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I,jjT f , n each occasion. On the last even :' r . r Feast of St. Michael the Archangel !the solemnity of the services were , nuc h enhanced by the chaunting of the Litany of the Saints, to which the re houses were sung by the entire congre tiou. This, in the presence of the --ed Sacrament —exposed for adora tion beneath a lofty canopy, high up above t| ; . main altar —while all the altars were decorated with a forest of bright flowers ;Ul ;j brilliant with a multitude of lighted ;■ mules, and clouds of fragrant iucense n'-md ’through the temple—all this, kcd an event in the history of Bou ]i/rny that will be cherished for years as one of the brightest and happiest memo ries of St. Stephen’s parishioners. In the throe. Churches named, the number of communicants was very large, and hand- SOIU ,. collections were made for the Pope, but I have not yet heard the amouuts. S. R. GOV, PERRY’S LETTER, Greenville, S. C., Oct. 1. /as Taylor , Esq,, Chairman , Sec. jjnr Sir: I received, this evening, y OU r kind invitation to be with you on the fjthinst, and address your “grand mass meeting.” I thank 3 t ou most sincerely for this honor, and be assured that nothing couid give me greater pleasure than' to be present at “the enthusiastic Gathering of the people which will be convened in Tam many Ball.” But although it is impossible for me to be with you in person my heart and soul will unite with you in all your efforts to elevate to the Presidency your distinguish ed statesm&Df Horatio Seymour. I believe that the salvation of the country and the existence of our republican form of Gov ernment depend on his election. If the Radicals should carry this election 1 have no idea that the American people will ever haw an opportunity of electing a con stitutional President of these United States. 1 am justified in this conclusion by the usurpations, oppressions, tyranny, and ex travagance of the Radical party in Con gress. They have already, in utter dis regard of the Federal Constitution, strip ped the President of his highest and most legitimate prerogatives and conferred them on the Commanding General of the Army —their candidate for the Presidency. They have denied the President the power of selecting his own Cabinet, or dismissing from office those who have proved recreant and betrayed their trusts. They have en croached on the Judiciary Department of the Government, and refused to let the Buprerne Court of the United States de cide on the constitutionality of their legis lation. They have struck down at one blow, ten sovereign States of this Union, and hold them under military despotism. They have disfranchised the white race in the Southern States and enfranchised the negroes. I feel assured that if the Northern peo ple could only see, or be made sensible of the miserable condition of their fellow citizens and kinsmen of the South, they would not sustain a party in power who bad brought this great calamity of negro supremacy on one-third of the llepublic. In the Legislature of South Carolina there are eighty negroes and only forty white members in the House of Representatives. The greatest part of these forty white legis lators are the lowest and worst of men, without property, intelligence or character, and were elected by the negroes. Their legislation has been wild, extravagant and attrocious Paying no taxes themselves, and their constituency, by whom they were elected, paying nothing into the Treasury, they have made appropriations and levied taxes which will bankrupt the State. But their legislation in other respects is still worse and more alarming. They have authorized the suspension of that bulwark of Anglo-Saxon liberty, the writ of habeas co: pus, and have authorized the raising of a standing force of negro troops, in viola tion of the Constitution of the United States, which forbids a State keeping a standing army. Under these laws this negro government will have the power of imprisoning any citizen without warrantor accusation as long as they please, whilst a negro iorce will be left to insult and out rage his family and plunder and destroy his property. In the meantime the State will be, as tho whold South must be, utterly impov erished and desolated. Instead of being ■in advantage to the North, as the South-* ero States formerly were, they will be an expense—an incubus on their industry, energy and enterprise. We are paying or nothing toward the support of the bedera : Government, and we are unable to Pgy as long as this negro rule continues. are without capital to cultivate our •aruls, and capital will not come here for investment whilst this negro government continues. There is no security for life or property. The newspapers are tilled with nou*cs and barns burnt, property stolen -mi • ersons murdered. , In the time of peace we see all over the -’Ouih Federal troops kept up at au enor mous expense, to keep the white race in -übjugation to negro government—a gov ernment which, if continued, will make The f ?°le South a Hayti or San Doniiniro. p e have, too, a Freedwen’s Bureau throughout the Southern States, whose sole purpose is to prejudice the freedmen against their former masters, and unite them to the Radical party. This Bureau is paid for by the North, and costs the Government ten or fifteen millions annual ly- >v by should the white people of the Northern States pay enormous and crush ing taxes to establish negro governments over their own race throughout the South? W by should they keep up a standing army here, for the purpose of maintaining those governments ? The only purpose which the Radical party have in creating and continuing this unnatural despotism is to perpetuatetheir own progress as a party. In order to ob tain their ill-gotten authority, and keep control of the Government, they are willing to make one-third of the republic an Ireland or a Poland. Peace there never can be at the South, while negro suprern acy is maintained here by Federal bayo nets. It is impossible that a brave, intel ligent, and patriotic people can willingly submit to such degradation and tyranny. It is not human nature to do so. As an old Union man I can say with truth that, the Southern people accepted in good faith the results of the war, and would have been as loyal to the Federal Government as New York or Massa chusetts i; t’n-y had been re,stored to the Union under the Constitution. They abolished slavery and were determined to give their former slaves equal protection with themselves in the enjoyment of all their civil rights. When tbc freedmen showed themselves capable of exercising political rights, they were willing to confer them also. But at present they know, and the negro knows, that he is incapable of exercising prudently and wisely the political rights of a citizen. Hence the carpet-ba fc gers who have come here from the North to take charge of the negroes and assume the government of the coun try. The freedmen are now as much political slaves to these carpet-baggers as they fomerly were domestic slaves of their former owners. Instead of meeting fairly the issues in~ volved in this Presidential canvass, and de fending their usurpation, tyranny and prodigal extravagance, the Radical party are trying to make the election turn on the past issues of the war. in order to do this they appeal to the prejudices of the North against the rebels at the Souths At the same time they are receiving into full fellowship and hugging to their bosom the meanest and vilest of those rebels who have joined their party. In a recent act of this Radical Congress they removed the disabilities of ten or fifteen hundred “red handed rebels,” and declared them worthy of holding office because they had joined the Radical party. Such men as Gov. Holden, of North Carolina, and Gov. Brown, of Georgia, who were at the begin ning of the war the fiercest and most un compromising secessionists, Lave been made loyal citizens, whilst Governor Worth, of North Carolina, Governor Jenkins, of Georgia, and myself, who were always Union men, are repudiated because we will not give in our adhesion to the Rad ical party.. He who betrays his race, his country, his principles and his God, is wor thy of office in the Radical party, and no longer a “red-handed rebel.” I am happy to inform you that the Democracy of the South, the old Union men, and all the secessionists of principle and honor, Republicans by birth and edu cation, and lovers of the Federal Consti ' tution, are up and doing. We shall carry for Seymour and Blair, beyond a doubt, the States of North Carolina, Georgir, Mississippi, Texas, and Vir* ginia. We are making a great effort to carry South Carolina, also. The colored people are losing confidence in their carpet baggers and scalawags, who have told them nothing but lies, and have fulfilled no promise made them. Thousands of the colored people in South Carolina will vote with their former owners, and a much larger number will not vote at all in the Presidential election. At the North this election is a contest between liberty and despotism, but at the South it is a question of life or death, and we so regard it. Yours truly, t£c., B. F. Perry. II0>;. B. 11. HILL OX THE POLITICAL SIT UATION New t York, Oct. 3, IS6S. To the Editor of the Herald : In the Gerald of this morning is an ar ticle headed ‘‘(Southern Democratic Lead ers in New York,” and among the number my own name is mentioned. Allow me, first of all, to say I am no party leader; never have been, never ex pect to be. Allow me, in the next place, to say I did not come to New York to “drink wine or eat fine dinners,” and have not been so engaged. I came North to ascertain, if I could, the exact temper, views and purposes of the Northern people and the probable re sult of the political contest now being waged. To one who has studied and learn ed to admire the system of American government, Federal and State, limited and reserved with harmonious boundaries fixed for each by plainly written constitu tions, the examination has not been en couraging. Shaken to its foundation by a criminal war occasioned by a fanatical discussion about the rights and capacities of some savages imported as chattels for specula tion from the jungles of Africa, the ques tion now is, whether these savages, being now confessedly free and certainly greatly improved by Southern masters, this great system of government can again be made harmoniously stable and the freedom of the white race maintained and of all races perpetuated ? I find the Republicans meeting this great question by proposing to “maintain and perpetuate ’ measures which are “outside oi the Constitution, which avowedly seek ■MBBII ©f ffll fs®OTH„ to disfranchise and degrade white people for no reason but that of a vindictive hatred of section against section, and which pretend, in the most unnatural way, to elevate the negro by leading him, ignorant and credulous, promisingly to equality, but really to ruin, as the butcher tempts with the bundle of hay deluded sheep to the slaughter pen. I find the Democrats meeting this most palpable insanity of the Republicans by exhausting all their powers upon a cent per cent argument about bonds, gold and i greenbacks. I find the capitalists, more insane than the political leaders, taking sides with the Republicans in this issue, and are lavishly spending their means to maintain and perpetuate measures which subvert the government and destroy the industrial energies of the country in order to make the government stable and its resources ample to pay their bonds. 'Ministers of religion are executing their noble commissions as peacemakers by abandoning the gospel and urging their hearers to join in the work of maintaining a policy whose only fruits in the past have beeu and whose only fruits in the future can be riots, hate and bloodshed. Amid all this Babel discord of political and moral confusion of the Northern people, I find but few who seem to remember that those who are chosen to administer it must be sworn “to support, protect and defend it.” It is most significant that in the whole Chicago platform and the letters of acceptance from the nominees thereon this constitution is not mentioned cor even alluded to. Its builders remembered there was a Constitution. I have heard and read long speeches from notorious (called dis tinguished) political leaders, who, I do believe, have never so much as read the Constitution, and most certainly have not read its history nor understood its meaning. Statesmen have abandoned the Constitu tion, clergymen have abandoned the Bible, and the people are losing both freedom and religion. Nothing in the North—not even its greater cities and wonderful material developments—stands out so prominently to view as this startling truth. If the Union can be cordially restored and the resources of the country thereby be developed,.this government will be able to pay the existing debt, even if three times as great as reported. In this contingency there need be no debate as to whether the debt shall be paid in currency or gold, for then the credit of the Government will be restored and currency will be equal to gold. If the Union cannot be cordially re stored, and the resources of the country thereby be permitted to be developed, the existing debt will not be paid; nay, not ten cents on the dollar, for in that event the resources of the country will be consumed in a process of subverting the Government, and some other government, which did not contract the debt will take its place either in the form of red republican anarchy or a military dictatorship. How can the Union be cordially restored? By returning to the constitution. How will the government be subverted? By the American people deciding to “ main tain and perpetuate” a policy outside of the constitution. Inside of the constitu tion a Union, freedom, increased prosper ity, restored credit and bonds payable. Outside of the constitution Union, free dom, prosperity and credit will perish together. The Reconstruction policy of Congress has cost hundreds of millions already. It has lessened the productions of the South one hundred millions each year of its ex istence. It has depreciated the value of Southern property to one fourth its value in 1566. It will cost the Federal govern ment hundreds of millions more to “main tain and perpetuate” this “assured suc cess,” this wholesale destruction. It will lessen the productions of the feouth more than one hundred millions per annum, and, wickedly enticing the poor negroes from the fields of plenty into loyal leagues of hate and into armed companies of death, will for years desolate the South. Can you maintain the Union, promote prosperity, restore good will, stimulate philanthropy, modify Southern temper, restrain “rebel outrages” and pay the bonds by “maintaining and perpetuating” such a policy ? But I am told that the victorious North is ready to fight again and millions of “boys in blue” will march under their peat leader, General (then President) Grant, and “make the con quered rebels submit to this negro equali ty and social ruin.” You will? Bravo! But stop, courageous fool ; answer me, how will that restore the Union and pay the bonds ? It is so brave for these, well equipped and after a long, hard struggle to encounter one poorly equipped and then boast about it and call that one a coward, and so magnanimous to crush that one and force him to accept, that equality with the negro which the Northern States re pudiate for themselves. Stop all this new form of treason, and stop the miserable policy of reconstruction which is its fruit. The South wants peace. She is impover ished and needs it. She was promised it on terms of equality if she would surren der and is entitled to it. See has kept her Appomattox bond in good faith, and every Northern soldier is, in honor, her endors er while she keeps that bond. Will they join and will their chief lead the politicians in this negro assault on the peace of the South and the honor of the orth ? Take away these carpet-baggers and send us the laborers, farmers, machinists and capital ists of the North by taking away this miserable reconstruction policy which sends us the first and keeps away the last. We have peaceful, fertile, cheap houses for 30,000,000 of Northern people who will come to help us build up the country whose sky gis the brightest and whose Iruits are the sweetest on the earth. But we uave no plane for a white carpet-bag ger who comes to take control of the negro and oreed hate and strife to get office. Among your hundreds of thousands of readers are bankers, brokers, millionaires, merchants, skillful accountants and learned gentlemen. Can you induce them to solve the following problems: How effectually can the Union under the Constitution be restored by measures out side of the Constitution ? How long will it take to pay the public debt by expending hundreds of millions to destroy the industry of the country, and in maintaining by the bayonet a policy outside of the Constitution, which the bayonet, negroes and false courts alone es tablished ? How long will it take to improve the temper of the Southern people by con tinuing the policy which alone has dis turbed that temper since the surrender, and which every daj-keeps their persons, their property and their families iu dan ger of pillage, rape, and burning? Os what value is it to the North to force upon the South governments which will enable deluded negroes to select for South Carolina and Georgia Governors and Rep resentatives from Vermont and Massa chusetts? lou say General Grant will be elected. Possibly so.. I cannot fix a limit to fanati cal infatuation. If he shall be elected and shall administer the Constitution according to his oath he will have no more cordial supporters than the Southern people. If he shall administer the Chicago platform, as he stands pledged contrary to his oath, he may find submissive subjects, but no honest supporters at the South and no free constituency in America. The South asks nothing but what the promised—equality under the same Constitution. Georgia asks no power to make a Constitution tor her internal affairs, or to change that Constitution, which is Dot conceded to and exercised by Illinois. Will a President chosen from. Illinois con cede that claim according to the Constitu tion, or will he deny it according to the Chicago platform ? .With a pledge to carry out the platform, without even an allusion to the Constitu tion either in the platform or in the pledge, will the people of America risk the rights and tiie freedom of every man merel} 7 to confer an empty honor on one man, how ever great? , B. H. Hill. RITUALISM IN THE SOUTH. The Doings of a Ritualistic Rector in Memphis—Strange Innovations in the Episcopal Service—A High Church Sermon—Action of Bishop Quintard —A Tart Reply. The Tennessee papers contain full ac counts of the Ritualistic ceremonies in Memphis, which are, just now, creating an extraordinary agitation among the members of the Episcopal Church in that State. It seems that the Ritualists have converted the Memphis Opera House to the purposes of religious worship. The Memphis Appeal, after giving a brief re sume of the origin and growth of the Ritualistic movement in England and New York, says : Memphis, which in many things is a pocket edition of New York, and which affords many of the excitements and at tractions of the great commercial capital, is the first city where Episcopalians have been, in any numbers to speak of, seized with this new mania of Ritualism. For years there has been a lurking desire for it on the part of some of the Ministers, but they did not culminate in any deter mined conformity to it until after the re turn of the delegation of the clergy who visited tne great Council of the Anglican Catholic Church. Among these clergy men was the Rev. J. W. Rogers, who there had his scholarly views of the ques tion more thau verified by the practices' of the ministry in the London Churches mentioned above. This determined him upon the course he has with so much eclat initiated. He witnessed, before his departure, a feeble effort to establish a Collegiate Church, and Deaneries, hither to unknown to the American branch of the English Church, and other indications cropping out by a leaning towards what is termed “High Churehism.” He deter mined, therefore, upon his return, upon what he yesterday accomplished success tally, and proposes to continue. Seldom have we seen a inure elegant and refined CONGREGATION than had already assembled .when we entered, at scarcely eleven o’clock. The orchestral chairs and the parquette were all occupied, as were the chairs under the galleries. Some, and not a few either, to obtain a better view of the audience aod the ceremonies, had gone up to the first, and even the second tiers. Altogether, there were, perhaps, eighteen hundred or two thousand people in the house. As usual in all church or religions assem blages, the ladies predominated. In the choir were only two singers and an or ganist—the instrument used being a par lor organ of extraordinary sweetness and power of tone. The scenic and drop curtains were rolled up, and the stage served a chancel, in which, against a dark and sombre woodland scene, in which the artist had depicted a single rift showing the blue sky, stood THE ALTAR, V hich, with the super-altar, was draped m dark green, with a white cross in the centre, the profusely ornamented with with rare and beautiful flowers. The super-altar was surmounted by a plain CRqsS, apparently about six feet high, on either side of which was a Trinity of CANDLES, which, at the beginning of the service, were devoutly and reverently approached and lit by two ACOLYTES, dressed in a purple soutan, over which was a tiiin lace surplice. After lighting the candles, they retired, and the priest, dressed in stole and surplice, in solemn procession, preceded by the Acolytes, bearing censers of burning INCENSE, entered, and, amid the rolling aromatic vapor, reverently kneeled at the altar, and devoutly saluted it. The usual morning services were intermitted, and the exer cises of the day commenced with a Lita ny, which was not intoned, in conse quence, we suppose, of the choir not being yet prepared. After the Litany the Priest advanced to the LECTERN, in front of the chancel, which, in like manuer with the altar, was draped in dark green, marked in the centre with a white cross, and delivered a sermon. In consequence of the difficulties attending reporting such a ceremony, in so novel a place, we were unable to catch the text, but the following is the drift of the SERMON, which partook rather more of the lecture, perhaps, than a regular sermon. It was, as he informed the congregation, one of a series which he intended to deliver, in which there would be a unity of design throughout. He apologized for referring to himself, as it is always an ungrateful and disagreeable task, and he then pro cseded to review his labors in our midst for the past twenty-five years, placing his records before them. “These are my works,” he said, “and show that I have a right to come before you as I do. Your late beloved Bishop, good man!—all honor and reverence to his memory !—- advised me to keep the peculiar rite us our Church somewhat in the background; not to appear before the people in my surplices, and with the symbols of the Church. But he was wrong—it was an error of judgment with him. . I always put on my surplice when I preached be fore the people. The clergy, too, had advised me thus, but I thought honesty the best policy, as well as the direct com mand of God. ‘You are rather forward in this/ lam told by some. I am for ward, though 1 have no desire to be con sidered a leader. I have always been forward—forward with many of you—for I recognize your faces, and I have heard you receive the command ‘forward !’ and I have received in my arms the dying, after that command—at Belmont and Shiloh, and at the battles around Mobile. I have,” he continued, “celebrated these ‘forward* ceremonies under far different circumstances from those—when the flowers on the altar were dappled with blood, when the bursting shell and hissing shot, and the thunders of old ocean, instead of organ tones, furnished the tremendous diapason.- “It is useless to cloak it, or deny it, or attempt to conceal it; there are two par ties in the Church of England now at war, and the battle waxes hotter and hot ter. There is the Low Church, and on the lowermost round of the ladder stands a man of great learning and of great heart—Bishop Colenso. He denies the infallibility, not of the Pope, but of Jesus Christ himself, the Son of God. He has written not only against the Church of England, but against the Church of Ciirist. He is a heretic, a ra tionalist, almost ail infidel. Why is he not degraded ? Why is his gown not torn from his back ? The Church in Eng land is fettered and bound.” The speaker alluded to the martyr Beckett, and said, oh! that we had some humble monk that would dare, as did the monk who carried the cross before him. When he would have betrayed the Church, the humble bearer laid the cross upon the marble floor, and turning to the Archbishop of Canterbury said : “ I cannot bear aloft the Cross of rny Master in the presence of a traitor to His cause. Ihe Bishop did not place his | seal to those articles. I The speaker briefly told how the Church . was fettered by Henry VIII and Charles i L and how the Puritans (whom lie de nominated the Know Nothings of their time) tore off the surplices, gowns, and stoles, and broke the organs. The 5