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6 for nothing worse to them than their over throw and expulsion from power. IV. But the authority to perpetrate ali these outrages upon the people oi the Southern States is claimed upon the ground that secession and its consequences —the disturbed relation between thp se ceding States and the Federal Union— presented tfn exigency for Cwgressional action, for which the Constitution does not provide, and that it was, therefore, neces" sary to legislate for reconstruction “outside oj the Constitution.” Now, according to the rule of construction adopted by every respectable statesman of America, from 1787 down to the moment when the cen tralists discovered another, Congress can exercise no powers but such as are dele gated, and where the Constitution is silent the authority of Congress ends. Bat this new rule assumes that, where the Constitu tion is silent, some unwritten laic begins. What that unwritten law is, or what its limits, no man knows. Judging by the practice of Congress under it, it is the law of naked discretion. Os all the preten sions set up by the dominant party, in justification of their aggressions upon constitutional government and the sover eignty of the people of the several States, this is the most alarming. For it is des potism undisguised. Its every announce ment should move the public heart throughout the length and breadth of the land, and summon every patriot to the rescue of popular liberty from the deadly grasp of usurpation. Tne changed relation between the negro and white population of the Southern States, produced by the abolition of slave ry, preseuts, for solution, one of the gravest social problems that ever claimed the con sideration of Statesmen. Lord Durham expressed the opinion, many years ago, that the French and British inhabitants of Canada, being two distinct races, could not live peacefully together. It must be con fessed, however, that experience, espe cially in the United States, does not sus tain its correctness. The Irish, French, German, Dutch, &c., have, in the main, fraternized peaceably with us, enjoyed prosperity and made good and useful citi zens. But it remains to be tested whether the negro and white races of the Southern States can dwell together in harmony on the platform *of civil and political equality. On this question the four ablest statesmen of this country since the extinction of the great lights of our revolutionary period— Ciay, Calhoun, Webster and Doualass, representative men of the several sections in which they lived have distinctly spoken. Clay was the matchless ora tor and party leader. His lips, touched with the honey of the mystic bee, enchain ed listening senates and thrilled the mul titude. When sections wrangled and schism was imminent over his great heart, ever gushing with the waters of conciliation and concord, all parties shook hands and smoked the calumet of peace. Calhoun was the deep philosophic ex pounder of theoretic government and the Constitution. His analysis was thorough, his logic irresistible and his penetration keen and bright as the glance of prophecy. Predicting remote effect frem their caus es, his mind reveled in the. regions of the future, and if he was believed by many to be “an abstractionist,” it was because, in thought, he was half a century ahead of the time and generation which he serv ed and illustrated. Webster’s intellect was colossal; in every arena he was a giant, and when the depths of his soul were stirred, his eloquence combined the majesty and grandeur of Niagara.— Douglas, scarcely inferior to any of the three in their exalted traits, surpassed them all in practical statesmanship. In sagacity to conceive, ability to advocate and courage to execute schemes for the solution of difficult problems in legislation and politics that threatened discord and disuniou he was without a peer in the galaxy of American statesmen. His fame rests upon his devotion to the right of self-government in State and territory. They were all glorious men and devoted patriots. Ciay, though always an eman cipationist through State action, never dreamed that the negro should be elevated in this country to equality with the white man. In the Senate of the United States, February 13th, 1840, referring to this question, Mr. Clay said : “He called the writer’s (i. e. the author “o l 'Thoughts on Domestic Slavery) at tention to the illustration given to his “argument, by Lord Durham, in his re port, on the condition of Canada, sub mitted to the British Government. He “expressed the .firm conviction that who ever would read that report would come “to the same conclusion which was arrived “at by the author of Thoughts on Domestic “ Slavery . Lord Durham states, as his “decided opinion, after much observation “of the French and British residents in “Canada, that they cannot live together “harmoniously and that it is utterly im possible to hope lor peace and tranquili “ty in those provinces, except by making “one portion of the inhabitants subordinate “tothe other.” Here Mr Clay # did not speak dissenfcing ly of even the opinion of Lord Durham in relation to the incompatibility of two dis tinct European races ; but that whoever would read his report would agree with tjie author of “Thoughts on Domestic Slavery,” who maintained the incompati bility, between the African and Caucasian races in the Southern States. Mr. Cal houu so understood him ; for he immedi ately rose aip expressed hi* gratification to hear the Senator assent to so irnport nnt a principle in application to the con dition of the South,” and Mr. Clay did not object to this construction of his language. In the same debate, and on the same day. Mr. Calhoun said : “He had, several years since, stated the “same in more specific terms ; that it was “impossible, for two-races, so dissimilar “in every respect, as the European and “African, that inhabit the Southern por tion of this Union, to exist together, in “nearly equal numbers, in any other rela tion than that which existed thfcre.” On the same occasion and day, Mr. Webster said: “He would say one word, as to the re marks of the Senator from South Caro" “lina (Mr. Calhouh) and his friend from “Kentucky (Mr. Clay), that two distinct “races of men cannot live in the same com munity, without one being subject to the “other. He had not a word to say about “distinction of colors, as in that case the “proposition might be true. But the gen eral proposition that two races cannot “live to-gether in the same community he “revolted at. * * * He spoke of “colors— that was a distinct question.” Therefore, while Mr. Webster repudiat ed the general proposition of Lord Dur ham, as to the incompatibilty between two distinct Caucasian races, he did not dissent from the particular proposition maintained by Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun, as to the incompatibility between the African and European races of the Southeru States. He had nothing to say against it. Mr. Douglass, though an anti-slavery man, was always outspoken on this ques tion. His remarkable words, uttered on several occasions, are fresh in our recollec tion. That “This is a white man’s government, “made by white men, for the government ‘of white men.” But the Centralist of the present day, wiser than our forefathers, wiser than the sages of our immediate predecessors, wiser than the Constitution, have cut this Gordian knot by a single stroke of the sword. In contempt of philosophy and authority, they have settled the question of compatibility between the two races, by Statute , and decreed that they shall live together on terms of social, civil and political equality. Nay ! they have gone farther. The whole tenor and spirit of the reconstruction scheme of Congress, from the Fourteenth Amendment, to the last “supplemental act,” contemplates the subordination of the white, to the ne gro race, in the Southern States. Lan guage fails to characterize this shocking outrage —shocking to the moral sentiment of Christendom and Christian civilization. If it were legitimate to search for the motives that prompt erroneous action, it would be difficult, not to suppose, that the Central ists designed, by this scheme, the per petuation of their present dominion; that, less solicitous for the general welfare, and especially, the good of the negro than for political ascendancy, the intention was to use his vote for party aggrandizement. Indeed they scarcely deny what their ac tions so forcibly indicate; for it has been avowed, by some of their prominent lead ers, that the success of their party de manded the full consummation of their measures. But we are dealing with facts and principles and, therefore, I shall not deny to them the benefit of that courtesy, which should characterise all discussions, to-wit: that both contestants are actuated by equally upright purposes. The argu ment is so overwhelmingly against our antagonists that its force is made weaker, instead of stronger, by imputing base mo tives or indulging in bitter invective against them. They professed, as we have previously noted, that the war was waged alone “to defend and maintain the suprem acy of the Constitution and to preserve ; the Union.” If this purpose had been adhered to, when the Confederate forces were overpowered, the triumph of the | Federal arms (viewing the subject from the I Northern standpoint) would have been a triumph of the Constitution and the Union ; and if victory had been considered —and so acted upon—restoration to friend ly and Constitutional relations between j the belligerents would have happily and ; speedily ensued. But, unfortunately, the | victors viewed and treated it as a sectional j triumph of the North over the South; and that, having demonstrated the supe riority, in the material resources of war, it was incumbent upon them to govern the Southern States; and that too, upon prin ciples of legislation not general, in their operation, not applied to the whole Union and utterly unknown to the Constitution. Why adopt such a line of policy as this ? If the object of the war was really “to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union,” why not recognize that supremacy, when tlie Confederate arms were overthrown? Why not permit the breach in the Unien to heal ? . . ... ... From this succinct gtance at the politi cal sitiuation” and the measures and policy of the dominant party, arise the following issues to be decided by the approaching Presidential election : I. Shall this Government be preserved as it emanated from the Convention oi 1787—a Federal Republic , instead of a consolidated National Centralism ? 11. Shall the equality of the States, as co-confederates, each sovereign in itself, except, to the extent of the powers dele gated to the general government, be main tained? 111. Shall the right of self government and the consequent right defining and fix ing the qualifications of citizenship and suffrage, which, under our system, proper ly belong to each State, be recognized and enforced ? ]Y, Shall the emancipated negroes be elevated to political equality with the white citizens, against the consent of the people, and thus invested with political dominion over States, in which they numerically preponderate,and thus become a controlling element in the Government of the United States ? V. Shall it be sanctioned that Congress has the right to suppress State Sovereign ties, abolish State Governments and“form or erect new States within the jurisdiction of other States,” without the consent of States concerned ?” YI. Shall Congress be permitted to dis regard and legislate “outside of the Con stitution;” or in other words, when Con gress, influenced by passion, or caprice, or even calm reason, shall have before them a subject concerning which the Con stitution is silent or does not furnish au thority, will it be sanctioned by the peo ple that they may legislate according to their discretion ? VII. Shall the Southern States be re instated with all their rights of equality, and self-go vermu-ent, in their normal re lations to the Union and the Union itself restored upon the basis of the Constitu tion? VIII. Shall the Constitution be again practically recognized as the supreme law of the land and, by its wise and just en forcement, dispense like blessings upon all the States of the Union? There are many other questions of in terest involved in the political contest now in progress such as extravagant expendi tures, corruption in high places, taxation, the reduction of the public debt, &c. —but they are so subordinate to those which I have designated that I shall not enter upon their discussion. If those great Constitutional issues be correctly decided by the people, and the administration be entrusted to those who will, in good faith, obey the Constitution, the evils of the times will soon be corrected, harmony restored, prosperity renewed and the Government will move forward, to be felt only by the blessings it will be stow. That the measures and avowed policy of the dominant party do present then, as the overshadowing and all engross ing questions of the canvass, cannot be truthfully denied. General Grant, as the candidate of this partjq is the representa tive of those measures and policy and, if elected, will execute and enforce them. His election will be regarded as a popular endorsement of them, and having, as he has declared in his letter of acceptance, no policy of his own, not in harmony with the will of the people, he may well conclude, and will conclude, that it is their will that he shall carry them into effect, in spirit, and in letter. I say nothing in abatement of the claims of General Grant upon the ad miration and confidence of his party — nothing in disparagement of his personal qualities or mental endowments, of his capabilities as a statesman—nothing de rogatory to his fame as a military chief tain. He is said to be generous and mag nanimous. lam glad of it. He is said to be talented, I rejoice at it. Some award to him high qualities of statesmanship. I sincerely hope it is true. Many Relieve that he will be Conservative, if elected, and that he has the nerve to check and restrain the headlong extravagance of his party. I pray for the realization of this prognostic. In a word, if elected, I sin cerely wish that he may exhibit all those admirable traits and qualities which his friends and admirers say he possesses. It will be all the better for the country. But if he were infinitely superior to all that is claimed lor him, by his warmest supporters, his election to the Presidency would be a dire calamity to the country; be cause it would be the popular approval of measures and policies fatal to our system of Republican Government and the per petution of the domination of a political party , whose principles lead to despejtism. Upon all these grave questions, the Democratic party distinctly join issue with our opponents. The Constitution of the United States embodies their political creed ; and they insist that all the States shall enjoy the rights, security and pro tection which it guarantees. They demand the immediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the Union, under the Constitution ; that the regulation of the elective franchise, in the States, shall be left where it has always been until it was removed by the “Reconstruction Acts,” with the citizens of the States; that the Freedmen’s Bureau and all political in strumentalities designed to secure negro supremacy, shall be abolished ; that the rightful authority and independence of the Executive and Judiciary Departments of the Government shall be restored and that the military shall be made sub ordinate to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations ot Congress and the despotism of the sword shall cease. With these, and other less important principles touching finances, taxation, economy of expenditures and the purity of public functionaries, the Democracy come before the country, for its decision. Seymour is their representative. As I said nothing, in disparagement of General Grant, I shall indulge in no fulsome adulation of the Democratic candidate. It is but sim ple justice to remark, however, that he is a polished, urbane, Christian gentleman, of coneeded ability, and that his past ex* perience, in public affairs, entitles him to our confidence as a statesman, His elec tion will be a popular endorsement of the principles and policy of the Democratic party; he stands, pledged to adhere to them, in administering the government and in the redemption of that pledge rest our best and only hopes for the preserva tion of constitutional liberty. The position, designs and sentiments of the Southern people are grossly misrep resented. Why, and with what motives, I shall not attempt to say. It may be from honest ignorance of the truth; or it may be with the design to influence the people ot the North, in their choice between the two opposing candidates, and thus to pre vent our restoration to our rights in the Union. But from whatsoever considera tion, we are misrepresented. I know it so far as the people of Georgia are concerned, and I fully believe it, in reference to those of the other States. It is asserted that we aie ready and willing, at any moment to renew the war, and are rebellious against the government. No facts exist to sustain such a charge. On the contrary, the conduct of our people, since the sur render, demonstrates its falsehood. We have acted in good faith. True, we op' posed the Reconstruction scheme of Con gress: but we did so, first, because we had already organized our State government under the President’s policy; and second ly, because we considered the scheme un constitutional and fatal to our every inter est —social, civil and political. Was there any crime in this, and especially when it is remembered that Congress graciously invited us to accept or disapprove it, though with threats of confiscation and disfranchisement if we do the latter ? But the scheme has been consummated in Geor gia, and what is our deportment now? Are we armed, organized, and drilling like the negroes ? Are we offering any forcible resistance to the State government that has been formed for us under the dicta tion of the bayonet? No, not all. We recognize and obey it as the Government de facto established in lieu of that which was acceptable to the people, but over thrown by military power. If we deny its validity, dejure , we appeal, not to force, but to the ballot-box —to the patriotism arid justice of our countrymen for redress. We have had enough of blooodshed. We desire nothing so much as peace—the peace of concord and fraternity—the peace of constitutional Union. We are charged with the design to re mit the negroes back to bondage. Per haps the poor, deluded, credulous crea tures, having their apprehensions excited by designing bad men, are preparing to resist such an attempt. This may possi bly explain their military organizations and secret drilling. But they and all the world may rest assured that no such de sign exists among the people of the South —certainly not among the people of Geor gia. The loss of capital invested in slave property was a heavy blow, and the de rangement of our labor system checked our prosperity and was felt throughout the whole country. Bat we have in good faith submitted to it. Wa could not if we would, and we would not if we could, re duce the negroes again to bondage. We consider their freedom, as a fact accom plished, never to be disturbed. We re cognize slavery as staked upori the issue of secession, and that being decided against us, we realized that the institution fell with it. Hence, the constitutions formed by the seceding States, under President Johnson’s policy—every one of them — contained the prohibition of slavery.— Ureat as is the loss in property to the people of the South, caused by eman cipation, the change is not void of some com pensatory features. It has re lieved slave owners of a weight of re sponsibility that was burdensome ; it has freed us from the slanderous tongues and pens and the. pseudo-philanthropists of the world ; an and it ought to silence forever the wrangle ever the question of the negro which has agitated the country for thirty years. Emancipation is a small evil com pared with that aiising from the attempt, on the part of Congress, to regulate the social, civil and political status of the treed' men in the several States. From habit, association and interest, the feeling between the two races was kind and friendly. It would remain so, but for the pragmatical interference of unprincipled adventurers who excite the passions of the blacks against the whites for political purposes If the dominant party had been satisfied with emancipation and left the relations between the races to the uormal action of the principles of assimulation and growth which obtain, even in the mineral and veg etable kingdoms, and are especially potent in the organization of communities, a few years would have brought adjustments mutually beneficial, and the shock to labor, capital and society would soon have ceased to be folc. This was the path of duty and. policy clearly indicated by the character of our jointsystem of government —State and Federal —and by sound philosophy and statesmanship. But when the effort is made to render them equal with the Caucasian race of the Southern States by statutory enactment ; when they are clothed sud denly with political rights which they are too ignorant to understand and wisely ex ercise ; when, by extensive disfranchise ments of the white citizens, they are placed numerically in the ascendancy so as to con trol the formation and ratification of State constitutions and direct legislation, it is folly to expect anything but discontent in the minds of the white, and insolence in the bosoms of the negro population. This is the source of the instances of collision and violence which occasionally occur in the South. But under no aspect do we expect or desire the re-establishment of slavery. Let me say, however, to the colored people and to reflecting men all over the country that, whether so designed or not, the principles and policy of the centralist if permitted to progress iu the line of their legitimate tendency, must make slaves of us all, white and black, must lead to despotism that wifi open the sweat of toil, wax insolent in the posses sion of conscious dominion, and wield political power to pamper and aggrandize its minions. It we wish to escape bondage and enjoy constitutional liberty, let us f\ r black‘and white, support the principle* and policy of the Democratic party. It is pretended that those who are cafe,] loyal men and Union men, are not safe iu the South ; that they are liable to insult and violence, merely on account of their political sentiments. This is totally un true. That those whoflourish under these titles are sometimes snubbed and not rec ognized among gentlemen, is certainly true ; and lawless men, such as are to \ s . found in all sections, occasionally maltreat them. But I venture to say, that any man, north of the Potomac, whatever may be his political opinions, can travel on foot from Richmond to New Orleans, without molestation, if he show, by his intercourse, that he is a gentleman. The truth is, w > desire good men from any and all sections to settle among us. Let them come and bring their capital, whether it consists < f money, enterprise, muscle or brains. W e have land abundant and cheap, natural resources —coal, timber, water power, iron and copper —unlimited. Ye honest, in dustrious, peace loving men of the North. East and West cotne and be with us and of us. We'll bid you welcome and jom our energies to develope those resource and build up our prosperity and quicken— if Congress will permit—to its wonted step, our march to a glorious civilization. Equally groundless is the imputation, perpetually repeated, that we are disloyal to the Flag, the Union and the Constitu tion. The Flag, as displayed among u-. for three years, has been the sign of op pression, that indicated the headquarters of Freedmen’s Bureaus, or military sail a; , with their narrow prison-coils and sw,v,- boxes; or, of military commissions, to try civilians, imprisoned without warrant and denied an impartial jury; the Union, as it is proffered to us, is not the Union ot‘equal States, but the Unity of empire; and the Constitution, administered by Congress, is the unwritten law of their own discretion. These we do not love. But let the Stars and Stripes be unfurled over us, as the im signia and pledge of protection and jus tice; offer us the Union of Washington and his compatriots—the Union of co-equal States; give us the Constitution of 1787, fairly and honestly administered and en forced. and then the world shall sea whether our hearts are true to these em blems, symbols and canons of liberty. Do this, and if we fail to respond to the call of patriotic duty, at the sacrifice of blood and life, if necessary, but not until then, may we be stamped with the brand of infidelity to our country. I most cordially endorse and appropriate the following extracts from the White Sul phur Springs letter of Gen. Lee an I others to Gen. Rosecrans, as a faithful and true representation of the attitude, senti ments and feelings of our people: “As far as we are advised the people of “ the South entertain no unfriendly feeling “toward the Government of the United “ States, but they complain that their “ rights under the Constitution are with “ held from them in the administration “ thereof. The idea that the Southern “people are hostile to the negroes, and “ that they oppress them, if in their power “to do so, is entirely unfounded. They “have grown up in our midst, and we “ have been accustomed from childhood to “look upon them with kindness. The “change in the relations between the two “ races brought no change in our feeling? “ toward them. They still constitute an “ important part of our laboring popula- Without their labor the laud.? of “ the South would be comparatively un productive. Without the employment “ Southern agriculture affords, they would “ be destitute of means of subsistence, and “become paupers dependent on the public “ bounty. Self-interest, even if there “ were no higher motive, therefore. “ prompts the whites of the South to ex “ tend the negroes care and protection -x- * * * * & *- “It is true that the people of the South, “together with the people of the North “and West for obvious reasons, are oppos “ed to any system of laws which will place “the political power of the country in the “hands of the negro race. But this oppo sition springs from no feeling but from a “deep-seated conviction that at |»r sent the “negroes have iteither the intelligence nor “other qualifications which are necessary “to make them safe depositories of politi cal power. They would inevitably become “the victims of demagogues who, for - if “ ish purposes, would mislead them t ta “serious injury of the public. /’The great want of the South is \ ace. “The people earnestly desire tranquility “and a restoration to the Union. They “deprecate disorder and excitement a “most serious obstacles to prosperity, dhey ‘‘ask a restoration of their right.-? under the “Constitution, and desire relief from op pressive misrule. Above all they would “appeal to their countrymen for th re “esablishment in the Southern State “of that which is justly regarded as “the birthright of every American —the “right of self-government. Establish “on a firm basis, and we safely promi - :-,on “behalf of the Southern people, that th y “will faithfully obey the Constitution and “laws of the United States, treat the negro “with kindness and humanity, and :u Iti i “eveiy duty incumbent upon peacefu citi zens loyal to the Constitution oi me “country.” If I possessed the sift of exhortation, I would " * . appeal that should reach every voter in toe lan ■ gunge that should stir every emotion ot patri. ■ present every consideration that should prompt < 2811 1° perform his highest and holiest duty. Thi, - most vital contest (hat lias ever been submitted * ! - penpl« of the United States. There never was *.u > sion-there neve can be one in the future—-a; . - peratively demanded the oblivion of ali ; -.n - and the bitterness which the recent conflict o. have engendered. Fei.low-Citizkns of Georgia : To you I r ■