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A CARD FROM HON. B. H. HILL. * To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir : Thanking you for your liberality in opening your columns heretofore to my communication, allow me space to adc ' ome further facts touching the Camilla r } o t. I have read all that appeared in the Tribune, and have waited for additiona information myself from the State that I might be sure of correctness in what ! write 1. The chief informs tion upon which Maior Howard's first letter was based,and uron which Buiiock based his message to the Legislature, and upon which your cor respondent from Albany seems to rely, was derived from the statements of a notori ously bad negro, who had served a term in ;] iC penitentiary, and whom 500 witnesses, black and white, would discredit on oath in a court of justice. 2. I have been planting several years in that region. lam there habitually. It is one of my homes in the State. I have never seen or known of, or, before I reat it in your paper, heard, of a bloodhound in that country. lam assured,and do believe, there is not one in that whole region ; anc, I do not believe there is a dog there of any kind trained to track either a black or white man. 3. I knew, personally, Judge anc. the gentlemen who acted with him in in vestigating this matter, and whose report throws all the blame on Pierce and Mur phy. I know also some of the witnesses who gave their evidence under oath. AVe h ive no more reliable citizens in our State. Judge A r ason is an old Whig and Union man ; was long Judge of one of our Superior Courts; is a Christian gentleman of fine education and most exemplary char acter and elevated mind, and whom any Northern jury would believe without doubt or hesitation. 4. The letters of your correspondent, at least the statements they make, are originated by some persons, for the ex press purjwse of inflaming the Northern mind and influencing the elections pending. 5. You think it strange that so many negroes were killed, and so few whites in jured. To me this is not strange. The negroes were slaughtered, as they will al ways be, under the circumstances. Their white leaders escaped, as they intended be forehand to escape. If the people of the North will not be moved by the wrongs and dangers to the whites of the South, I beg them to rescue the poor negroes from sure destruction, by repudiating these Re construction measures, and thereby remove the inducements offered to carpet baggers and renegades to breed strife and hate, that they may get office. ,6. Is it not singular that so many Northern people will persist in believing with implicit confidence the wild state ments of lightened eooviet negroes, and of bad white men.* who abandon white society to use the negro for selfish ends, and of anonymous writers, summarily set aside the most solemn statements under oath of our best white people, and the as surances of the whole white race of the South, as mere ? attempts to “whitewash rebel outrages ?“. Strangers and renegades ?* the most original secession stamp, are inciting negroes to acts which lead to their Slaughter, in order to mate dvpcs ofeduca te refined Northern whites, that these strangers, and worst secessionists, may get the for their loyalty ! These are the only fruits which the Reconstruction taeasur es have produced, or can produce at the South. Ought such measures to be 'maintained and perpetuated ?” The attempt to weaken the facts I state Ufso intended) by a little personal ridicule ot myself is, in view of the issue, scarcely pardonable, but is pardoned. Your kind ness in permitting me to he heard through your columns in behalf of our people will, with me and them, excuse any criticism your sense of propriety may permit. But oo even me justice. On this s abject, 1. The version of the Atlanta speech irom which you quote I never saw before ; out flowing its substantial correctness, ooes it, properly understood, show vio !? ac ® : R only proposed social ostracism y r the Southern men who would vote to destroy the equality of their States, and to -s the degradation of their own and our lainihcg I had in view such consequences f' Camilla riot. Is it violence, to say tuata man who will, through negroes as) ; suoels, endanger my property, my life, ui.ii my family, shall not eat at my table sleep under my roof? Even Orator 1 us was never so illogical. -• Tee Forsythe speech, from which you h”*ote in your issue of yesterday, I never s uw as printed. I never in my life, on any ! occasion, cither felt or used the language you quote toward or of “Union men.” I U'.'UDtiess may have used such language inciters to riot and bloodshed in the but toward no other. You quote Parallel columns with the colored a-an lurner. Allow me to thank you for -uwing me to be equal with the negro in , u ! ie -j Il 7> ls a privilege which is \ rnulmt: by th* Reconstruction measures i \ r Muic is more liberal thau the policy L J ce p s to 'maintain and perpetuate ” 1 1 is impossible for the Northern people h> conceive how adroitly and yet how of ■•h-tually our utterances in the South are a sorted here, and how completely our anmg 1S often reversed, and the applica -1 notour words changed, i find a wide-spread idea at the North jat the election of Gen. Grant will insure Peace and quiet at the South. This re r.!‘!dn desire, but it is not K'-Mbie n Gen. Grant, as President, shall tamtam and perpetuate” the Recon . •ion measures. The fault does no J 1 the temper of the Southern whites as is represented at the North, but it lies m the character of the Reconstruction policy and m its logical workings. These measures breed a dirty class of office-seek ers at the hands of negroes, who in turn breed Camilla riots. Our best white peo ple are now doing ail in their power to prevent these results in hope of early relief in the Presidential election. We do not regard the governments forced under these Reconstruction measures as yet legally established. In our opinion the American people, in this election, are to express their will on that question. If Gen. Grant shall pe elected the carpet-baggers and negro instigators will feel sustained and en couraged. Our white people will fool abandoned by the Not th, and, I fear, will >eceme hopeless aud desperate. I turn bum the picture of results. When you blame men for not keeping quiet and cool n a fti e, then blame the Southern whites or results m that case. People of the INorth save us now! On the other hand, the election of Seymour will be accepted as a decision by the American people that these governments are not established; the few whites who now support them from policy will aoandon them ; all inducement to organize negroes as voters will be at an end ; the people will be encouraged, "hope ful; good governments for ail colors will leturn, and. peace will be assured, and uni versal and instantaneous. Ido know that all our industrial arrangements are affect ed by this contingency. If Mr. Seymour is elected, plantations now idle are to be worked, factories built, and capital invest ed, and at fair, good prices. If Gen. Grant shall be elected, bargains are to be rescinded, and none will venture, ex cept such as are compelled for a living, and lave no other resource. I firmly believe it will cost the Federal Government two hundred millions per annum to keep the peace under these re constructed governments, and then the peace will not, because it cannot, be kept under them. But will the destruction of local peace and property be all ? I fear not, and he ieve not. Sir, let the deep sincerity of my convic tions crave your indulgence for a few ad ditional sentences. I am entitled to an audience from your readers, and through your assistance. I allude to the incident following in no spirit of reproach, but in entire kindness, and only to illustrate my point and my motive- I have seen the explanation of the Tribune, and recognize its force viewed from the standpoint of the Tribune, but our people did not then so understand it. On the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, nearly ail the old V\ big leaders of the South joined the De mocracy. This left the Whigs or Ameri cans in a decided minority. It was then I felt it to be my duty to change the pur pose of my life and enter polities. It was my lot to engage with all my humble powers, from 1855 to 1861, in a vain effort to arrest the tide of secession that was sweeping the. South,as I thought, into revolution. Late in the winter of 1860, more earnest than ever before, I warned our people that war, on the most unequal terms, must follow secession. On one of these occasions a distinguished se cession gentleman replied to my war warn- ings by reading extracts from prominent Northern Republicans, and with special emphasis from the columns of the Tribune to the effect that if the people of the South desired to secede they had a right to do so, and would be allowed to do so in peace.' He then alluded to me as one born and raised in the South, and yetwasendeavoriug to frighten our people from their rights by threats of war, while Northern Freesoilers, who had been esteemed the enemies of the South, were conceding our rights and as suringits peaceful exercise. Now, my good sir, what could I have rejoined? Here are the very words I did rejoin : r ‘*l care not what Mr. Greeeley and Mr. \V ade, or any other Republican, or all Re publicans together have said or may say to the contrary. More to be relied on than all these, I plant myself on the inflexible laws of human nature and the unvarying teachings of human experience, and warn you this day, that no government half as great as this IJniou, can be dismembered, and in passion, except through blood, xou had as well expect the fierce lightning to rend the air and make no thunder in its track, as to expect peace to follow the throes of dissolving government. I pass by the puerile taunts at my devotion to the best interests of the people among whom I was bom and reared, and trust my vindi cation to the realities of the future, which I deprecate and would avert, and again tell you that dissolve this Union, and war will come. not say it ought to come. I cannot tell when, nor how, nor between whom it will come. But it will come, and it will be to you a most unequal; fierce, vindictive and desolating war.” Since the passage of these fatal Ileeon sti uccion measures by Congress, I have 0nc xr iu my P°wer to arrest the tide at toe North which is trampling on all the guarantees of liberty in ten States of the union, and which is destroying the Consti tution for all the States of the Union. I find now a bitterness at the North and a reeling of distrust toward the South far more irrational and unprovoked than 1 us ei witnessed in the days of Secession atrogdos at tho South. If the North in loot) had done halt as much to allay the tears of the South as the Southern whites are now doing to inspire confidence and good will at the North, those of us who .'i ere m the of the unequal struggle s : 1( * Ve been enabled to prevent seces~ DreraiWi l - he , same fatal delusion Const’ ml h ’ ruwUh ‘he architects of the with the 8 • oT ? nhr r prevailed U “ Uie “eessiomsta of the South in 1860 msiib ©i fii'liffMr It is said, let. us maintain and perpetuate measures which originated outside of the Constitution, and which have been or mav be established by force, and toe shall have peace / The will of the people, your lead er 8 write is the higher law, and Constitu tions wilt bend and break before this unita Ik arbiter without disturbing the peace of the nation! . Sir, do not charge me, as did the Seces sionists, with a desire to alarm or an intent to threaten. But 1 cannot see the Consti tution—the grandest production of human effort for the security of human freedom hopelessly toppled to its foundations by a maniac storm of passion and hate, and utter no protest or warning against the ruthless act. I tell you these Reconstruc tion measures of Congress cannot be main tained and perpetuated without destroy- ing the Constitution. The Constitution cannot be destroyed k ui peace. your people from this fatal delusion before it is too late. 1 cannot tell when or how or between whom war will come. But it will come. ;The nation’s “blood will flow when the nation s Constititution is stabbed. Freedom will die when this freedom’s life is destroyed.” And as the shadow is greater than t-hd substance, so will the war ivtac/i wdffollow the attempt to destroy the Constitution be fiercer than that, which fol toiced the attempt to dissolve the Union . But this much I know: A united North will not again wage battle against a divided South. Repeated pledges of rights, dignity, and equality preserved unimpaired, will not again induce armies to disband, and States to become helpless. Magnanimity in loyal destroyers of Con stitutions will not again be expected. The holy traditions of common struggles will c °f wea ken revolution; nor will even the adhering properties of common blood and race, under the dominion of fanaticism again oe trusted. I defy you to point me to a single respect abiC white man of the South who said, or wul now say, he approves these Recon structions measures of Congress as either Constitutional, right, or just. The very men there who accept them, do so with the known intention of repudiating them a3 soon as they get back in the Union, and have their disabilities removed, I point you to millions in the North, who hate these measures. llow long can govern- ments founded on such measures last ? How long ought they to last? They are out sine of the Constitution ; they libel the Declaration of Independence ; they nega tive every pledge made to induce surren der; t.iey outrage blood; they subject the meu, women, and children often States to daily scenes of riot and industry, and nightly forebodings of pillage and rape; tuoy organize semi-savages, under pro tection Ox bayonets, into armed political bancD, that strangers, knaves, and vaga bonds may be chosen to fill the seats once occupied by Madison, Lowndes, and rien, and be called the r6presentatives of a people whom they thus insult, endanger, and enrage. Can such measures work peace . Are these guarantees against dis turbance . Come what may, the people of the oouth will never vitalize these govern! ments with their consent. It is not the want of that consent that breaks the peace. Tiie eviiS which break the peace arc in the governments themselves—their nature, ana workings. These evils would not be icmoveu if this consent were given, but would only be strengthened and made permanent and destructive. 1 dely you to show me a single condition of restoration, or of reconstruction, prepar ed by the army, or by the President, or by Congress, which the South rejected, and which being rejected damaged the North, oi which, if accepted, would not have dis honored the South. I)o not, I beseech you, drive the South ern people to utter desperation. Remem bering your promises before all faith i« hopelessly destroyed. Return to the Con stitution before your wanderings from its boundaries are forever irretraceable. Re- store your currency and your bonds to goiu value, and the Union to good will, by allowing to the Southern States, over their internal affairs, the same power, under the same Constitution, which is allowed to and exercised by the Northern States. How is it courageous to oppress the bouth oni3 r because you can f JJut I warn you, the same Government, cannot admin - i \r er 'f o,C nnf South and freedom at the A or, l he time has come when emphati cady the country must be all free or all slave . leu millions of white people—Americans —weaned with repeated offers of Union ; exhausted with protestations of good faith arid security; voiceless with vain pleadings ioi peacehopeless of the redemption of pledges ; impoverished with insatiate ex actions, sick with fruitless concessions to malignity; distracted because they will not consent to dishonor; despised because they win not be inferiors; oppressed because they will not agree to be ruled by slaves; maligned as rebels because they will not submit to pillage by negroes led on by strangers, ana driven by a terrible experi ence to the final conviction that in them sew# atone is their protection—such apeo ptr, though deserted by all mankind, are not POWERLESS. ours, very trulv. ni 1 T ANARUS, B. a Hill. Lhauler House, Xew York, Sept. 20, 1868. iwo.—Lord John Russell never per petrated but one bon mot. Speaking of the fcehleswig-Ifolstein question, Lord John said: “ There never were but two men who understood it, a friend of mine, and myself. My friend died after ex plaining it to -me, and I have entirely for gotten what he said.” NOBLE LETTER FROM GEN. ROSECRANS in rep.y to an invitation to address the *ate Mass Meeting at Indianapolis, Gen era! Roseerans wrote the following manly letter.. The pledge which the General gives of his “honor and life” for the good faith and devotion of the Southern people to the principles of the Constitution, and their willingness to support the Govern ment of the United States, administered in accordance with its provisions, will never be forfeited by any act of ours, if the Northern people will take the General’s advice and ‘ '‘restore the people of the Southern Staff to hopeful , cheerful, SELF GOVERNMENT. This is all that is necessary to be done. Let us have the same rights; accord to us the same privileges; extend to us the same protection; restore to us our right to equ&l and just representation in the Federal Government; permit us to manage our intei cal affairs in the same way and to the same extent as Massachusetts and Ohio are permitted; recognize our right—the right claimed and exorcised by every Northern State to regulate for ourselves the qualifications for electors—do this and ipso J ado the Union is restored. And not only a Union in law but a union of senti* meat, of brotherly love and national pride. In tne name oi the Southern people, we thank General Roseerans for this noble expiession oi his confidence in our integri ty, honor and good faith, and we assure lim that if his counsels shall prevail with the North, arid our right of self-govern ment receive their sanction, we shall prove to the world that he has not misconceived our true character and sentiments : .St Martins, Brown County, 0.,) September 21, 1868. J Gen. John Love, Indianapolis, Indiana : General : Indispensable duties prevent me from attending the gathering of offi cers and soldiers at Indianapolis, to which your letter invited me on the 23d inst. But beyond the great gratification I shou.d experience in meeting so many of my old companions-in-arms, and mingling our momones of* the past with resolutions of lufcure efforts and sacrifices for the honor of the land and flag we love, my presence thero would accomplish more than a simple statement of my views on the chief* issues which now agitate the country. I believe our free institutions and high* est material interests are in grave peril. I shall, therefore, perform a solemn and re sponsible duty to my fellow-soldiers and countrymen, who love this nation more than partv, by stating what I think the most vital issues before the public in the approaching Presidential election. Above all other expenses—expenditures, taxation, bonds, “greenbacks,” or any thing else—stands that of restoring the people of the Southern States to hopeful, cheer fid seiffgovernmen t. Restore them this, and as certainly as uay follows the sun our political stability win be assured; our financial prosperity will speedily follow ; the value of prop erty iu the oouth will increase ; our pub lie securities will go to a premium ; our greenbacks will become par ; coin and cur rency accounts, with all their evils and coin plications, will disappear from the books of our business men. Believing with all my soul that the pres ervation of our Government from despot ic changes, and all those inestimable bless ings depend upon this restoration of the southern people to wholesome, cheerful self-government, 1 am equally certain that it can be done, and dare pledge my honor and life for them that they will give and obseiye all proper guarantees to renounce secession, slavery, and their dependent issues ; to protect, educate, and elevate the freedmen to the exercise of all the franchise they enjoy in Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois; and faithfully to perform all the duties incumbent on them as good citizens under the Constitution and laws of the United States. And what more could be asked of them, or what greater results could patriotism desire for the country than depend upon this issue ? Not even the prosecution of the war challenged a more thorough renunciation of party preferences and personal dislikes on the altar of our country than does the attainment of this great good, The desolate and ruined South, the op pressed tax-payers of the West and North, generosity, mercy, love of country, appre hensions of evils to come, every motive that ought to move the hearts of true and nooic men, appeal to us to say by on** votes we will stop that hopeless folly of attempting to govern the Southern States Y what we can loyal blacks, ” and give the people, under just guarantees, the right peacefully and legally to proceed to reorganise their own government within the Union. With such convictions, I hold the man who would not express and act upon' them a traitor to himself and his country, and despise the partisan who would find' fault with any reasonable steps he might take to bring about so great a good to the na tion. Recommending my convictions, and the reasons for them, to the judgment of mv fellow-soldiers and countrymen, I remain very truly, yours, W. S. Rosecrans. THE SPANISH REVOLUTION. Thr Ex- Queen’s Journey from St. Sebas tian to France — Her Spanish Escort trussed at the Border—Reception by ■Napoleon and Eugenic—Arrival at ResidencT^ 16 m P eror 171 0 <’ London, October I.—Telegrams have been received in this city by wav of Parß fmfthi luayonn l u ayonno ’ yesterday even ing, which report the entry of the exiled Queen of Spam into the territory of the Umpire and her reception and shelter by Napoleon. Finding that the revolution was A f “ cfc accomplished,“ Isabella broke up the semblance of the (Jourt held at St Se bastian during the morning of Wednesday September 30, and set out at an early hour for France. She was accompanied to the frontier by a detachment of Spanish hal berdiers, whom she dismissed when abou* to step from the soil of Spain to that of franco.. The ex Queen breakfasted at 11 o dock in the forenoon at Hendaye ana arrived at Napoleon’s summer retreat at Biarritz at half-past two o'clock in the afternoon. The Emperor Napoleon, the Umpress Eugenie, with the Prince Impe rial of France, were assembled at the cha teau, where they received the fallen Bourbon. An interview, fifteen min utes in duration, took place be tween the distinguished party. The took, her departure immediately a.tei the termination of the conference, entered a carriage of a special train set apart for her use b3 ? the officers of the railroad, and,was taken to Bayonne, where she arrived at a quarter to three o’clock, benor Marion, ex-Minister of the Gon zales Bravo Cabinet of Spain, had a place m the same carriage. At Bayonne they met the other members of the late Min istry, when Sonor Gonzales Bravo held a conversation with the ex-Queen for about live minutes, took leave and retired. Dur ing her residence in France Isabella will inhabit the castle now belonging to the Emperor Napoleon, at Pau; the last of the Bourbons sheltered in the cradle of the race ; Isabella, of Spain, the guest of a Bonaparte in the house where Ilenn IA r was born. When the Queen of Spain left San Sebastian she took with her all the Crown jewels and royal regalia, together with.23,000,000 seals in gold. It is announced to-day that the great powers will allow their diplomatic relations with Spain to remain in statu quo. PROCLAMATIONS TO BE ISSUED FOR ELEC TIONS THROUGHOUT TnF. KINGDOM. Madrid, . October L— Proclamations wul soon be issued for elections to be held throughout the kingdom to choose mem bers of a definite Junta and delegates to a Constitutional Assembly to meet at an early day in Madrid. The leaders of the revolution are acting together in perfect accord. October 2. —Elections for members of the new Junta are in progress. Perfect order is maintained. General /ftionge has been arrested and sect to the fortress Santona, where he will be confined until his trial commences. Barcelona, October 3. —The people sacked the town hall and publicly burned the Queen’s portrait. Count Chester, who endeavored to quiet the mob, was fired upon, but escaped under cover of night. Bassols has been appointed to the command of the provinces of Catalonia by the Provisional Junta. Serrano will not go to Madrid, because the National Guard, which holds Madrid, refuse admission to the regular troops, which Serrano com mands. SPECULATIONS ON TIIE SUCCESS OF TIIE REVOLUTION. London, October 1. —The success of the revolutionary movement in Spain, ending as it has in the expulsion of Queen Isabella, gives rise to much speculation as to her liable the dislike of the Emperor Napoleon to the Orleans family is fatal to the hope of the •n r de , Mont t>ensier, and that a Carlist will be chosen to rule over Spain is regard ed as impossible. The ancient rights of the House of .Savoy to the throne of Spain are discussed, and the Duke of . th, second son of King Victor Emanuaf, is talked of as an available candidate. La France to-day discusses the prospects ot Spam, and predicts that the present revo lution will be followed by a violent civf war. A gentleman, on a visit to Washington one day very coolly opened the Senate Chamber door, and was about to pass in when the door-keeper asked : Are you a privileged member ? ” “What do you mean by that? ” asked the stranger. ‘ A Governor, an ex-Member of Con gress, or a Foreign Minister,” was the reply. The stranger replied that he was a Minister. “From what court, or country? ” asked the official. . Very gravely pointing up : “From Heaven, sir.” To this the door-keeper very ly remarked: i hia Government at present, holds no intercourse with that Foreign Power! ” . John,” said a stingy old fellow to his hired man, as he was taking dinner, ‘‘do you know how many pan-cakes yon have eaten?” “No, do* you ? ” “Yes, you have eaten fourteen!” “Well,” said John, ‘.‘you count and I’ll eat.” 3