The banner of the South. (Augusta, Ga.) 1868-1870, August 22, 1868, Page 2, Image 2

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2 remain single always on this account; so to try and make all parties happy, I made this voluntary promise to Luc. It I should ever think favorably o! one of my suitors, I am to let Luc decide, as to whether he may he one who might object to the continuation of our friendship. And I have promised him that I will never accept ot any one, until he would feel sure that this might not be the case.” “ Voila tout! grand per e, voila tout!" “Have you often called upon him to decide ?” asked Xavier, quickly. “Never! grand-papa. I solemnly as sure you,” replied Margaret cheerfully' - , ‘‘because I have never yet felt inclined to say' yes to any one.” Then in a much more timid and hesitating' manner she continued ; “but you stopped me just as I was about making him judge for the first time.” “How?” said Xavier, with a peculiar expression, and an uneasy glance at Jean Mane—you have then chosen?” ‘‘You must believe me now, Grand-pa pa.” /Yes, very well, go on - ” Margaret paused for a moment, and Jean Marie availed himself of the favor able chance to make his exit with as lit tle noise as jiossible. He was just closing the door as Margaret spoke, but quickly returned, and from the corner where lie stood looked searchingly upon the young girl, apparently thinking there might be a possibility of his being recalled, and that he might at the last moment retrace his steps in triumph. Every one now looked at Margaret, who by a glance seemed to guide Luc to the side of the young Mill-boy, who stood near Xavier Then, in a trembling voice she asked: “With him, Luc, would you be afraid ?” ‘‘No! cried Luc, who made two or three steps nearer, that he might take Etienne’s hand in his, and press it again and again. “Etienne looked like one suddenly overpowered by some deep emotion. “You say No!” said Margaret, “then I suppose you fully" consent to my saying yes. “What! Etienne ?” exclaimed Xavier, who could not conceal his amazement, “What do you mean, Grand-papa? what do you want to say V Is it that he lias not yet asked for mo ? But that is just as it should be. If be has not spoken yet, it is only because there are some I‘olks here, whose presence has kept him sdent.” And here involuntarily the young girl glanced haughtily toward the dark corner where Jean Marie stood watching her. The sudden slamming of a door made Luc and Xavier start. Then, this incubus removed, Margaret flung her arms round her Grand-father’s neck, laying her head caressingly on his shoulder, pressing her cheek to his. “Bo quiet,” she said in a pleading voice, “now he will speak Grand-papa, because we are alone. He knows very well that if you say no, when I have said yes, that I will never again say yes to any one!” # * * 5-C * # All this happened eight years ago. XIX. TO-DAY. Xavier, who bears his eighty-four years bravely, has not the slightest intention of going “to complete the ranks of the Legion Coudret J “Nothinghurries,” he says; “because, no matter what expectations I may have up there, che’z le boil Dieu, I cannot be better off than lam here ! Once upon a time, long ago, I thought I would be quite willing to go, as soon as I should see my little girl well married, and could feel sure that the old Mill would not pass into the hands of strangers. As to the old name dying out, I provided against that, too. Eh bien! I can say, to-day, not only that my grand daughter is married to the bravest and best lad in the whole Canton—let me say here, enpassant, how wrong it was, when I hesitated for a moment to consent, because he was so poor—not only am I certain that there is no more risk of the old Mill going out of the family, than there is of the family going out of the Mill, but I have the happiest certainty of our old name being kept up. Before the marriage, when Etienne worked for us, he was known as Etienne cle chez Coudret; since the marriage, he is called Etienne Coudret, and he does not object. liis children hear their father’s name on the public registry, but everybody calls them ‘Le petit Luc Coudret— le petit Xavier Coudret! To be sure, I will go to my rest quietly, now; but if I go to join my old friends, up above, I must leave my young people here below, and I am so happy with them !” “Bah! who knows ?” continued Xavier, straightening himself up; “an old man, who is as straight as the letter I, whose eyes still flash with life, and whose smile reveals two rows of fine polished teeth; who knows, I say, perhaps I may see those little ones married, too, before I go?” And if it be in Luc’s presence, he says all this, lie is sure to add; “Because, I hope Luc, you will never try to teach them that marriage is worth nothing. You will always have one wit ness against you, if you still insist that there are no happy homes.” And Luc invariably replies : “There is but one !” Thus Luc’s opinions, as we see, are somewhat modified —only to this extent, however; he admits, but nothing more, that this one happy marriage is the single exception which is necessary to prove the rule. July sth, 1.868. STAR-lfAfiNGi In an article, a few days since, the Times, wishing to explain a subject lucid ly, asserted that “ when the sky is high iu the heavens” and the sun somewhere else, certain events occur. One of these events, we take to be, that the editor has gone away, and left the young contribu tors to play—or else that his wits are gone a-wool gathering. The same thing ap pears to have happened with regard to the Star. In a recent article, written, indeed, during the great heat, a suckling writer benevolently cast his glance over Ireland. The consequence was that he was horri fied. By an extremely ingenious confu sion of mind, he discovered that the Irish man and Ration were devoted to the support of the Tories. This, he exclaims, in a saddened voice, might “almostmake Englishmen despair of being able to do anything for Irishmen” We tell him that (only for the heat) his absurdity might almost make Irishmen despair of doing anything to enlighten Englishmen. Our half-despairing friend should cheer up. In the first place, let - him learn that we want Englishmen to do nothing for us —let them undo all they ever did for us. We shall be the bettor pleased. Let them take from us all they ever gave us. We shall salute them as true friends. Let them take away their Establishment —let them take away their land-laws— let them take away their system of mis* government —let them undo that work of their hands, the Union, and leave us, di vested of all their Greek gifts, all their bonds and trappings, in our lonesome In dependence. Should we deplore ? Would to Heaven Englishmen would only" despair of “doing for Ireland !” They have “done for” her long enough. Let them “undo” her now—and we shall be friends at once. This load shall be off their minds, and a great burthen shall be removed from their consciences. But may" not we almost despair of an Englishman who confuses us thus with a contemporary, and is so bewildered as to imagine that we would counsel a reader to stir hand or foot for their country’s oppressors, save to chastise them ! But for us, a Tory would have been elected to the Lord Mayoralty of Dublin, and those who hanged the Three of Man chester, those who hanged Michael Bar rett, those who tell us, like Disraeli, that the state of Ireland is “ consoling,” when her prisons, her graves, have been filled with political prisoners, when her people are flying in multitudes, those would have had a triumph. They already claimed it! We dashed the cup from lips that never opened save to condemn our country. We advise the people not to put faith in an English Parliament. We advise them, strenuously and sincerely, not to risk the ruin of their homestead to putin any member. But numbers will vote, as we are all aware. To them we have but one coun sel to give : “ Vote so as to chastise them who showed no mercy to your country or your countrymen.” There is some talk about Independent Members. And who and what are they ? Are they men who vote for the Govern ment, until the very eve of an election compels them to “ hedge ?” Are they men who virtuously refuse favors for their constituents, but accept them for them selves? Such was not the old definition, an Independent Member was wont to be defined as the man who would “vote to turn out any Government which would not do justice to Ireland.” When the Whigs are a danger we shall denounce them—the question now for Irishmen who will vote is to “ chastise the men who spared not the lives ol their countrymen, and have treated Ireland as a slave to be scourged with scorpions.’’ [Dublin Irishman, August 1. On returning home, after fighting a duel, a gentleman paid the driver a large price, at which the latter seemed much surprised, “I only took you a mile.” he said. “I am not paying you for taking me out, but for bringing me back,” was the reply. [From the Dublin Irishman.] PARLIAMENTARY SUMMARY. IRISH BILLS. In the House of Lords, on Friday night, the Electric Telegraph Bill and the Registration (Ireland) Bill were read a second time, in a very “thin” house. NOT RESPECTABLE ENOUGH. In the House of Commons, on Friday night, that aristocratic exquisite, Sir Charles Russel, asked the Home Secre tary a number of questions relative to Mr. Finlan, who lately headed a deputa tion of working men to Mr. Gladstone on the subject of the Irish Church, and who spoke at the Hy r de Park against that “monster iniquity” on Sunday. “Hang ing” Hardy politely declined to reply" to these questions, as he did not think it was his duty to take cognizances of such plebian fellows as James Finlan. Mr. Gladstone denied that he had any knowl edge of Mr. Finlan’s antecedents, and said that the reports which appeared in the papers of what took place when the deputation waited on him were not cor rect. “Sir Chawles” said he had no de sire to fix upon Mr. Gladstone the stigma of having connection with Finlan, and so the matter dropped. Ilow pure our leg lators must bo, when association with a working man is so solemnly repudiat ed by them. CORRUPT PRACTICE AT ELECTIONS. On the motion for the third Reading of the Election Petition and Corrupt Prac tices at Elections Bill, which is to be ex tended to Ireland, Mr Fawcett moved that the bill be recommitted with the view of restoring the 53rd clause, which throws the expenses of the hustings, polling places, Ac., on the local rates, and Mr. Dixon seconded the motion, which was opposed by Mr, Disraeli, and lost on a division, by a majority of 102 to 91. A ROW. At the evening sitting, Mr. Jacob Bright moved that the House, at its rising adjourn until Monday, contending that after the heavy sittings of the week, it would be too bad to take up important business on Saturday. Mr. Milner Gib son seconded the motion. Mr. Disraeli warmly opposed it, and soid that from the high character borne by Mr. Bright, he was sure he would withdraw his mo tion. lie was astonished that a man like Mr. Gibson, who had been Minister, should have seconded a motion calculated to interrupt the business of the session at such a time. Mr. Gibson retorted that it was monstrous to take up such a mea sure as the Foreign Cattle Bill on a Sat urday, and taunted the country members with being absent on Thursday, in order to “keep a house” for Saturday. This riled “Hanging” Hardy, who jumped from his seat and, in the most violent and abusive language, characterised the whole proceeding as unprincipled and factious op position to the Foreign Cattle Market Bill. A scene that baftiles description ensued. A dozen members sprang to their feet, all speaking together, as Hardy continued to denounce them. When silence was par tially restored, Milner Gibson moved to have Hardy’s words taken down. The Speaker gave it against Hardy, which so took down that worthy that lie made au ungracious apology. The apology was accepted, but no apology was asked from Major Parker, who subsequently char acterized the motion as “unjuntiliable and very dubious, if not consemptible,” for there arc some wire-drawn distinctions in the matter of Parliamentary Billingsgate. On a divioion the motion was lost by a majority of 105 to 38, and the House went into Committee on the Metropoli tan Foreign Cattle Bill. Scarcely any progress was made, although a sharp de bate was kept up until near four o’clock on Saturday Morning, when the Chan cellor of the Exchequer announced to the amazed and sleepy members that the Government intended to withdraw the bill, about which they had made so much fuss, and the House adjourned in most glorious disorder. ANOTHER ROW. On Saturday afternoon, Lord Robert Montague moved the withdrawal of the order of \he day for the Committee on the Metropolitan Foreign Cattle Bill. General Dunne protested in the name of Ireland, every representative of which was in favor of this bill, and had voted for it, against the withdrawal of a mea sure which was regarded with great in terest in that portion of the United Kingdom. What had passed at an early hour of the morning justified the suspi cion that there was never any sincere in tention to go oil with the bill. The vast majority of the representatives of the three kingdoms were in favor ol stamp ing out the cattle plague, which had al ready cost England and Scotland a sum of not less than £12,000,000 sterling. It was monstrous that a minority ot only thirty, whose solitary argument against the bill related to its financial clauses, should have been allowed to coerce the majority. To show the manner in which the opposition had been conducted, he stated that the member for the Tower Hamlets, Mr. Ayrton, in order to gain time, had made the same speech eleven times over; and his whole reference to the measure showed that he was quite indifferent as to whether the cattle plague should disappear or not. Mr. Ayrton denied that he had auy fancy for the cat tle plague; and received another “rat tling” from General Dunne, who assert ed that the bill had been rejected, not on its merits, but on account of the inca pacity of those who had drawn it. Mr. Blake also attacked the Government for withdrawing the bill He supported the bill mainly because he thought it would prove a useful measure for Ireland. Irish cattle that came to London were placed iu the same position as foreign cattle coming from diseased districts, and had to be slaughtered in London, often at a great loss to the owners, who, at times, could sell them at greater profit in some ot the markets around London. Several other members spoke to the same effect, but Government w r ere inflexible, and the bill was withdrawn. RAILWAY TRAVELING IN ENGLAND. On the order of the day for the con sideration of the Bailway Bill as amend ed, Sir Coluian O’Loghlen said he had placed a clause on the paper making it compulsory on railway companies in ire to run one passenger train each way on Sundays, and having read and moved his clause, lie showed that great inconveni ence was caused by the Limerick and Waterford Railway Company having shut the whole of their line on Sundays. Cap tain Stackpo'de, the member for Ennis, seconded the motion, which was opposed by Mr. Blake, the member for Water lord, on the ground that no such law ex isted in England. Sir Colman, who is famous for the many motions and bills which he introduces and withdraws, did not press his clause, and the Committee proceeded to the other details of the measure, which passed this stage. RELATIVE VALUE OF HUMAN BEINGS. On the report of the Regulation of Railways Bill, «a Mr. Lecnuin, who is decidedly aristocratic in his notion of the value of human lives, moved a clause which limited the compensation in cases of death and injury for first-class passen gers to £4OO, second class £oUO, and third-class £2OO, in addition to any claim under insurance, which was provided for in subsequent clauses; but as it was not supported, he withdrew it. GOOD FOR SMOKERS. Mr. 11. B. Sheridan moved a clause requiring a smoking compartment for each class, to be added to passenger trains of more than one carriage of each class. This clause lie succeeded in having in serted, notwithstanding considerable op position, after which the report was agreed to, and the bill read a third time and passed. THE LORDS were occupied on Monday night with the Elections, Petitions, and Corrupt Practi ces at Elections Bill; which was read a second time, the Election Telegraphs Bill, the report on which was agreed to, and the Registration (Ireland) Bill, which passed through Committee. THE COMMONS, on the same evening, were occupied with a discussion on the Indian Budget, a pro posal to erect a monument to Lord Broug ham, and some other matters of no inter est to Ireland.” “ DETERINED TO MAINTAIN THE LAW AT ANY COST.” In the House of Lords, on Monday night, after the Registration (Ireland) Bill, the Drainage and Improvement of Land (Ireland) Supplemental No. 4 Bill, and some other bills, had been read a third time, and passed, their Lordships went into Committee on the Election Pe titions and Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill. The various clauses of which were agreed to without amendment. Lord Strathnairn called attention to the difficulties which arose in Ireland at a general election, owing to the distance at which polling places were fixed from each other. Seeiug that at the coming elec tions party feeling in Ireland was likely to run very high, lie asked if it was not possible to devise some means for modify ing and for getting rid of the necessity of employing troops ? Possibly the question was dictated by a fear that the “ loyalty” of the Irish soldiers cannot be calculated on to assist the landlords in driving their serfs to the hustings, or that the lessons acquired by the English troops in India, under his Lordship, would bear fruit in a repetition of the Dungarvan massacre. Lord Malmesbury regretted it was now too late to increase the number of polling places, but said the fault did not rest with the Government, but with those who had designedly and wickedly thrown out a provision for that object lately" sub mitted to the House of Commons by the Government. The Government were pre pared to preserve peace and maintain ‘the law at any" cost ; and the command of the troops could not lie in better lmn<l s than those of Lord Strathnairn—a polite complaint to the hero who “ stamped oat - ’ disaffection in India by blowing scores of the unfortunate Hindoos from the mouths of his cannons, and who was sent here to “ stamp out” Irish disaffection in a similar style. MR. G. F. TRAIN —REFUSING INQUIRY. In the House of Commons on Tuesday night, Mr. Rearden moved for a Select Committee to inquire and report to the House with regard to Mr. George Fran, cis Train, an American citizen, now a prisoner in the Four Courts Marshalsea Dublin, under a Judge’s fiat for a debt! and which debt, it was sworn by Mr! Train, had been paid. Mr. Train was sued by the plaintiffs as repi esenting the Ebb Vale Company, but the Company, it was alleged, at the time of issue of such fiat, was in liquidation, and in course of being wound up under the Winding-up Act. He contended that the proceeding* against Mr. Train had been actuated by feelings of political hostility and personal rancor, and was rnt only illegal, but wholly unjustifiable. He was proceeding at length to read his speech upon the subject, when lie was called to order bv Mr. Sergeant Gasaiee, and the Speaker decided that it was against the rules of the House to read a speech. Mr. Rear den stated thatjie was not reading his speech, but merely refreshing his memory by reference to his notes, and that, in con sequence of having had to remain in the House until four o’clock that morning, he had had no time to study his speech. This very natural and reasonable expla nation caused some laughter from the buffoons who recently laughed at the tor ture of a poor old man who would not ac cept a religion at the bidding of his jailer; and the Speaker ruled against Mr. Rear den, who formally proposed his motion, which was lost, as no member had the manliness to second it; and thus all in quiry as to Mr. Train’s case has been stopped for the present. BARREN. Neither in the Lords or Commons was there any business of the slightest interest to Irish readers transacted on Wednesday night. —» ♦ t Tiie Triduu.u.— ln the religious vocab ulary of the Catholic Church, a “Tri duum” is simply a continuous Congrega tional service lasting three days. A “Mission’ is also a continuous service ts a like character, but seldom ends under eight days, and is often continued fur fourteen. The “Retreat,” which is often confounded with the “Mission,” is pro perly a retirement from all worldly occu pation into solitude, where those engaged in making it, spend their time in medita tion, prayer and religious exercises. In Catholic countries, and the custom is be coming common in this country, pious persons seldom let a year pass without making a “Retreat.” It is usual among such, sometimes singly, but more general- ly, in companies comprised of from three to a dozen individuals, to retire to a monastery, such as that of the Trappists, at Gethsemane, Ky., the Dominicans, at St. Rose, near Springfield, Ky., or the Jesuits, at Florissant, Missouri, and other places, where every facility is afforded them to attend the offices of the Church, to receive the Sacraments, and to be in structed in the matter of personal duty, according to their state of life. Personal isolation and absolute silence are held to be pre-requisites to the proper performance of the exercises of a “Retreat.” The value which Catholic authorities place upon this custom is very great. I hey hold that, with the great majority of per sons, the religious sense is blunted by constant contact with the world and the business affairs of life ; that prayer and self-communing are necessary to all men, in order that they should he able to ap preciate properly the end for which they were made, and the inadequacy of thqse things that are most valued by the world to serve them in securing that end. The “Tridumm,” as well as the “Mis sion,” is especially designed for those whose occupations prevent them from making a “Retreat” in the ordinary form. —Louisville Courier. “ Leyellixg-Up” in Prussia.— The Protestant Grand Almoner of the sian Army is also Superintendent, which dignity is equivalent to the Papal episco pacy. In order to maintain between the two religions an equality as perfect as possible, the Prussian Government ha i desired that the new Catholic Chaplain* M. Namzanowski, hitherto a simp V Priest, should be raised to the rank > 1 Vicar Apostolical, and Bishop in bus. The Roman Court has acceded t > the request.