over their party schemes —visions of power and a revolutionized Government had flitted be fore their eyes. [Applause.] Six months elapsed and the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution was pro posed. You are familiar with its pro visions. Citizenship in the States was to depend upon the will of the Federal Gov ernment, not of the States; the rule of representation was to be changed so as to reward the admission of negroes to the elective franchise, and to punish their ex clusion. The ban of proscription in the States was to be put upon all who had aid ed in the rebellion, and to question the validity of the public debt —in the manner I shall do to-night—was to be treated as a crime. If this were adopted by a vote of the Southern States—these States which now they tell you had committed suicide six years before —they half promised their senators and representatives should be ad' mitted to Congress. Six months again elapsed, and another change had some over them. The Radi cals'had triumphed. The Reconstruction acts were passed. Their State govern ments, which had been so often invited to perform the highest acts, were abolished. Military despotisms were set up in their stead.’ The maintenance of order—the protection of life, liberty and property— the establishments of new Governments founded on different principles—were com mitted to the charge of a military officer backed by the short, sharp process of martial law and drum-head court-martial. LCheers.] WHAT IS NOW PROPOSED. Eighteen months elapse. A Pres idential election approaches. All the large Northern States show great uneasiness. Many openly pronounce their defection. The Radicals are alarmed—they fear de feat. They must make up from the reor ganized States at the South whatever they may lose at the North. They pass a law regulating the electoral colleges—deter mining what votes shall and what shall not be counted in the election. They declare that none of the old States are States— that no electoral votes shall be counted ex cept from States which have been reor ganized since the spring of 1867 —which have adopted new constitutions—which have adopted negro suffrage—and which have been admitted to representation by this Congress. Do you understand the meaning of those provisions ? The State of Alabama, two months ago, rejected absolutely the Con stitution which was submitted to a vote of her people ; yet that same rejected Con stitution is put in force by Federal arms and she is admitted to representation be cause it is believed that by its stringent oaths so many whites will be disfranchised that her electoral vote will be carried for the Radicals.. [Bah, and cheers.] Mississippi also rejected the Constitu tion submitted to her people, but as the oaths of that Constitution are not so strin gent, and the whites may give a Demo cratic majority, she is denied representa-* tion, and her electoral votes are not to be counted. Virginia is supposed to have white population enough to adopt or reject her Constitution, and then in either event to give the electoral vote to the Demooratic candidate, and her name is immediately stricken from the list. Texas has not been sufficiently humilia ted, and for her anew military organiza tion is to be created, as you have read in to-day’s papers. A voice—“Wbat do you think about the State of Ohio?” Well, she is a pretty good State, and I think can take care of herself. [Cheers, j The fourteenth amendment has been declared, within two days, to be adopted—Ohio and New Jersey before their votes were count ed, before the other States had ratified, by solemn act of their Legislatures, with drew their assent to this amendment. The ablest Constitutional lawyers assert they Lad the right to do so. No man will affirm the question is without doubt, not withstanding the amendment is declared to be adopted by the votes ,of these two States—and it is already hinted that Maryland and Kentucky will be, by mere brute force, excluded from the vote for President, on the pretext that their repre sentation has not been made to conform to the new rule established by that amend ment. The Radicals understand this. They pass laws and organize States and provide for electoral votes and impeach the Presi dent, but in the meantime they distribute arms to the negroes of the South; they bind to them the army and the navy by holding access to the paths of promotion, and they present as their candidate for votes that man in whose hand they have put the powers of the President and the absolute power over the reorganization of the Southern States. If they cannot elect by fraud, is there no reason to fear they may usurp by force ? A decisive overwhelming defeat at the polls will avert this danger and save to us peace, at the same time that it saves to us liberty. [Applause.] THE FINANCIAL QUE§TION. And have you been better satisfied with the management of the finances and taxa» tion? The whole scope of the financial policy of the Republican party is to compel the payment of the public debt in coin, and so to reduce the currency as that the coin will be most difficult to get, and most valuable to possess. Its whole taxation policy is to subordinate labor to capital, and " the agricultural labor of the West to the man ufactures of the East. There are outstanding to-day about sev enteen hundred millions of dollars in five twenty bonds. They are payable in legal tender notes. The law says so; the bond says so ; Thaddeus Stevens, Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, said so; Senator Sherman says so; Senator Morton says so; General Schenck says so ; the Funding Bill of the Senate says so ; the Funding Bill of the House says so, for both propose to pay in legal-tender the bonds which are.not surrendered for long bonds at a less interest; the Democratic Conventions in Ohio and Indiana, and Illi nois and Pennsylvania, and every other Western State say so; the National Con vention which sat at New York by a unani mous vote said so. Yet the Republican party in the face of this concurrent testimony that these bonds shall be paid in gold ; and thus at present rates adds seven hundred millions to the public debt. I know the Republican Convention gave out an uncertain sound, but their speakers and newspapers have interpreted it and given it a meaning. The Gazette and the Commercial , differing as they sometimes do on other points, to the distress of the faithful and the scandal of the family, agree to this, that the Republican party means payment of the five-twenties in gold, and the Democratic party means payment in greenbacks. I agree with both of them. That is just what they mean. The Gazette says it is silly to talk of dis charging one promise to pay with another promise to pay. Not at all, if that was the contract. And it was the contract here. The Government said we will issue legal tender notes; we will put them in circula tion; we will take them for taxes; we will require everybody to take them for debts; we can buy with them everything we need; we will need a great many; we will offer large inducements to get them: we will is sue our bonds bearing six per cent interest in gold; we will sell them at par in legal tender; we will give them at least five years to run—twenty years if our neces sity requires—as long as they do run they shall pay six per cent interest in gold. Greenbacks depreciated largely. Gold stood at 150, 200, 300. The capitalists said we will buy these bonds at fifty cents on the dollar. They will pay us twelve per cent interest in gold. Thev are free from taxation. They will not be redeemed, at least, for five years. That will give sixty per cent of the whole amount in five years. They will not be redeemed until the war is over, then greenbacks will be more valuable. If gold stands at 140 per cent when we are paid, we will be very well content. So the cap italist took fifty dollars in gold, and with it bought a hundred dollar bond. He re ceived six dollars a year interest. He held it five years, and has received thirty dol lars in gold. It’ he is paid one hundred dollars in greenbacks to-day, he can re place his original investment of fifty dol lars with seventy-one dollars in gold.— Twelve per cent interest in gold ana an in crease of the capital nearly fifty per cent. Is that very hard on the bondholder, or a very silly bargain, as the Gazette seems to think ? But the Republican party says that these bonds shall not be paid in greenbacks, and that they shall not be paid at all for forty years. Reduce the interest and extend the time ! No, gentlemen, that is not the true policy. Pay the debt and stop the in terest entirely. Suppose you reduce the interest to four per cent., and extend the principal for forty years. If your debt should be $2,500,000,000, you would pay one hundred millions a year. At the end of forty years you would have nearly double your debt, and yet have the whole of the principal yet to be discharged in gold. Forty years. How many of you will live that long ? How many of your children will have died before that time ? And yet these hundred millions a year will be drained remorselessly through all that time from the labor of the country. Forty years ! Gentlemen, that will make it a permanent institution. Then it will never be paid. Then it will be fixed on us forever; and like the public debt of England or France will forever eat out the substance of the people for interest, and prove the most fruitful source of cor ruption and tyranny. [Appiause.] And labor which must pay this, brethren, is to be deprived of half its occupation, or of half its wages, by the Republican system of contracting the currency. Why are our streets empty ? Why have our public and private improvements been curtailed? Why have rents fallen, failures taken place, and why among laborers, especially, this cry of hard times, and[difficulty in sup porting their families ? Simply because our friends insist on curtailing the cur rency, and thus knocking down all prices. In this way the gold interest is made more and more valuable. Gentlemen, are you satisfied with this policy? [Voices, “No ! no !”[ TAXATION. Taxes have been diminished! Have they indeed ? What taxes ? Taxes on the manufactures of New England— taxes on whiskey. That may relieve the New Englander of his burdens, and the whiskey ring of their profits. How much does it relieve you ? Do you get tea, or coffee, or meat, or bread, or clothes cheaper than you did before ? I met, last year, a Re publican, who said: “vVhat do these poor fellows care about that ? They pay no taxes.” Ah !my friend, they pay all the taxes. Labor alone creates wealth. In the price of their tea and their coffee they pay the tariff duties ; in the price of their clothing they pay the tax on cotton, the tax of the manufacturer, the income tax of the merchant, and the license of the retail dealer. In their rents they pay the land tax of the owner. So you do care about it. [Cheers.] Do you believe there is purity in the ad ministration ? Do you believe a fair amount is collected ; and if collected, that a fair amount reaches the Treasury ? If not, who is responsible? You have a Re publican Congress to make laws, a Repub lican Senate to confirm appeintments, a Republican Secretary of the Treasury, a Republican Commissioner of Internal Revenue, Republican officials every where. The taxation, State and Federal, amounts to about $800,000,000 a year, nearly six per cent, of the whole amount of all the real and personal property in the United States ! llow long will any people bear this before they will resort to the last remedy of repudiation ? Gentlemen, I will not press this subject further to-night. Are you satisfied with the way the money, thus collected lor taxes, has been expended ? We have an enormous public debt. Are you willing that it shall be increased and perpetuated? [Voices, “No, no.”] We pay an enormous rate of interest Are you willing that it shall, year by year, eat out your substance ? We expend annually enormous sums for standing armies, Freed men’s Bureau, military governments. Shall this be continued? [Voices, “No, no.”] The Democratic party points you to its payment of the war debt of 1812, and of the Mexican war, and it promises to pay this debt. It points you to the low taxes and tariffs of the past, and it promises to reduce your taxation. It points you to the SBO,OpO,(X>J spent by Mr. Buchanan, and promises Honesty, and retrenchment and economy. Will you not come to it and aid it, my friend ? Break the tie of prejudice or as sociation that binds you- Be brave enough to act upon your convictions. The Demo cratic party belongs to no man nor set of men. It is the party of the people. It is the party of progress, of liberty, of hu manity. [Applause.] It is just to capital, but it is the friend and protector of labor. It is the party of a simple, plain, inexpen sive Government. It is the party of the Constitution. All who assent to its prin ciples are welcome to its fellowship. It requires no probation, but invites all alike to its folds. Aid it, my friends. Give it power. It has shown that it knows how to use it. Confide to it the Government. It has shown that it cannot betray the trust. Do this, and you will regain the Union, peace, prosperity and fraternal concord which we once enjoyed. [Great and con tinued cheers. [ THE CALLING OF A GENERAL COUN CIL AT ROME. Bull of tlw Holy Father , with all the Accustomed Formalities,Ordering the Council. The following is a careless English translation of this document: Pius, Bisnor, Servant of the Ser vants of God for future memory: The only Begotten Son of the Eternal Father, out of Hie great love which He bore unto us, descended from his celes tial throne in order to redeem, in the fulness of time, the whole human race from the yoke of sin and from bondage to Satan and the darkness of error, into which, by the fault of their first parents, they had long since miserably fallen. And He, not declining from the paternal glory, was born of the immaculate and most holy Virgin Mary, and manifested his doctrine and the rule of life brought from Heaven, attesting it with so many excellent works, and giving Himself up, as an offering for us, and as a victim to God in the odor of sanctity. And, having vanquished death, He, before ascending into Heaven, to sit upon the right hand of the Father, sent His Apostles into this world to preach the Gospel to every crea ture, and gave to them the power of ruling the Church, purchased by His own blood, and thus constituted what is the column and firmament of truth, and en riched by celestial treasures, shows the certain path of salvation and the light of true doctrine to all people. In order, then, that the government of the Church should be ever maintained in a right and well ordered course, and that the whole Chiistian wot Id should uphold one faith, doctrine, charity, and comniunion, He promised His aid unto the end of time, and chose Peter, whom he had declared to be Prince of the Apostles, His vicar on earth, and head, foundation and centre of the Church, so that, invested with His rank and honor, and, with amplitude of chief and full authority, power, and juris diction, he should feed the sheep and the lambs, confirm the brethren, rule the Universal Church, and be the gatekeeper of Heaven, and arbiter to bind and to loose—the effect of his judgments remain ing unaltered in Heaven. (S. Leo, Serin 11.) And that the unity and integrity of the Church and her government might remain perpetually immutable, therefore the Roman Pontiffs, successors of St. Peter, sitting in this same Roman chair of Peter, inherit and possess, in full vigor, the very same supreme authority, juris diction, and primacy of Peter over the whole Church. Hence, the Roman Pontiffs, using their pastoral care and authority over the whole flock of the Lord, divinely entrust ed to them by Christ Himself, in the per son ot the blessed Peter, have spared no fatigue in making every possible pre vision, in order that, from the rising to the setting sun, all people and all nations should have knowledge of the evangelical doctrine, and, by walking in the way of truth and justice, attain eternal life. It is known to all with what unweary ing care the Roman Pontiffs have sought to preserve the deposit of the faith, the discipline of the clergy, and their holy and learned teachings, and the sanctity and dignity of matrimony, and to pro mote and extend the education of the youth of both sexes, to foster the religion and piety of the people, and virtuous manners, to defend justice, and to assure tranquility, order, prosperity, and rights of civil society. Nor have the Pontiffs omitted, when they have deemed it useful, especially in times of great perturbation and calamity, for our most holy religion and civil society, to convoke General Councils, to the ends that by consulting with all the Bishops of the Catholic world, whom the Holy Ghost has appointed to rule the Lord’s Church, they might, by their united strength, providentially and wisely ordain all those things that would chiefly serve to define the dogmas of the faith, dispel errors already propagated, or that are thenceforward to be propagat ed, frustrate and elucidato doctrine, up hold and reform ecclesiastical disci pline, and correct the corrupt manners of people. It is already known and manifest to all how horrible a tempest now agitates the Church, and what grievous evils afflict society. The Catholic Church, her salu tary doctrine, her venerated power, and the supreme authority of this Apostolic See, are opposed and set at naught by the bitter enemies of God and man. All sacred things are contemned, and eccle siastical property is plundered, Bishops and honored men attached to the Divine Ministry, and men distinguished for their Catholic sentiments, are troubled in every way, and religious families suppressed. Impious books of every kind, pestilent journals, and multitudinous and most per nicious sects are spread abroad on all sides. The education of the unhappy young is nearly everywhere withdrawn lrom the clergy, and, what is worse, is, in many places, confined to masters of impiety and error. Thus, to our poignant grief, and that of all good men, and with mischief to souls that can never be sufficiently de plored, impiety and corruption of manners have everywhere propagated themselves, and there prevails an unbridled license and a contagion of depraved opinions of all kinds, and of all vices and immorali ties, and so great a violation of divine and human laws, that not only our most holy religion, but human society, also, is thereby miserably disturbed and afflicted. In the heavy accumulation of calamities whereby our heart is thus oppressed, the supreme pastoral charge confided to us requires that we should ever increasingly exert our strength to repair the ruin °of the Church, to heal the souls of the Lord’s flock, and to repel the assaults and fatal attempts, of those who strive to uproot from their foundations, if that were pos sible, both the Church and civil society. And truly, by the help of God, from the commencement of our Pontificate, we, conscious of our solemn obligation, have never ceased to raise our voice in our consistoral allocutions and Apostolic let ters,‘-and to defend consistently, by every 5