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ter is not, perhaps, in itself, of 1 ; l | )o rtance, but the spirit lying lll! • , n f it is the very essence ot f!l ' ' .r that the will, comfort, and many are to be utterly of no ...urn weighed in the balance whims and fantasies of one. W There has just appeared here what is ~ { , pe an accurate census of the j States, by which the population in 1867 is thus given : White. Black, v }’„<?]and States, :>,480,39y -“States,... 9,072,647 352,469 'nd'em States... 0,764,928 3,884,532 \Vestern States.. 12,356,081 311,493 T o t a l 31,074,053 4,579,195 Territories 435,774 54,176 32,109,827 4,633,371 y. this it will be seen that the en population of the United States, in j',i7. was 36,743,190, an increase of y>9,v 118 over the census of 1860. The white per centage of increase is ninetee?i ipw the Negro per centage three and tu-o-thirds (o 2-3). It will also be seen that where the New England States have v' Negro, the Southern States have one hundred and twenty-seven ! Tiiere has lately been some very cold weather here, and one remarkable effect it let me attempt to describe, thougli I du not know bow otherwise to call it than “freezing into warmth.” Asa general rule, the population here, on any line of travel, is quite glum, silent, unsociable, cold, and selfish. Stepping, one bitter day,’ however, into a city car, I was astonished to see a degree of hilarity that I had never before observed. To all out ward appearance, the people were the same; and yet, whereas, once they were stolid and chilly, they tiow seemed full of glee. A lady got in, and forthwith— unprecedented occurrence—at least two men jumped up to give her a seat. This met such approval, that a broad grin ran round the car, and one fellow with a nose as red as a beet, and watery eyes, cracked a juke, at which there were just two laughs and a half, the half laugh coming from a small boy, who would have finished his cachination, only that some one stepped on his toe, and thereby merged it, midway in its passage, into a bowl. This pretermit ted, the assemblage was very jolly, and, as there was no per ceptible flavor of whiskey in the vehicle. lam led to believe that it was the ex treme cold only that had freezed it into joviality. The bonds, from time to time, issued by the pretended State Governments nowin temporary operation at the South, do not seii here very readily. It is beginning to enter the mind of Wall Street that, by the date of maturity of these obligations, the people of the State may have some flung to say about their payment, and, in such case, it is easy to see they will never pay a cent upon them. As thp carpet-baggers and scalawags put them Mi, let them meet what they have made. Here and there, where they can obtain Railroads as collateral, New York bankers dabble in these bogus bonds; but, even then, only sparingly. The irapres u°n of a general sponging out of all monetary obligations which owe their existence to force, and not consent, is gsimij.r ground daily, and its results are •t’on in the blank faces with which the b gim Governors—who every now and then come on here to negotiate loans— r ure from the Bank parlors of Wall street. A , another matter of finance, that was quite a nice little joke the other day, tmit resolution of the Senate to rebuke A J s repudiation proposition and uphold the bond-holding interest. It goes forth 0 tbe world that forty-two grave and reverend Senators sustain the debt; but j 1 inspection o! the personnel of the vote does not show it entitled to any very great morn! effect. Eight of the forty-two grave am. reverend are unmitigated carpet-bag senators who represent in the aggregate not more than enough capital to start a j -veilty-seventh rate grocery; six more just been denounced by their several > going Democratic; two more have l essors ot adverse politics already aui * four more come from two ; itUe » } )alt ry States that have no earthly m'poi.ance, and were only higgled into i- [ *° secure Senatorial votes, mioutigthm up, you see that twenty of -tst ini tj,.two fellows represent nobody taeniselves, and yet the word goes i, J■ iat the y * jave secured the finances, vill .; l 1° ie e A es those grasping the To W , lO -* Ve ky gigantic swindle, ’ tais 18 a resolution, but a ; j lu l ! nme ntionable place is paved with ' |Ust Sllch - Tyrone Bowers. A Horence journal announces a sen jp/Umal story of Spanish Contemporary ' ; Ur .y, entitled "Mrfori; or, Throne aQ, d Alcove.” FKOM WASHINGTON. The Great Family Feud—The Civil Ten ure Raw Returns to T ex Os Inventors — General Grant and the Fortieth Con gress at Open Issue—Grant Puts Bis foot Down Firmly—Congress Gets Its Back Up. Correspondence of the N. Y. World. Washington, December 22.—The day ending this morning has been one of intense political excitement among politicians here. The cause of the excitement is the differ ence ol opinion between General Grant and leading Congressmen in regard to the con tinuance of the Civil-Tenure law. The ex clusive disclosures of your dispatches of this difference are as true as exclusive pains are taken to keep the breach private m order to heal it. the facts are as follows : General Grant has on three occasions since Tuesday expressed his intention, fti terms worthy in emphasis of Andrew Jackson, to have the Civil-Tenure Bill repealed. His first utterance of :he kind was to Washburne, at his (Grant’s) resi dence on I street, on Tuesday night, after the receipt of that day’s ll or/c/ containing the disclosures of Butler’s dodge to have the bill repealing the Civil-Tenure Act lie over till alter a day long enough to let Mr. Johnson pocket it with fatal effect, Gen. Grant excitedly asked his friend: “Is there anything in this ? If I thought that such a game was meant, I would—” The rest of the sentence ended literally in smoke. ANOTHER INTERVIEWER OF GRANT. Yesterday morning a Senator of the State of Missouri, just about to depart home for the recess, called to pay his respects, and to say good-bye to General Grant at his headquarters. The conver sation got on politics, and the Senator miade the initiative remark : “General, I think the Civil Tenure law has worked badly, and will work worse.” To this opinion General Grant replied exactly in the following words : “I think so, too. lam glad you think so. That law must be really repealed be fore I begin.” Evidently General Grant was resolving purposes in his mind, and was harboring suspicion there, too. These suspicions found veot and these purposes unwontedly emphatic expression that very afternoon. GRANT SPEAKS HIS MIND. Two Congressmen came to see him. One was Mr. Washburne. The other is said to have been Senator Stewart, though some say it was Senator Williams. i To these gentlemen General Grant de clared that he believed a purpose existed not to repeal the Civil Tenure bill in good faith, and that Congress had better under stand that, if there was any double deal ing designed there was another Congress to fix things straight. He had thought that the Forty-first Congress need not meet, further than extra session of the Senate to confirm a few appointments. If affairs went right this winter, the expense of an other session of Congress would beavoided, and he was opposed to unnecessary ex pense. On reflection, however, he thought the Congress had better meet in March. That was his opinion. There fore he supposed that the bill repealing a continuous session had better be dropped. If it was passed, he wanted it understood that he would call the new Congress to gether by proclamation, at a very early day. This, in truthful substance, almost in literal words, is what General Grant said to these two Congressmen yesterday after noon. General Grant said he “wanted it understood that he thought the Congress of 1869-70 must meet in March.” Gen. Grant said the same day that “he wanted it understood that the Civil Tenure bill must be really repealed before he began.” WIIAT DOES THIS MEAN ? > It means that General Grant believes the Civil Tenure law will not be “really” repealed by this Congress. It means that lie intends to have the next Congress meet and “really” repeal it “before he be gins. General Grant demands that Congress shall back down from the Civil Tenure law and leave him as free handed as Abraham Lincoln was. WHAT IS TIIE STATEMENT OF CONGRESS in regard to the Civil Tenure law ? I' will try to show that plain facts prove Congress to be opposed to the repeal of the act. No one has ever proposed to repeal it cept General Butler. He merely intro duced the repeal bill without a word of comment, or statement to tell what the bill was. Its very title was not known till the clerk read it out. It was referred to the Judiciary Committee of the House. That Committee is as follows : James F. Wilson, lowa. Geo. S. Boutweli, Massachusetts. Francis Thomas, Maryland. Thos. \Y illiams. Pennsylvania. K. E. Wood bridge, Vermont. William Lawrence, Ohio. John C. Churchill, New York. Samuel S. Marshall, Illinois. Chas. A. Kidridge, Wisconsin. FEELING OF THE HOUSE. Seven of this committee are Radicals. Six of them are Radicals of the intense kind. One (Mr. Woodbride) is a little less Radical, but “be will serve.” Three of this committee were managers (prosecu tors) of impeachment. They were: James F. Wilson, lowa. • Geo. S. Boutweli, Massachusetts. Thos. Williams, Pennsylvania. The gravamen of impeachment was al leged violation of the Civil Tenure law. Hie burden of impeachment speeches was glorification of the law. Mr. Williams and Mr. Wilson made elaborate arguments to prove its constitutionality and policy, and insist that it be a permanent part of the Government. This Judiciary Committee must report the bill Butler offered, if it be reported at all. The committee met every day of the two weeks’ session. During ali these meetings, fourteen in all, the°bill was never even named once. Every day the committee adjourned for want of busi ness, therefore they did not consider it their business to take up the bill. The Committee are undoubtedly opposed to the bill. The House undoubtedly follows the Committee. Business languished every day in the House. Ben. Butler was present every day in the House. Ben. Butler never once asked after or for his bill. This proves he has no desire to bring it up now. FEELING OF THE SENATE. In the Senate not even a motion lias been made touching the repeal of the law. It is regarded as a permanent part of the government machinery. Thirty-five Sena tors voted to convict the President as guil ty of violating this act. Os these thirty five every one who made remarks justify ing his vote, applauded the law as not good merely for a day, but for all time. These thirty-five are one more than a ma jority of the Senate now. They have been reinforced by Southern Senators who slavishly agree with them. The Senate are committed to the law and cannot re scind it without stultification. The repeal of the law would depriye the Senate of what they believe (or profess to believe) one of their constitutional prerogatives. The Senate are very strict to adhere to the Constitution—as they understand it. The law gives to the Senate the practical power of appointment, and enables them to dic tate the retention of whom they will. This power makes many Senators rich. It is plain that the Senate will not repeal the law “really,” as Grant puts it. But the dodge, as seen, was to appear to repeal it, yet insure this pocketing of the repeal by the President out of spite against Grant. This dodge has been exposed. The result of the exposure is that Gen. Grant sub stantially issued yesterday the first procla mation of President Grant. convening the Forty first Congress in March with the express purpose of having the Civil Tenure law really repealed. WILL THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS REPEAL THE BILL ? That depends on many circumstances. It depends on what are impossible now to get at —General Grant’s purposes in seek ing the repeal. If he intends to make the Ins walk, then it may bo predicted that the act will not be repealed. The Ins must continue in, because the very Congress itself is chosen upon the pledge of their general retention, collectively speaking, for the reason that the members are in debted forelection to the very officials vfhom the Civil Tenure law has ground out of' Mr. Johnson against his will. It General Grant will make it demonstrably under* stood that he desires the repeal of the law in order to have a name of being free, while yet bound in fact, and will give his personal word in each case that about 00,- 000 officials shall not be disturbed, then the repeal may be entertained. That Gen eral Grant could become a party to such pledges is impossible ; that he would, if he could, is preposterous. It, is felt to day in Washington that the Congress can not repeal the law, and that it will stand. It is felt that calling the Forty v first Con gress will not help matters a whit. That body will not have the two-thirds in the House to enslave the Executive. Not having two-thirds makes Grant a majority and Congress a minority in ease of a con troversy. Therefore the minority will act on the principle “That they who have Must hold the power, And they must get Who can.” Besides, in all proportional respects, and nearly in all individual respects, the Senate of the Forty-first Congress will be the same as this, and they will not relin quish an emolument and a power to any President who dictates before he is inaugu rated. It is felt —and Washington is aceurrtely acute to catch the real meaning of events — that an irreparable breach has been made between the President to be and the Con gress as is, which the Congress to be will only aggravate. Mrs. Grant says that Mr. Grant is a very obstinate man. An obstinate man attains the climax of that divine quality in a quarrel. The quarrel is his. The other side is not a whit less placable. Avery nice little fight is begun, in which any re sult is possible, except surrender of either side of* their fusion. And all this has come to pass without help or instigation of third persons. Jt is a family feud and will be a family funeral. It simply de monstrates that the party of revolution, after getting all they could of that element out of the country, are applying the prin ciple to themselves. Creating the miseries of our land, they cannot survive their set tlement. McK. Work of the Confederate Priva teers. —The Confederate privateers did a large business. The Alabama cap tured twenty-eight ships, twenty-two barks, five brigs, six schooners, the steamer Ariel, and the United States gun boat Hatteras. The Shenandoah cap tured thirty-eight vessels, mostly ships and barks. The Florida took thirty six ; the Sumter took twenty-seven. There were probably three hundred crafts of various kinds captured by the Confede rate privateers. Xoat (fiattsc. [Under this head, we propose to pub lish, weekly, Sketches, Anecdotes and Reminiscences of the struggle for South ern Independence; and earnestly solicit contributions containing such Sketches, Reminiscences and Anecdotes.] MEMORIAL \\ e cheerfully give the following com munication a place under the head of the ‘ Lost Cause.” The collection of poems by Miss Sallie A. Brock, of Vir ginia, is the most complete that has yet been issued, and the book, for its own in trinsic value and literary worth, is worthy of being in the library or drawing room of every Southern man and woman. The object for which the book is issued, and to which the proceeds are to be de voted, appeal to every Southron for sym pathy and active support. We ask our exchanges to publish the following: TO THE LADIES OF THE SOUTHERN MEMOR IAL ASSOCIATION. After frequent disappointments and unavoidable delays, I have at last suc ceeded in presenting, for the considera tion of the reading public, the Southern Amaranth. As stated in the preface of the volume, the book was conceived in a desire to offer testimonial of gratitude to the me mories of the brave men who perished in an ineffectual effort for Southern Inde pendence. Virginia is my mother State, and dur ing the war at the South it was my high privilege—while I regarded it as a holy duty—to extend to those brave men suc cor in some form. I sewed for the sol diers, I knitted for them, I nursed them when sick and wounded, I wrote letters for them to friends at home, when they were themselves unable to use the pen— and more; my prayers for them did not cease during the four years of the march, the camp, the bivouac, and the field—and this in common with all of my Southern sisters; and yet liovv little did we, in comparison with the promptings of our hearts. Our women were all workers, but very small seemed our efforts when measured by the compass of our wishes —our prayers. My object in compiling the Southern Amaranth has been to render some assist ance in rescuing the bodies of those for who 11 we worked from the nameless graves of the numberless battle-fields over which they were scattered. In order to make effective my under taking, I ask the generous co-operation of ladies connected with the Southern Memorial Associations in any and every part of the South, as well as of the triends of humanity, and appreciators of bravery wherever they may be found. To any such who, for the Memorial Associations of the South, for Southern educational purposes, will secure sub scriptions, the book will be furnished at a discount of fifty per cent, on the retail price for copies bound in plain muslin; forty per cent, for muslin, full gilt; and thirty-three and one-third per cent, for full morocco. The prices are three, live, and eight dollars, according to binding. It is particularly desirable that tlTe widows and hrpban daughters of Con ic derate soldiers, and maimed Confeder ate soldiers, should bo encouraged as agents oi this book, the discount to be divided among them according to the judgment of the Associations for which they operate. The Southern Amaranth is the largest and most complete collection of South ern poems, growing out of the late war, that has yet been presented, and is re ceiving high encomiums from the press. It is an octavo volume of 048 pages, printed on fine paper, with an illustrated title page by McNevin and elegantly bound. Issued by George S. Wilcox, successor to Blelock & Cos., 49 Mercer street, New York. A correspondence wiih ladies of South ern Memorial Associations is most ear nestly desired Sallie A. Brock. Address, care George S. Wilcox, 49 Mercer street, New York. Parties desiring agencies will address, Geo. S. Wilcox. To the True-hearted People of Georgia. Again we come before you to plead the cause of our unburied dead. As you may know, the Legislature of ISGG made a small appropriation, and appointed us trustees of the fund, to bury the dead of Chickamauga and along the line of Sher man’s march to Atlanta, and to gather into | a common resting place the remains of those who were not under the protecting care of local memorial associations. For this purpose the citizens of Marietta gave ! us a beautiful site immediately on the rail** road, into which, with our limited means, we have removed over twelve hundred bodies. Hundreds still remain uncared tor in the neglected corners and roadsides, imd tbe battle-fields where they fell, to be trampled by the beast of the field or turn ed over by the plowshare. Another small appropriation was made by the last Legis a ure—too small, however, to continue, dertaking?° Peol ’ SUCCeS '’ s0 firau an ,-3° ner J Government has spent mil ihPn > lO federal cemeteries of Marietta , The humblest colored ij ' 0 oicd 1q the Federd servic has a well guarded beautiful and costly resting place marked with slabs of purest mar . e \ to * e £ ln .g monuments attest the grat itude of their Government, while our noble gn r< iwvu re j- 1 Gl V, n Bllence and neglect, bhall this digraceful neglect coutinue or can we get such aid as will enable us, with the opening spring, to place them all in consecrated ground ? May we not beg the aid of every Georgian ? Can they continue deaf to the cry °t‘their uncoifined dead? VY ill not their friends and neighbors and comrades, in the glorious cause for which they fell, see to it that their bones no long er moulder, uncared for on the hillside.? YY.e ask not for graded walks, nor iron railings, nor marble slabs,, nor Heaven pointing monuments. We know that Georgians will educate their sons to give all this in the future, but we do ask for them now an untrodden grave. Surely that is little enough for the most lowly. Can it be relused to those loved martyrs, who iof our honor, our homes, our all that was dear to us, risked their lives, and fell where ~,v e m en love t 0 fall ~ l the field of bat tle ■ That our cause was lost was surely not their fault, nor has defeat lessened our obligation to them. Then in the name of humanity, and in behal of Georgia’s honor, we appeal to you Is Georgians, as Southern men and women, to finish this work, and to the people of every commu nity in this State to remember these men died in defending your right to worship God according to the dictates of your own conscience, and we earnestly ask each Pas tor to act as our agent in his charge to receive and forward to us for this work. As another means to tbe accomplish ment of this object, by our earnest solicita tions, a small party of the ladies of your btate, whole-souled,country-loving women, have consented, for the benefit of this work, to give a series of concerts in the principal cities of the State, and thereby aid to wipe out the record of Georgia’s in gratitude, as it now stands forth in her dishonored graves, and in the name of the mourning hearts of the land we thank them. Mrs. Ciias. J. Williams, Columbus, Miss Mary J. Green, ilesaca, Trustees G. M. Association. prisoners of war. The New iork Democrat of the 2Gth ult., says: “In reply to a resolution of the House of Bepresentatives, ’ says the Washing ton Union, “calling upon the Secretary ol Mar for the number of prisoners on either side held, and that died during the war, he makes the following report : Number of Union prisoners South, 200,- 940; number of Confederate prisoners North, 200,000 ; number es Union pris oners died, 22,590 ; number of Confed erate prisoners died, 26,435.” Upon this, the Petersburg Index says: “M e find the above paragraph in the \\ ashington Union of Tuesday evening, and take it for granted that the editor speaks from the record. “What a commentary these simple, severe, statistics present on the loyal falsehoods of Congressional buncombe, and Harper’s Journal Civil (and political) Liesation. “Alter ali the ‘barbarities at Ander sonville and Salisburyafter all the hired perjury with which Wirz was mur dered ; with all the unbounded appliances for health, comfort, and cure, which the humane, Christian, enlightened and civ ilized North possessed; with all the utter ly infamous character of Washington offi cial testimony where ‘rebels’ were con cerned; with constant practice of, and un blushing notoriety in falsyfying records to suit their case, what are the facts ? “Out of 261,000 Union prisoners, 22,- 500 died. Out'of 200,00 Confederate prisoners, 20,500 died. The Union prisoners exceeded the Confederate pris oners sixty one thousand ; yet the deaths of Union prisoners fell below those of Confederate prisoners six thousand. “Two ‘Ysnkee’ prisoners died out of every twenty-three in Southern pens. Two ‘rebel’ prisoners died out of every fifteen in Northern pens. “Put that in your moral pipes, ye whited sepulchres.” THE CONFDERATE DEAD. The Memorial Society of Nashville beg to inform the friends of the “Lost Cause,” ot Tennessee, and all of the Southern States, that they have purchased upon very liberal terms four acres of' the new Catholic Cemetery adjoining Mt. Oliver, to reinter the brave and honored Confed erate soldiers, whose remains are now lying* in the commons and fields of David- 5