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(nit it is in your power, your rights and
interests may receive some protection.
I .hall offer some advice to Governor Bul
], ,k. Although he has not sent For me
or ummoqed me to his councils, I shall
w; ,ive etiquette and give him some advice
which will do him good and be of great
benefit to the State if he follows it.
jf he does not follow it, it has cost hint
o little, he will have no right to complain
0 f me for having offered it. I would just
..‘y to him: Mr. Bullock, the of
Georgia have done you no wrong. It is
your duty to inflict as little evil upon them
as possible. Remember the circumstances
under which you nave been called upon
to execute the duties of your Gubernato
rial office, and my advice to you is to be
have yourself just as well as your nature
Lnd education will admit. [Laughter and
applause.] I would say to him, in all
kindness, that in the matter of character
and reputation you have everything to
make and nothing to lose. [Laughter
and applause.] A better opportunity
never was offered to any man. He is like
an adventurous youth who goes into a
jumbling house without money to play at
ran. He has everything to win and noth
ing to lose. He may break the bank, but
the v auk cannot hurt him. I would say
to him, Mr. Bullock, this Constitution
which has been imposed upon the people
f Georgia against their will and without
their approval, invests you with a great
deal of power. Exercise it in a way to do
good to the State if you can. You havt
got a judiciary to appoint. I would advise
you to .send for the official copy of the ad
dress of the Chairman of the Grant and
Colfax Executive State Committee written
by one Joseph E. Brown, in which he as
sumes to announce for you that the Judi
ciary of Georgia will becorruptly appointed
to subserve base and partisan purposes,
and when you get it make a bonfire of the
paper, and blot from your memory therec
ollection of its contents. Be not deceived
with the idea that becaase your predeces
sor the author of this paper, was partially
successful in adding to his strength and
popularity by a corrupt use of his official
patronage, that a like success will attend a
like corrupt course on your part. If the
argument based on considerations of patri
otism and duty cannot reach you, let me
warn you, as a matter of policy, not
to resort to a course of conduct so un
worthy. so base, and which, in the
end, will be of no benefit to you, but must
produce calamitous results for the State.
The appeal I make for the appointment ot
an honest Judiciary is one which should
commend itself to the favor of any mau
holding the high position you occupy, even
though he reached that position by a not
over creditable accident, the details of
which I will not stop to discuss. I beg
you to remember that since the organiza
tion of the Supreme Court of Georgia no
one has been appointed to that Bench who
did not command the respect and confi
dence of the people. No one has ever
filled that high station on whose integrity
and honesty the shadow of a doubt ever
rested. It remains with you to determine
whether the high character of that Bench
shell be maintained, or whether it shall
become a refuge for destitute and discarded
politicians whose infamy and treachery
have made them outcasts from the com
panionship of honest men. [Applause.]
In the name of the people of Georgia I
call upon you this day to drive from your
presence these bad men who ask you to
forfeit the only claim you can ever have to
public respect and confidence, by the ap
pointment of such men to offices of
trust and honor. Rid yourself of the
miserable vermin who are fastening
themselves upon you, who are calling on
you to appoint them to the Supreme
Court, the Superior Court and the Dis
trict Court, and who, in the better days of
ti e Republic, would never have presumed
to solicit the appointment of a door
keeper or a messenger—men whom you
know to be unworthy, and whose only
‘•laim to the positions they seek at your
hauls is the record of their own infamy.
1 jmd applause.] How strange and start
ling it will sound to the ears of those who
live beyond the limits of our State to
hear an appeal made by the people of
Georgia to him who exercises the highest
executive power to grant the State an
honest judiciary ! And yet straDge as it
“ay appear, startling as it is ; the rumors
wlii .h fill the atmosphere of this capital
justi y the apprehension upon which the
appeal is based. Therefore, I say to you,
-dr. Bullock, be warned in time. Commit
n ,°t these outrages upon a people who,
God knows, have suffered enough at the
uand- of their oppressors. If you heed
nor this warning voice to-day, the time
will come when you will repent in sack-
Ci " tn and ashes the degradation which
you will have brought upon yourself by the
infliction of such an outrage upon a
brave, a generous, and an honest people,
in whose conduct toward you, you can
find no justification for the injury you will
nave done. All 1 ask of you is to appoint
honest nien to these high positions, men
who will administer the laws of the State
ln °-ydiencc to the conscientious obliga
tions of their oaths. Fill all the offices
wua honest men. Protect the Treasury
from the robber-band who are assembled
here to break in and steal. Do these
things, and at the end of your service
you will have the consolation of knowing
that if you have done the State no good”
you will have refrained from doing it am'
serious harm. [Applause. J And for you,
this would be a result which your wannest
admirers could not have reasonably antici
pattd. [Laughter and applause. J
. And now 1 turn from an appeal to those
m power to you, my countrymen, and I
invoke your aid and co-operation in the
great work before us, of lifting our State
from its present fallen condition, and restor
ing it to its former prosperity and equality
among her sister commonweal] r of the
Union. It is a noble work, wc u] yof the
best efforts of our people, in which all
good men can and ought to unite with an
earnest and cordial good will. The day of
arms has passed. We look for the dawn
of a day of peace—such peace as carries
healing on its wings and diffuses blessings
over the land —not such peace as is offered
to you at the point of the bayonet, or is
contained in the findings of a military
commission, but the peace which is found
ed on justice, is supported by the law, is
accompanied by liberty, and brings rejoic
ing .nd contentment to every heart. Such
is tt e peace which will follow the election
of Seymour and Blair, and the restoration
of the Constitution—a peace which will
be for to-day, to-morrow, and for all time
to come, because it will be a peace that
would calm all the troubled waters, quiet
all apprehensions, restore confidence and
security in all the departments of life, and
cause every one, everywhere, to feel that
the good old days of the Republic had re
turned. Such a peace is worthy of the
best efforts of patriots, the prayers of
Christians, and will command theblessingf
of Heaven. [Loud applause.]
I am here to day to invoke your aid and
co-operation in carrying forward this great
and good work.
THK WORK FOR TIIE TRUE GEORGIAN.
My countrymen, I care not who you are,
I care not what has been your past party
history, I look to jmur status to-day. I
want to know what you intend to do for
your country in the future? She has suf
fered much, she has been wounded deeply,
her body is covered over with the evidences
of these wounds and this suffering. This
old Stare—that has been so kind to you, so
generous to me, beyond all that I deserve,
beyond, perhaps, what you deserve—this
noble, gallant, bleeding old State calls upon
her sons to come forward and aid in the
good work of redeeming her from the hand
of the wrong-doer and oppressor. Is there
in all Georgia one single heart, native or
foreign, who will not respond in this the
hour of her greatest trial, the hour in which
she is struggling for liberty and for the con
stitutional rights of all her children? The
issue is fairly before you, my friends. None
can fail to read it right. No man can plead
ignorance. Not one who heard the expo
sition to which you and I have listened
this morning, not one who has heard the
eloquent voices of her sons throughout this
land for months, can plead ignorance here
after. The issue is made; on the one haud
is a continuance and aggravation of the
wrongs from which she has so long suffer
ed and is still suffering, and on the other a
speedy deliverance from the bonds which
have bound her and the opening of a
bright and promising future. The path is
open ; you are invited to tread it. On the
one hand there is uarkness, and shadow,
and gloom, and continued misfortune and
oppression; and on the other there is
freedom, prosperity and peace. Choose
you tiiis day between these two offerings
made for your free-will acceptance. My
friends, that great party of this country
which now brings within its fold every true
man of the land, North, South, East, and
West, without reference to past political
differences, comes and lenders you the
guarantees of that Constitution which was
framed by the wisdom and consecrated by
the blood of your fathers. Come and stand
by us. Give your support to the men who
are pledged to carry out these principles.
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES.
We have put a candidate before you for
the highest office in the country—a man
known as a statesman throughout the land
—a man whose record in the past has been
true to those great principles of constitu
tional right. We have placed before you
a candidate for Vice President, one who,
it is true, like Gen. Grant, fought you
during the war,but, unlike General Grant,
ceased to fight you when the war was over.
[Applause. 1 I honor a brave man. lean
do reverence to his virtues, though he has
drawn the sword against me. I honor
such a man, and to-day give evidence of
it in the cordiality with which I will cast
my vote for Frank P. Blair for Vice Pres
ident of the United States. But the man
who, after the battle is over, travels over
the field, and, with a valor that I cannot
commend, draws his sword to thrust it in
to each corpse as he passes along, such a
man can never command my respect, and
if my advice is heeded will never get a vote
in Georgia.
Let the people of the North understand
that we give to Seymour and Blair our
warm and hearty support, with a perfect
knowledge on our part that the one in the
Cabinet and the other on the field were
Fully identified with those who prosecuted
the war against us, and to whose over
whelming numbers we finally surrendered.
We do not pretend to say that we support
them because they warred against us, but
in spite of it, believing, as we do, that in a
restored Union they will extend to us those
sacred constitutional rights of which they
are now the chosen and honored represent
atives. And this is all that the people of
the South ask or expect at the hands of the
people of the North.
These are the men, these are the pledges
which are offered to you by those whom I
commend to your confidence and support
to day. On the other hand you are offered
for the Presidency Gen. Grant. I have
said as much of him as he ever said of him
self, and, therefore, he has no right
to complain that I have not treated him
with proper respect Os Mr. Colfax, the
candidate for the Vice Presidency, I am
not sufficiently informed of his history in
order to give you any very satisfactory
account of him. My opinion is, however.
if, when in the days of his infancy, his
mother had been told that he would be a
candidate for Vice President, it would
have run the old lady crazy, j Laugh ter
and cheers.] It is sufficient to say of them
that they stand before you as the repre
sentatives of the Chicago platform. That
is condemnation enough. But these men,
fellow-citizens, are of to-day and will pass
away. The principles which they repre
sent belong to the future and will live long
after those who upheld them are forgotten.
THE CHICAGO PLATFORM.
You have before you the great political
truths presented by the Democracy of the
country. Let us go for a moment to
Chicago and see what was presented there
for the people of this country. What is
offered to you by that convention of wild
and bad men who placed General Grant
and Mr. Colfax before the country ? I
will not stop to discuss the double-faced
resolutions on finance. I come to the
main starting proposition which you are
called upon to give your sanction to, and
which most nearly affects your interests.
Fellow-citizens, that platform announces
to you that a white man’s Government
shall be guaranteed to the people of the
North, but that negroes are good enough
for Georgia and the people of the South.
I do not pretend to quote the language or
the precise words, but such are the prin
ciples and doctrines enunciated. The Radi
cals have not denied it in their press —
they have not denied it by their public
men —they cannot, dare not, deny it. That
platform says that the negroes of the
South shall be guaranteed and protected
in the exercise of political power, the right
of suffrage, the right of sitting in the jury
box, the right of holding seats in the Leg
islature and upon the bench, and that it is
all right and proper for you and for the
people of the South that this should be
the case ; but when asked to put it to the
people of the North, to the freemen of the
West, and the freemen of the East and
the Middle States, they said, “iNo ! they
are entitled to a white man’s govern
ment; they are entitled to the protection
whicii had been given them by the fathers
of the land, from the earliest organization
of the Government; they are the sons of
the revolutionary fathers who fought and
with their blood won the liberty of this
country —by their wisdom adopted the
Constitution. They shall have a white
man’s government; they are worthy of it;
they deserve it; but for those rebels down
South, those men in Georgia, those women
and children in Georgia, they deserve no
such protection; they shall have guaran
teed to them no such Government.” My
friends, what think you of these men of
the North ? What think you of the
Grants and Colfaxes? of the Thad Ste
venses ? the Sumners and the Wilsons of
the North, who went to Chicago and then
wrote it down in cold blood—there was no
passion—there was no excitement —there
were no war tones sounding throughout
the land—but coolly, calmly, passionless,
they wrote it down upon their platform :
“The people of the South, you must sub
mit to negro suffrage, you must submit to
negro supremacy; but for our own people
we reserve the old landmarks of the Con
stitution?” To-day they defend the policy
which puts these negroes in the Legisla
ture. To-day that platform says my friend
[pointing to Mr. ToouibsJ and mycelf are
properly and justly excluded from the
right of suffrage, from the right of hold
ing office; but these negroes are the proper
people to make laws to govern and control
this great and good State of Georgia.
SCALAWAGS AND CARPET-BAGGERS.
What think you of Northern men who
who are prepared to perpetuate this geatr
wrong and outrage upon our people ? Can
you say to them, “Brother?” Can you
say to them, “Friend?” Can you wel
come them to your house, when they
come to your midst, either with the in
signia of office or in the habiliment of pri
vate citizens? Why should they wonder
and stand amazed because we bid them
not to the feast when our friends are in
vited to assemble and make merry among
themselves ? Shall these men, ought
these men, to expect it ? Pardon me if I
dwell upon it. I want to express it, and I
urge it upon you, until there shall exist
in the heart and soul of every son and
daughter that walks and breathes her
pure air, and lives upon her happy soil,
this conviction, that these men of the
North, these Chicago men, these men who
call upon you to vote for Grant and Col
fax, and that Grant and Colfax, who have
indorsed these things, are neither worthy
of your vote, your respect, or of your confi
dence, much less of your kindness and
hospitality. My friends, they are our ene
mies. I state it in cool and calm debate. If
they were our friends, they could not dou
bly wrong us,and ifihere beat in their bosom
one single kindly emotion for the people
of the South, they would never have
made this public declaration to the world
of your unworthiness and the contempt
which they feel for you. Enemies they
were in war, enemies they continue to be
in peace. In war we drew the sword and
bade them defiance; in peace we gather
up the manhood of the South, and raising
the banner of constitutional equality, and
gathering around it the good men of the
North as well as the South, we hurl into
their teeth to-day the same defi
ance, and bid them come on to the strug
gle. We are ready for it if they are.
[Great applause.] But, my countrymen,
if those are the feelings which rise in our
bosom, in reference to these men of the
North —these men who have no bond of
union with you—these men who never
trod upon your soil unless it was to plun
der and to rob —these men who know not
these women and these children—these
men who have never worshiped at your
altars, who never communed with the
good men and women of your State
around that altar erected to the living
God —if these are your feelings toward
strangers in blood, and sympathy, and
association, what can be your feelings
toward those men of Georgia who trav
elled these hundreds of miles to meet these
men at Chicago, who sat upon the bench
with them, who went into the council
chamber with them, and who there joined
their voices and united their hearts in pro
nouncing that the men whom they have
left behind them—the men of Georgia
who had honored them overmuch, who
had lifted them from the lowest dregs of
society and elevated them to the highest
offices of honor, profit, and trust. What
say you of such men who went to Chicago,
and there, crouching at the feet of our
enemies, declared that these good people of
Georgia deserved the fate that had come
upon them, of being put under the ban of
negro supremacy? My countrymen, don’t
think I speak harsh words because I say
hard truths. I speak of those delegates
to the Chicago Convention. I speak of
them in unmeasured terms.
JOE BROWN.
A friend told me, as I was coming heft
the other day, that he heard another sas
that by a speech that I had made at Davis
Hall I had made half a dozen votes for
Joe Brown. Well, I come to make half a
dozen more to-day. He and his associates
were at Chicago. He and his associates
joined and united in pronouncing this in
famous doctrine —the negro is good enough
for G eorgia, but not good enough for Ohio
and New Yprk. Are not the people of
Georgia right in assigning him the status
which he has taken for himself? If
negroes are good enough for Georgia, it is
that kind of Georgia that he is, and I shall
not dispute the doctrine. [Laughter and
applause.] Let him associate with them,
but white men of this country cut loose
from him. [A voice says “Amen.”]
Amen and Amen! Let it reverberate
over your mountains, down your valleys,
from your old men and your young men,
your women and your children, until one
grand chorus shall ring through every
throbbing heart! “Overboard with him !”
“He has turned traitor to the country !” I
tell you very frankly, my friends, I am not
an intolerant man ! but, when I see a white
man talking to Joe Brown and that class
of men, a ieeling of revulsion comes over
me. I can’t help it. But when I see
them talking to a negro, I feel sorry for
the negro. That is six more votes for Joe
Brown. 1 will give him about three more,
and quit him. I say to you, my friends,
you owe it to yourselves, you owe
it to the noble dead who sleep in
their graves, to observe these things. You
go here, and I houor you for it, and scat
ter flowers over those graves. God bless
you for it 1 They are the graves of good,
true, and honest, and noble, and brave,
and generous men. [Applause.] But as
you return from that solemn duty turn
your back to the right and left upon those
who dishonor the memory of the dead.
You owe it to the living,you owe it to your
own children and to their children. Write
down in their memories this day and all
days and for all time to come the feeling
and spirit of abhorrence with which you
regard these men. 0, Heaven ! lor some
blistering words that I may write infamy
upon the forehead of these men [ap
plause] . that they may travel through
earth despised of all men and rejected of
heaven, scorned by the devil himself.
They may seek their final congenial rest
ing-place under the mudsills of that an
cient institution prepared for them from
the beginning of the world. [ Laughter
and applause. ]
SOMETHING FOR NORTHERN MEN TO TELL
WHEN THEY GO HOME FROM THE SOUTH.
Fellow-citizens, being in a counseling
and advising mood to-day, I am disposed
to ask a favor of another class of our
fellow-citizens ; a class of whom I have not
asked favors heretofore. They have been
amongst us for the last three years, men
of the North, some of them in high mili
tary position, some of them wearing the
simple vestiuents of private life. Now the
time has come when many of these are to
leave us and return hack to their homes,
and in the part which they have played to
return no more forever. [Applause.!
Now, of these gentlemen personally, 1
know nothing, hut I have a word to say to
them and to ask them to bear a message
from the people of the South to the people
of the North. You have been here for
three years. When you return to your
homes tell your people that you came here
and found our land one general plain of
desolation; the ashes stand, or stood then,
where this beautiful city now stands. You
found our people overwhelmed by numbers,
a conquered people, if you please, but a
brave and generous people still. You
have been in our midst and have seen the
wrongs that have been done this people.
You have seen their old men and their
young men torn from the bosom of their
families, and from their labor and occupa
tion without warrant or authority of con
stitutional law. You have seen them car
ried to the dungeon, and from the dungeon
to the courts which had no jurisdiction
under the Constitution. Tell your people
of the North these things, when you go.
Tell them, too, you have seen the polls
opened, you have seen Georgia’s noblest
sons, born upon the soil and reared under
her institutions,sons whom she has delight
ed to honor, sons whom you have received
with welcoming arms in all the Northern
States—you have seen these sons, upon
whose character not one single blot rests,
you have seen them driven from the polls.
Tell them that! Tell them that you have
seen the poor, ignorant, debased, un
happy, unfortunate, and deluded negro
taken, not by the voice of persuasion and
of argument, but by a power which he
could not and dare not resist, and you
have seen him go and fill up that ballot
box that formerly received the votes of the
good and true men of Georgia. Tell them
that you have stood here in her legislative
halls. Gray-headed fathers have told you
that these seats were once filled by the
noblest and truest men of the land—her
Crawford, her Troup, her Forsyth, her
Berrien, her Lumpkin, her Wayne—her
great and good men in the days that are
past. Around me here I see the gray
headed fathers ot this land who once filled
these seats. Tell them whom you saw
there on yesterday. True, some of her sons,
good and true men, are there to try to save
and rescue their State from wrong, but
tell them that the seats of Troup and
Clark were filled by two negroes who could
not write their names. Tell them that
my own old county of Clark—these men
will recognize the name when I speak of
Clayton, Dougherty, Hull, and Hope, and
Thomas, aud, in later days, the brave and
gallant Deloney, and other good citizens—
tell them when you go to the North the
seats formerly occupied by these men were
filled by illiterate negroes. Tell them when
you go there that in times past you were
told that the good men of Georgia assem
bled at her capitol to inaugurate her gov
ernment, these men whose, names I have
mentioned to you ; but never in all the
history of this State was any man, be he
good or bad, placed in that chair, with
those insignia of office, hut in response to
the voice of the people of Georgia.
I care not, gentlemen of the North, mil
itary and civilians, with what prejudices
you come here; I care not how passion has
been inflamed. These are solemn truths,
and it is your duty as honest mon to tell
the message I this day give you. Tell
them that on the 4th day of July—a day
memorable in the history of your country
—a day honored and celebrated by the
good men of the land —Georgia was sum
moned by the party who now rules her
destiny, to assemble in mass convention at
her Capital. You were here and saw that
scene. Go, I ask it as a favor; I will hum
ble myself so far as to beg that the truth
may be carried from Georgia and spread
broadcast among your people. You wit
nessed that assembly. It was a mass
meeting of the Radicals of Georgia.
Twenty white men were there, and proba
bly all who deserved the name of white
men, outside of spectators, did not reach
quite a-half a dozen. They were a motley
crowd of negroes. They spoke of Georgia;
they thanked this beneficent legislation
that had brought the great blessing upon
the land. Men stood upon that platform
who been honored by Georgia, and, ad
dressing that assembly of dark faces and
kinky heads, with not one white man scat
tered, here or there, called them “my coun
trymen!” VVell, if they are his country
men, let him and his countrymen seek some
more congenial climate. Africa is open to
him, and not knowing Joe as well as I do,
the people of that continent might bid him
come.
Go, gentlemen of the North, and tell
your people that there was assembled in
Georgia —this great and noble old State —
that crowd! and a more respectable one
works on my plantation every day, be
cause they work for their daily bread and
meat., and are respectable compared to the
set of worthless creatures whom the Radi
cals of both North and South pretend to
call the people of Georgia.
Tell them that that was the people in
whose hands and under whose control you
left this noble old State, when you turned
your back upon me, to seek your own
homes, and then tell them that on the 23d
of July there was another assemblage call
ing themselves the people of Georgia.—
Come now, and stand here by my side. I
want you to cast your eyes over this vast
assembly. Come and look upon those
daughters of Georgia, and, gentlemen of
the North, tell me —you have hearts —you
have souls —you have in your own States
mothers, wives, and sisters; I ask you to
come here to-day and stand upon this plat
form and look upon our mothers, and sis
ters and wives and little ones, and tell me
in your heart is it right and just and
proper? Does your own heart dictate it,
that those women and children ought to be
under the dominion of those negroes that
assembled on the Fourth of July ? If there
is one pulsation left in your heart —if there
is one single throb left to beat for the peo
ple of the South —come and look upon this
picture. Around them you see old men,
denounced they have been as rebels, but
from their youth up they have lived in
Georgia. Their neighbors know them,
respect them, esteem them, love them. —
Ought these men to be placed under that
negro dominion? Ought these men to he
required to how their necks to the yoke
which oppression and despotism have pre
pared for them ?
Oh, men of the North, as ye travel
homeward, spread these truths broad
cast ; and when you receive a cordial
welcome into your own homestead, and
that wife and 'mother and daughter im
press upon your lips the kiss of affection
and love, remember, I. beg you, remem
ber the mothers, and wives, and daugh
ters of Georgia. If you cannot feel for
them in that hour, then the spirit of love
and affection has departed from you,
never again be reclaimed. Tell them
that in the midst of all this desolation,
in the midst of all these wrongs that there
was not in all Georgia a single daughter
hat bowed her head to the yoke. Tell them
that our brave men stood submissive at the
point of the bayonet. Tell them that kind
ness and generosity would have won back
the allegiance of their hearts, but all the
bayonets that ever were made in the Ameri-
5