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that makes no difference now; we wilt beat
them anyhow ; but I would be glad to see
one who once acted so well, rescue his
character from the stain of Radicalism.
These Radicals have no hope of carry
ing Georgia. Their, object in adopting the
measure was, by giving the colored people
the right to vote, to carry the Presidential
election. They now discover they cannot
do that. They find that the colored people
are joining the Democratic party, and or
ganizing Democratic clubs, with hundreds
in them, everywhere. And now, finding
that their tricks have been discovered,
like all rogues, they are trying to do worse.
They are now trying to take away the
right to vote from both white and black.
In Florida, they have passed a bill depriv
ing both white and black from voting in
this election. What do you think of that ?
They care nothing for the colored man,
but for his vote —and would just _ as
soon give the right to mules, anything,
everything, that would vote for tliem.
In Alabama the same kind of bill
has been passed ; but, fortunately, there
they have a Southern man for Governor,
Mr. Smith, who is a little better than
most of his party, and he vetoed it. I
know him, and I begin to have some
hopes of his recovery. W ell, they made a
great fuss about it, but they had to sub*
init. They cannot frighten or buy up the
white people, and they find that the color
ed people are waking up to their wicked
ness. They are in a terrible bad box. In
Atlanta they have also tried to pass a bill
similar to # those of Florida and Alabama,
but it caunot pass.. Poor Bryant says that
several of the Radicals in the Legislature
have turned Democrats; and Bullock will
not have a chance to veto the bill—though
I don’t think he would if he had a chance.
No, in Georgia they cannot take away
from the colored man the right to vote ;
you will have that right ; but mark it—
mark what I tell you, the Radicals will
take it away from you, if they have the
power.
Now, then, they are getting desperate ;
what’s to be done ? Disgrace and shame
are staring them in the face. I’ll tell you
what their last card will be, and I want to
warn you people of it. They are sending
emissaries over the country, who are en
deavoring to make the Northern people
believe that we are unwilling to live under
the Union —that we are trying to get up
another secession ; that the spirit of G 1
is prevailing here yet. Poor fellows ! they
could not charge anything of 1861 on me,
because I was then a Union man.
Yes, they are doing all they can to im
press their falsehoods on the public mind.
I have seen my own speeches perverted
and misquoted in the Northern papers;
these vile creatures have telegraphed their
venomous falsehoods abroad, and every
thing that can be tortured into the shape
of a “rebellious spirit,” as they call it, is used
to make false charges against us. It is
important that these things should be
understood ; and I hope that tliere is no
difficulty in understanding me. I know I
am but a plain, humble man ; but I want
to put the Southern people on their guard
against these creatures.
When you laid down your arms and took
the oath to support the Constitution, you
meant it in good faith ; but }-ou could not
support measures, the authors of which
themselves, declared to be unconstitution
al. You couldn’t support them and keep
your oaths as honest men ; because every
man who took that oath, to support
the Constitution of the United States,
and then supports these measures, is
guilty of perjury. Why ? Because
the Constitution is one thing, and
Radical reconstruction is auother and
right opposite thing. You cannot support
both. You cannot worship. God and
Mammon. When I make this charge, I
mean it for those people who voluntarily
support and intend to carry out these
measures. If you mean right, I don’t
mean you ; but if you mean wrong, Ido
mean you.
I am myself for restoring the Union in
good faith, according to the Constitution,
and as our fathers made it. I was for that
in 1860. I entered the political field in
1855, because I believed that the contesc
then begun would result in a dissolution of
the Union, and I wanted to give my feeble
efforts to prevent it, if possible. I fought
all the time in a minority party, until se
cession was accomplished. Then when
my State took her position on that ques
tion, I went with her. There was no
service which I could render, which was
not at her command ; and, as I professed
to be a Confederate, I stood by my State
until she laid down her arms. I would have
scorned myself if I had not thus been true
to her. I saw and believed that secession
was unwise and inexpedient on our own
account, but when the State effected it, I
went with her. Every true Northern
man endorses this position. Let a man
always be what he professes to be, and he
will be respected. The great trouble with
the Confederate States was that too many
who inaugurated the secession movement
became faithless to the cause.
Well, we laid down our arms at Ap
pomattox C. 11., and took the oath, as I
have said, to support the Constitution and
agreed that the colored people should be
free. When I say I have kept that oath,
and mean to keep it, every man of you
will agree with me. The charge, then,
that we are disunionists and faithless to our
oaths, is false —gotten up by men them
selves false, themselves traitors to the
Constitution, to the Union, to every race,
every law, every interest of this country.
The flag of the Union is our flag. If it be
emblematical of the Constitution, it will be
gladly our banner ; ind North and bouth,
to day, it floats from every village and
hamlet of the country. Flag of our coun.
try! wave! wave on, wave ever—but wave
over freemen, not slaves ; over States, not
provinces ; over States of equals, not
lords and vassals ; over a land of liberty
and right, not a land of despotism and
strife ! (Here there was immense, loud,
and prolonged cheering.)
And, my countrymen, when we hear
such sentiments as these received with
such rapturous applause, when we know
that they are the sentiments of every
Democrat in the Southern States, how hu
miliating, how mortifying it is to find even
men born among us, too, telling the North
ern people that wo intend another rebel
lion ! But the North is waking up to this
falsehood. It has, no doubt, had a terri
ble effect; and is now to be renewed with
desperate energy. Another branch of this
scheme of deception is to cultivate strife
between the white and colored races, by v
telling the Northern people that we are
oppressing the colored and loyal Union
people. I speak fearlessly, my friends, be
cause I know it is my duty to do so. I want
you to see and to hear that the Radicals
are making desperate efforts to keep the
colored people separated from and embit
tered against the white race. And why?
Because they know that they cannot con
trol the Northern people unless they create
a false impression upon their minds. They
w f ant to see repeated the New Orleans and
Memphis riots, so as to create the impres
sion that the respectable white people of
the South, all of whom are Democrats, are
endeavoring to get up strife between them
selves and the colored people.
These miserable creatures say, too, that
another object of the Democratic party is
to carry you back into slavery. They are
vile liars! They know that it is false.
We gave you your freedom incur Conven
tion in 1865. And the Radicals arc the
very ones who have declared that Consti
tution illegal and set it aside! They say
that we want a war of races. Now, let me
ask you who owns all the property in this
country? Don’t you know that the white
people own 99-100ths of it in Augusta
and other places in Georgia? Don’t you
know it’s the Democrats who own it?
Well, if war comes who will be the losers?
Wouldn’t it be the Democrats? Why,
we’ve tried war, we’ve lost by war, and we
don’t want to lose any more by war. War
is a thing which causes losses. Atlanta
was burned by war ; money is required to
carry on war; and all that we have got
now is the little that was left us from the
last war. Yet these miserable Loyal
Leaguers want to make you believe that
we want to get up another war. No, I’ll
tell you what it is. These vile miscreants
that they are, want to get up another war.
These miserable creatures waDt a war—a
war against men who are 3’our true friends.
They are bankrupt in character as they
are in purse—and that is very broken —
and, therefore, a war would be the very
thing for them. They could go bac»i to
their old occupation of stealing spoons!
It is true we haven't got a great many
left, but they might get the balance. These
vagabonds, also, at the commencement of
the war had nothing, but wound up at its
close with fortunes which they had stolen.
These men may make something by stir
ring up another war, and hence they want
it. I ask every colored man if the
Democrats own the property ,of this
country, aint they the last mer. to try
another war ? We don’t want you to be
deceived; we don’t want you to be betray
ed ; we dou’t want you to be misled by
these miserable carpet-bag scoundrels.
They are also teaching you to hate us.
Will it do you any good? Suppose you
keep up your Loyal Leagues ; suppose
you keep on hating the white people; sup
pose you get up a war, what will become
of these miserable carpet-baggers ? They
will run worse than a scared ra’oit from a
hunter’s gun. My colored friends, I warn
you here, to-night, and in doing so I am
discharging my duty to. you—for I confess
that I am talking principally to you —there
is no use in talking to the white peo
ple; they can see what the intentions of
our enemies are; they have had more edu
cation than you have, and the Radicals
cannot get the honest masses of white
people into these Loyal Leagues, to give
carpet-baggers places of trust and prof
it. But they deceive you and make
you feel enmity against the white
people. I appeal to you to come
out of such dark holes, and stand by the
people whom you were raised with.
Don’t you see that it is to the interest of
the white people to take care ot the coun
try and to preserve peace ? How can you
promote peace by believing the white peo
ple your enemies ? It is strange that every
colored man does not see the way which
these carpet-baggers are leading them.
Come boldly, then, into the Democratic
Clubs. The white people will protect you.
They are your friends. I exhort you to
cultivate kindly feelings toward them; and
I exhort them to cultivate kindly feelings
toward you. Organize your clubs. We
will protect you. Yes, let us all go for
the Democracy, white aud colored, and
then there will be no war—then there can
be no war. But I warn you now, against
the schemes of these miserable Radicals.
It is your duty to be on your guard, white
and black—to bear and forbear ; to reason
and to remonstrate together.; to defeat
the carpet-baggers, and to unite in elect
ing Seymour and Blair. If you do this,
colored people, I will guarantee to you
that your wages will be increased fifty per
cent, by Christmas. I am a farmer,
and I am willing to enter into a bargain
with you if, whether with or without your
help, the Democratic candidates are
elected, to give you next year fifty per
cent. more than I am giving in 1868.
Why can I guarantee this? Because if
the Democrats are triumphant, confidence
Mini®! fii i©im
will be restored, we will be placed where
we were before, capitalists will come here,
lands will rise in value, everything will in
crease in value; and as property and products
increase in value, labor will also increase
in value. We will be better able to pay
fifty per cent, more than we are now, than
to pay what we now do. Don’t you un
derstand that ? You are destroying your
own interests, the peace and quiet of the
country, rushing your families, your wives
and children, into war and destruction,
when you go with these Radical carpet
baggers. Then, let us all unite against
them. We feel under obligations to you
for your kindness to our people during the
war, and lor your conduct after emancipa
tion. We were all industrious then, all
doing well, until these miserable Radicals
came in and commenced destroying your
substance. You can see what we are
coming to. I hope that you will look
at the subject carefully and honestly.
I feel anxious about it. It is
an important one; and it is strange
that you do not consider it as you ought
to do. I speak kindly to you all the time, I
feel kindly toward you, and I want to see
3’ou do right; but wherever Igo the ob
ject of the Radical party is to keep you
from hearing me. They represent me as
your enemy. They tell you falsehoods,
and send drummers all over the couutry to
prevent you from hearing me. But I
want you to hear the warning that I have
given you, and the appeal that I have
made to you, ard the few of you whom I
have seen, and who have heard me, tell
what I have said to your friends and
neighbors. I wanfothem all to know it; to
know that they have been deceived; to
know who are their friends. Then I will
give you an additional piece of advice.
Come and occupy the position God has
given you. What lie has done is right,
just, and good, Let us come together ;
live together in peace and good will, aud
plenty shall come to us again for ourselves
and our posterity.
It is my duty to warn you to-night, that
if you turn a deaf ear to what I have
spoken to you ; if you will be deceived ; if
you will .hate the white people ; if you,
yourselves, will provoke a war of races—l
warn you that destruction is in store for
you. When such a war comes, if unhap
pily it should, the whites, North and
South, will unite against you. I see let
ters from the North, almost every day*
saying let the contest come; we will fight
it out. Oh, my colored friends, that a
voice from Heaven could tell you, that
the best friends you have on earth are
these Southern people—these people who
have been raised with you. It is strange
to me that you can be made to believe any
thing else. The Radicals have tried the
white people and failed with them ;
and now they are failing with the colored
people. I have studied the history of
your race for four thousand years. —
During your slavery you enjoyed
more advantages and happiness than
any of your race elsewhere. If you want
to preserve your advantages and happi
ness in freedom you must preserve your
kindly and natural relations with the white
people. You are now as free as I am;
but do not let the future historian say that
as soon as you got your freedom you be
gan to deteriorate. Preserve your charac
ters, improve your race, be honest and
just, and freedom will prove a blessing to
you. If you turn your back on .your
friends, on men who made this country,
what will become of you? We want
peace —we iutend to have peace —it is to
our interest to have peace ; but if you
will wage war, if you will follow strangers,
if you will hate our people at the instiga
tion of carpet-baggers, woe be unto you.
These are words which should strike deep
into your hearts, as I utter them—woe !
woe ! unto you will be the words from all
parts of the world. These are not threats,
my colored friends; they are words of
counsel, and warning, and wisdom to you.
I do not know what is to become of the
country. There were never so many
whites and blacks assembled together in
one Government, as freemen, before.
Whether it will stand or fall I do not know.
Philosophers say that it cannot stand. I
won’t dispute it with them. Well, what
then ? Do you expect the white people
to quit it? Do you expect them to
follow the carpet-baggers in their disfran
chisement of'intelligent people? That they
won’t do. Never! Never! If you would
prosper aud be happy, then, you must
come to us; come together; it is your
interest to come. We understand this
question better than you and know
our rights, and we know yours. I have
made, my friends, a more earnest appeal
to the colored people of Augusta than I
have elsewhere, because they have been
subjected to more deleterious influences
than those of other places. I don’t know
any place where there were more of these
carpet baggers and more efforts made by
them to deceive you —some of these, un
happily, are “to the manor born.” They
told me themselves that they wanted to
deceive you, and now, seeing their failure,
they are becoming desperate. Some of
these men in Georgia have become so
hardened, so desperate that they would be
willing to see the country sacked, to see
arson, theft, murder, and every crime in
the catalogue enacted, it by it they could
be left in power.
In my opinion, in regard to our candi
dates and the present canvass, much
speaking is unnecessary. \\ by ? Be
cause every white man understands the
issue, unless he is a fit subject for a lu
natic asylum ; and as for the colored men,
if you want good advice, go to the men
who have never deceived you—to those
who were raised with you —to those who
have always been your friends ; go to
them privately, but not to office-seekers
and office-holders ; go to citizens whose
whole interests are in the property and
prosperity of the country, ask them honest
ly ; they will advise you right, and then
follow their advice. Take their advice in
stead of that of Loyal Leaguers, who have
come down here to get office and to stir up
strife between you and the white people,
and you will uot regret it.
My countrymen, I have detained you
longer than I intended. I have indulged
in a vein of earnestness unusual with me ;
but I feel the weighs of the words that I
have been speaking and the importance of
the subject I have presented to you. I
have indulged in no rhetorical flourishes.
What we want is plain words, and plainly
spoken. I can tell you, my countrymen,
we are standing beside a vortex, an im
mense abyss ; and when we are asleep we
know not what schemes the miserable ad
venturers are plotting against us—against
white and black. We cannot tell. We
only know that the elements of disoord are
at work ; we know that some men will
sacrifice honor, hope, country, everything
for office ; we know that if we do not see
evil we cannot avert it —and, .seeing it, if
we do not avert it, we are false to our
selves and to our children. Therefore
I say what I do, so earnestly
and so strongly to you. And now we of
fer forgiveness to all who are willing to do
right. There has been a time for errors,
for dissensions, for mistakes. That time
has passed. Let us forgive and forget and
let us take all in who are willing to aid us
in the great work before us. Let us teach
the colored man his duty; be kind and
forbearing to the colored man, forgiving to
the penitent, and to all who are willing to
save the country. But when I have said
that, my powers of forgiveness are exhaust
ed. The man who votes for the vassal
age of the Southern white people to the
Northern white people, forgets himself
and hi3 country—its present, its past, and
its future. The man who votes the Radi
cal ticket should be forever contemned by
white and black. But even to these
wicked miscreants use no violence; hurt
not a hair of their heads, but drive them
from your society, forsake them in their
business, and brand them like Cain, to be
fugitives and vagabonds upon the face of
the earth.
You may say this is proscription. Are
they not proscribing you ? Let them
know it before hand what your feelings are
and what your conduct will be towards
them, and they will abandon their wild and
wicked projects. Let them know that you
understand that they are deceiving the
colored men, and they will be afraid to
continue it. Come up to this platform,my
friends,with kindness to all who are willing
to do right, whatever may have been the
errors of the past, with our hands to all
who are willing to aid us in this contest,
firm and true to the great principles in
volved,in it,and the time|will come when our
children will rejoice that their fathers
proved so equal to the great task which
Providence has imposed upon them.
Mr. Hill was frequently cheered during
his remarks, and sat down, amidst the
wildest and most enthusiastic cheering.
JLJ W
Tj. T. BLOME & CO.,
PUBLISHERS AND PROPRIETORS.
AUGUSTA, GA., AUGUST 29, 1868.
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OUR NEW STORY. *
The Earls of Sutherland.
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—
llon. Ben. Hill’s Augusta Speech.—
We publish, this week, the great speech
of Hon. Benj. Hill, delivered in front of
the City Hall, Augusta, oh the night of
Friday, Aug. 21st. It was reported for
the Chronicle hi Sentinel , and should be
widely circulated and generally read.
Democratic Clubs, South and North
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PERQDICALS-
Tiie Catholic World.—This splendid
publication, for September, lias reache 1
us. It is, as usual, replete with good
things, and keeps up its high character as
a Catholic, religious, and literary periodi
cal. The following is the table of con
tents of the number before us:
I. The Veneration of Saints and Holy Images,
11. Nellie Netterville; or One of the Transplant
—Chapters XV., XVI., XVll.—Concluded.
111. The Holy Sheperdess of Pibrac.
IV. An Elegy. From the Latin of Prudent iu?.
V. The ancient Irish Church.
VI. European Prison Discipline.
VII. A Heroine of Conjugal Love.
VIII. Flamlma.
IX. John Sterling.
X. St. Columba.
XI. Gheel, a Colony of the Insane.
XII. Life’s Charity.
XIII. The Right of Catholic Women.
XIV. The Last Gasp of the Anti-Catholi: Faction
XV. New Publications.
In the next number of the Ccdho
World, (October,) will be begun t;
publication of anew story, “The Inva
sion,” by the author of “The Story of a
Conscript,” which was concluded in tin
last volume, and which was received with
so much lavor. The forthcoming stoiy
will be continued through the sever i
numbers of the new volume.
As the October number begins a no ,;
volume of the Catholic World, it is a
favorable time, for those who have n
yet done so, to subscribe. We would
also suggest to those whose subscription'
expire with the present number to renew
them at once, so that their names nuy
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