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l'or the Banner of the South.
Lines
; u /jaeßled by a recent visit to the “ Home of my Birth."
, , home of my childhood, I visit, once more,
aCv beau teous scenes that cheer’d me of yore,
■ 0 f long absence, its changes have laid.
//, T hill-top and valiey, o’er forest and glade.
old trees, that sheltered “us” then,
monuments stand, and a welcome extend
•‘wandering ones” that, once, ’neath their shade,
iu Infancy pore and fond childhood played.
i< ahtniem'rics and sad, from the far backward shore
Come thronging upon me, as I look ye all o’er.
L' nh tree doth recall some loved, happy hour;
h shrub opes a cell in memory’s bower;
Whore spread to my view are visions of bliss,
_, jiat c an only be known in amomeut like this,
V'hen one seems to be touched by a magical hand,
And life’s panorama unfolds at command.
Tiu> v* lllow no longer waves o’er the green sod,
That, once by the “loved ones” was playfully trod ;
' re »} t . y knew aught of care, or dream’d that the
morrow
~a u] f l e vcr be sadden’d by partings or sorrow.
Ami the oak, so majestic, that shaded the spring,
<>! the purest of water, that ever hath been,
I/mg since was laid low by the strong winds of
Heaven,
Despoiled of its beauty, its branches all riven.
lint yonder the holly, in its richest of green,
Where the robins still gather, their matins to sing—
A.s a sentinel it stands and guardeth the, hill
That rises so grandly, just near the “old mill.”
IK'ir links to the past, I must bid you farewell;
it may Ik; forever, but where’er I dwell,
f B hall cherish as sacred, of all the broad earth,
Ibis one “ little spot”—the “home of my birth.”
jafAton, Miss., March, 1869.
THE IRISH CHURCH BILL
THK PROVISIONS OF MR. GLADSTONE’S BILL
TO DISESTABLISH THE IRISH CHURCH.
The following 1 resume of the bill to
disestablish the Irish Church is taken
from the New York Herald:
Mr. Gladstone’s proposed plan of
dealing with the Church question in
Ireland may be stated in a few instances.
The time required fur settlement is to
cover three separate periods. The first
period will date from the passing of the
act until January 1, 1871. The second
period will extend from January, 1,
1871, <o January 1,1881. The third
period is to stretch indefinitely from
1881. Directly the bill becomes a law,
a commission, appointed by the crown, is
to cuter into the technical ownership of
all the temporalities of the Irish Church,
and to assume all the functions now exer
cised by the ecclesiastical commission,
which will no longer exist. Vacancies
occurring during this preliminary period
will be filled as formerly ; but all such
incumbents will hold their offices subject
to the provisions of the act, and the
archbishop and bishops then and so ap
appointed will have no right to seats in
the House of Lords. It is expected
that during this period the Church will
appoint a representative body, which
will fairly represent the bishops, the
clergy, and the laity. By the end of this
first period Church and State will be
fully ready for business. On the Ist of
January, IS7I, the Irish Church will be
disestablished. Irish Archbishops and
Bishops will no longer sit in the House
of Lords ; ecclesiastical courts will cease
to exist; the Crown will appoint no more '
livings, and all private patronage will be :
a thing of the past. From that date the
Church will assume the character of a :
voluntary organization. It is not be
imagined, however, that individuals are
to suffer. Every incumbent is to receive j
an annuity equal to the clear yearly !
sum he has been receiving formerly. No !
property is to be taken from the Church :
which has been gifted to it from private !
sources since 1660, or which has no ;
marketable value. All other property I
shall be taken up by the Government. !
The income of the Irish Church is about j
£700.000 sterling a year. About £7,-1
000,000 will be given the Church as
c >mpensation for the loss of its property.
The Presbyterians intheshupe of Regivm
Donum receive some £50,000 a year.
Existing incumbents among them are to
be treated like the Episcopalians. They
are all to have life annuities, provided
ihev continue to discharge their duties.
In addition to this the money now given
annually in aid of the widows’ fund and
hie Belfast college, is to be represented
by a sum fourteen times the amount,
paid down at once. Maynooth receives
Home £26,000 annually. For this the
Roman Catholics are to receive a sum
fourteen times the amount. By the year
1881 it is expected that the separation of
Church and State will be complete ; that
the Church will have fairly entered upon
her new career; that the Government
will have converted the Church properly
iute cash, will have met all its obligations,
and will be in possession of £7,000,000
of surplus money. This surplus of
€7,000,000 is to be devoted in a variety
of ways to the benefit of the poor of
Ireland.
Such in brief is Mr. Gladstone’s bill.
Passed into law it will Lave certain
< fleet in reconciling the Irish people to
English rule. The great lesson which
<he introduction of such a bill into the
British Parliament reads to the world is
this: That the State Church system is
doomed. What is about to be done fur
Ireland will ere many years roll past be
done for Scotland, and England will
follow. The revolution will sweep over
not the British isles only, but the whole
continent of Europe. Nor is the time
far distant when a privileged aristocracy
must make up their minds to share the
fate of a priviledged Church.
THE IRISH CHURCH DEBATE.
Os Mr. Disraeli’s speech on Mr. Glad-
J stone’s disestablishment bill, the Times
; (19th) says :
Flimsiness relieved with spangles—
the definition of a Columbine’s skirt—is
a too apt description of Mr. Disraeli’s
speech last night. It was a great occa
sion. He began by reminding the
House of Commons that the First Minis
ter of the Crown had himself declared, in
introducing the Irish Church bill, that no
more gigantic issue had ever been pre
sented to the deliberation of a free parlia
ment. But how did Mr. Disraeli rise to
the altitude of the occasion ? lie diverged
at the outset into philosophy; and while
we freely acknowledge that Mr. Disraeli’s
fun is exquisite his philosophy is simply
detestable Then he became historical
and didactic, and his historical paradoxes,
which were acceptable enough in his
earlier political novels, fell flat when
reproduced as serious arguments to
arrest the attention and sway the judg
ment of the House of Commons. There
was just a sufficient sprinkling among
the Ministerial ranks who iiad read
Conigsby and Sybil to receive their old
acquaintances with amusement ; but it
need scarcely be said that the last books
Conservative members study are Mr.
Disraeli’s admirable romances. English
Tory members, and still more the excel
lent Protestants of Ireland, were simply
puzzled and indignant at the use of
arguments which appeared to them to
abandon all their strong positions, and to
rest the case they rely upon as sacred
upon pleas which they themselves feel
to be merely fantastical. What they
wanted wore good rousing denunciations
of Papists ami the Ministry, opportunities
of Kentish fire ; and what did they get ?
Mr. Disraeli wars laboriously civil to the
Roman Catholics. He absolutely secon
ded Bishop Moriarty’s suggestion that
the compensation for the withdrawal of
the Maynooth Grant should be paid out of
the Imperial exchequer instead of out of
the funds of the Irish Establishment.
He spoke of “the Order of Jesus” in a
tone intelligible in a secular student
fascinated by the perfect organization of
a human society, but which sent a visible
shudder through his supporters. He
was deferential to the forthcoming
Ecumenical Council. In a word, he was
though somewhat dull and labored on
the whole, 3 ? et to a perfectly unconcerned
auditor occasionally vivacious; but to
the men at his back, whose life and soul
were in the matter in hand, wholly in
comprehensible and disappointing
They all trooped out of the House at the
close, the scoffing Ministerialists and
the bewildered opposition, leaving Mr.
Gregory in face of a beggarly array of
empty benches, the chilling effect of
which his natural eloquence and prac
tised ease could not altogether overcome;
and it was not until Mr. Cross and Mr.
Chichester Fortescue arose, later in the
evening, that the popular branch of
the Legislature tasted again the keen de
light of a Parliamentary struggle.
“England cannot afford another revo
lution.” This was the apophthegm with
which 31 r. Disraeli closed his speech.
Erom the Times , 20 th.
Two eloquent Irish lawyers, one repre
sentative of pure Voluntaryism in Eng
land, Sir Stafford Northcote, and Mr.
Bright continued the debate yesterday,
and if three great speeches delivered in
one night be sufficient in themselves, the
reputation of the House of Commons
was amply sustained. Yet it is true, as
was remarked, that a sense of unreality
pervaded the discussion. # * *
The conclusion of the debate on the
Irish Church bill is forejudged. It w T as
annunced, indeed, last year,* when the
House of Commons approved Mr. Glad
stone’s resolutions by a majority of 60;
and if any one whose wish was father to
the thought still fondly denied that the
blow was irreparable, he could not re
fuse to recognize the determination of
the constituencies —least of all when it
was confirmed by the voluntary abdica
tion of the lute Ministry. The end being
thus certain, the prolonged debate which
will precede it must bo mainly useful
only in discussing the leading details of
the government scheme, and in making
or marring the reputation of new-comers
in the House of Commons. Dr. Ball
achieved at his first effort high oratorical
distinction, and though Mr. Sullivan,
the present Attorney-General, has sat
in the House tor three years, his powers
of eloquence were so little suspected
that he received the honors of a debutant.
Mr. Sullivan, indeed, had the honor of
delivering the second great speech of
the evening.
From tlio New York Citizen.
IMPERIALISM IN AMERICA,
Many of the ablest men of the present
day T have for the last three or four years
expressed their belief that the Republi
can leaders, in their efforts for centrali
zation of power, were gradually paving
the way for the transforming this repub
lic into an empire; that, while pretend
ing to.base their action upon the will of
the people, they are, under that cover,
directing all their efforts towards a re
volution which will enable them to in
sure the ruin of our republic and its in
stitutions, and establish in its place an
empire, with its crowned Emperor, titles
of nobility and aristocratic rule. Few
imagined that there would be any so bold
as to publicly announce this as their in
tention, and proclaim this doctrine at so
early’a stage in the movement. It is,
however, lortunate that, the mask is
about to be removed, the real objects
mad. known, that the people may be
able to realize the danger which threatens
them.
Hardly had Gen, Grant been sworn in
as President before there were rumors
in political circles that a paper was soon
to be started in Philadelphia, advocating
the establishment of an empire in this
country 7 , and in favor of proclaiming
Grant Emperor. This was at first look
ed upon as a mere rumor, but it is now
growing to be something more. A gen
tleman purporting to represent those en
gaged iu the movement recently visited
this City and Albany’, to see how far the
Republican leaders would lend their sym
pathy 7 . This person stated that leading
members of the Fnion League in Phil
adelphia wire enlisted in this programme,
and had furnished the means to establish
a paper to advocate it; also, to establish
secret societies for the promulgation of
that doctrine. Further, that a paper
would soon be published in that City to
be called the Umpire, the motto of
which would be, in the words of Napo
leon and Grant, "The Empire is peace,”
and, “Let us have peace,” while its col
umns will be devoted to arguments and
proofs showing that this republic had
proved a failure, urging the necessity of
establishing an empire, and advocating
Grant as the man for Emperor. This
sheet, we understand, is ready to appear,
and only waiting for the money 7 to ar
rive when those engaged in the work of
organizing societies announce that the
time has come to remove the mask.
It now appears that they have found
sympathy here, and that one week from
to-day a paper is to lie issued in this
city to be called the Imperialist, the
prospectus of which lias already been is
sued, in which it is announced that “this '
long ex-pected journals-’’ as though the ;
matter had been in secret contemplation
even during the last Presidential cam- j
paign, will appear in April Still fur-1
ther along we are told that “the creed of j
the Imperialist is revolutionary; its mis- '
sion is t) pie, are the minds of the Amer- 1
ican people for the revolution that has
already begun throughout the country”
—thus announcing that the work has
been progressing for a long time, and
that it has finally reached a stage where
the objects and aims can bo openly pro
claimed. Another paragraph in this
prospectus indie testhat either the bond
holders are in the movement, or else their
sympathy and aid are sought, and thai it
is also the intention to make this class
the nobility; for it states “We believe
that the national faith, if left in the keep
ing of the populace, will be sullied by
sure repudiation of the national debt,
and that an imperial government can
alone protect the rights of national cred
itors.” Then, again it is stated that “the
republic means lawlessness, corruption,
insecurity to person and property, rob
bery of the public creditors and civil
war; that the empire means law, order,
security, public faith, and peace.” This
journal is likewise to advacate making
Grant an Emperor. These facts prove
that the movement is not a mere ephe
meral affair, but an earnest and deter
mined one; that it lias already made
great headway in this City and Philadel
phia, and if the whole secret was known,
it might also appear that papers are to
simultaneously appear in Boston, Chica
go, and other cities advocating the same
programme One thing appears quite
certain, it is not confined to a few indi
viduals, as a sensation ; sufficient has
transpired to show that it is a bona fide
movement, and that it is backed by a
powerful secret organization, bearing the
mysterious title of T. I. O. This is the
name which has been adopted by the
societies which are now being started in
different parts of the country.
Our information comes from a gentle-
man who was invited to join one of
these societies—a gentleman who was an
applicant for office under Grant. He
was told that becoming a member would
assist him iu obtaining the office ; also,
that its recommendation was the best
card he could have with the President.
It was also claimed that Gen. Grant was
in full sympathy and accord with the
movement. As an illustration of this
fact, was cited the circumstances of his
appointing his relatives and intimate per
sonal friends to office, in order that,
when the time came for the coup d'etat,
he could have men in position who
; would be bound to him by r double ties—
those of office and blood. How far this
assertion may be true, we have no more
evidence than the public generally, who
all see that President Grant, like the
crowned heads of Europe, is placing his
family and relatives, even to the most
distant, as well as those bound to him by
personal ties, in public office. During
the late presidential campaign, Francis
P. Blair, Jr., announced that if Grant
was elected President, he would pro
claim himself dictator before the end of
his term. Can it be that he had an ink
ling of this scheme which is now being
made known to the public, or that h’s
words are to prove prophetic? If not,
then what does all tnese mysterious
movements and secret organizations,
backed, as we are told they are, by lead
ing and influential members of the Union
‘League m tins city and Philadelphia,
mean ? Is this not treason, and are not
those engaged in it rendering themselves
liable to prosecution under that head?
jfomp Mars.
IRELAND
The Archbishop of Cashel, Most Rev.
Dr - Leahy, at first gave permission for
the collection in aid of the liberated
Fenians, but rescinded it on the Satur
day after the appearance of Cardinal
Cull oil’s prohibition, and no and( übt, in
consequence of it
Charles Kickiiam in Callav—On
Thursday night, the 18th, bonfires were
general throughout the neighborhood of
Callao and along the route to Mulliria
hone, in celebration of the return of Char
les Kick iam. In C.ilian, when the ve
hicle containing Mr. Kickham and his
friends arrived, an immense bonfire and
tar-barrel were ignited opposite the
hotel, and surrounded by enthusiastic
crowds, who cheered loudly for the lib
erated patriot’ —Correspondent of the
Kilkenny Journal
Donegal - On March 13 at the early
hour of three o’clock A. M. the house of
a farmer named William Hourigan, esi
ding at a place calh and Kill, near Glen,
was attacked by a party of two or three
armed men, who fired shots through the
windows, but fortunately without doing
any greater mischief than breaking
several panes of glass, and shattering the
window frames, although there were at
the time in bed no less than eight or nine
inmates. The cause of this outrage has
not yet been ascertained, but it is believ
ed to be connected with some quarrel
about land.
Kerry.— The grand jury of the
country Kerry have adopted a petition to
Parliament in favor of the purchase of
the Irish railways by the state. Sir
Rowland Blennerhassett, who brought
the subject forward, states that he did
not believe Mr. Gladstone was averse to
carrying out the suggested reform.
Dublin. —Mr. Charles Kickham, Air.
Wm. Stack, and Mr. 0. A1 O’Keeffe, ar
rived in Dublin on March 6, from Wo
king Convict Prison, from which they
were released on Alarcli -I, on a free and
unconditional pardon granted by the
Queen. John Holtigan, of Kilkenny,
foreman of tiie Irish People , and J.
Byrne, also arrived from Portland.
Information Wanted.— Of Air. Alor
gan O Connell and his sister Mary, who
went from Ireland to America, No'th
Carolina, some fifteen years ago. Any
information will be most thankfully re
ceived by their youngest brother, Timo
thy, kind care of the Bight Rev. l)r.
Fennelly, Madras, East Indies.
1 reland drinks less whiskey than Scot
land, though her population is twice as
large. The late Budget shows that
while the latter country drank, iu 1868,
4,907,701 gallons, Ireland drank but
4 778,710 gallons. England at the same
t me consuming tnoie than both together
—over eleven million of gallons.
Rome —The Jubilee of Pius IX. On
the 11th of April the Sovereign Pou
t iff will have completed the jubilee of his
priesthood. It will be fifty years since
lie offered up the Holy Sacrifice for the
fiist time. I poti this occasion the
Catholics of Germany are g-mg to send
to him, through Prime Charles de
Loewciistein, twenty volumes of signa
tures to an address of devotedness aud
felicitation, which is being splendidly
illuminated by the artists Steiule, Beck-
er and The Bohemians send
another address, and each person sign
ing it mentions what good work he
intends to offer up to God in behalf of
the Holy Epther. At Vienna, one ad
dress of felicitation is being signed by
the clergy and another by’ the laity.
Austria, it. is said, owes an act of repara
tion to Pius IX. The Tyrolese are
animated by a similar spirit. The
Bavarians intend to send fifty caskets
IflhM with gold as an offering
of I eter s I (‘nee. ihe French are not
behind hand in their manifestations of
devotion towards the llolv See.
SLAVE MARRIA6e"|NMASSACUHSETTS
Mr. J. Wingate Thornton, of Boston,
has recently discovered the form of
negro marriage prepared and used by the
Reverend S imuel Phillips, of Andover,
Massachusetts, whose ministry there, be
ginning in 1710 and ending with his
death in 1771, was a prolonged and em
inently distinguished service of more
than half the eighteenth century'. His
immediate successor was the Reverned
Jonathan French (177 1! —-1809) in the
family of whose son. Mr. Thornton found
the document at North Hampton, N. H ,
on the thirty-first of December, 1808.
It is copied exactly from the original
and tlie italics are as marked by the au
thor himself, whose work could certainly
have been none other than of the most
approved and orthodox pattern. Ex imo
di-see omnes.
“A FORM FOR A NEGRO MARRIAGE.”
“You S: do now, in ye Presence of
God, and these Witnesses, Take* R; to
be your Wife:
“Promising that so far as shall be con
sistent with ye. Relation well you now
Sustain, as a Servant, you will Perform
ye Part of an Husband towards her:
And in particular, you Promise, that
you will Love her: And that, as you shall
have ye Opporty & Ability, you will
take a proper Care of her in Sickness
and Health, in Prosperity & Adversity:
“And that you will be" True k Faith
full to her, and will Cleave to her only,
so long as God, in his Providce, shall
continue your and her Abode in Such
PL co (or Places) as that you can con
veniently come together:—--Do you :hus
Promise?
“You R: do now, in ye Presence of
God, and these Witnesses, Take S: to be
you Husband, ;
“Promising, that so far as you present
Relation, as a Servant, shall" admit, you
will Perforn the Part of a Wife towards
him: And in particular.
‘A ou Promise, that you will Love\t\n\.
And that as you shall have the Opportty
k Ability, you will take a proper Care
of him in Sickness and Health; in Pros
perity k Adversity:
“And that you will be True A Faith
full to him. and will Cleave to him only,
so long as God, in bis Providce shall con.
tinue his k your Abode in Such Place
(or Places) as that you cun conveniently
come together:—Do You thus Promise?
“I thou, agreeable t > yonr Request,
and With ye Consent of your Masters and
Mistressesdo Declare lh it you h ive Licence
given you to be. conversant and familiar
together as Husband and 117/eso, long as
God snail continue your Places of Abode
[as afore-said; And so long as you Shall
behave your-Selvcs as it becometh Ser
vants to doe;
“For, you must, both of you, bear in
mind, that you Bcrnnin Still, as really
and truly as ever, your Mastei’s Proper
ty, and therefore it will be justly expec
ted, both by God and Man, that you
behave and conduct your-selvcs, as Obe
dient and faithful Servants towards your
respective Masters A Mistresses lor the
Time being:
“And finally, I exhort A Charge vou
to beware les you give place to the Devil,
so as to take Occasion f foni the Lieen.s
now given you, to be lifted up with
Frida, and thereby fall under the Dis
pleasure, not of Man only, but of God
also; for it is written that God rcsUtcth the
Proud, but he giveth Grace to the humble.
“I shall now Conclude with Prayer
for you, tbat you may become good
Christians, and that you may be enabled
to conduct as such; and in partier, that
you may have Grace to behave suitably
towards each Other, as also dutifully to
wards you Masters A Mistresses, Not
with Eye-Service, as Mon-Pieasers, but
as ye Servts of Chrt, doing ye Will of
God from ye heart. Ac.
•‘[Endorsed] Xegrok-Mar riag e. ”
Thus the mutual pledges of these poor
creatures were formally in terms made
subordinate to their relations as slaves;
their personal fidelity to each other to
depend <>n their respective places of resi
dence lor the time being; and their
matrimonial privilege, or ‘license to be
conversant and familiar together, as
Husband and Wife,’ was to continue as
long as they lived in the same neigh
borhood and during good behavior.
Both these conditions were of course
determined by the owners.
3