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psa^is
KEY. A. J, RYAN, Editor,
AUGUSTA, GA., JULY 9, 1870.
tST ALL SUBSCRIPTIONS AND
BUSINESS LETTERS FOR THE “BAN
NER OF THE SOUTH” SHOULD BE
ADDRESSED TO TILE PUBLISHERS—
L. T. BLOME & CO.
WANTED,
Several young men of good moral
character and industrious habits to can
vass as General Agents for the Bannrr
or tiie South. Those whose recom
mendations are satisfactory will receive
liberal compensation for services rendered.
EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE BANNER OF THE SOUTH.
MoBtLE, Alabama, June ‘25,1870.
Dear Banner:
At last, after some wanderings and
pleasant meetings and mournful good- 1
byes, at Savannah, Atlanta, and Macon, I
have reached Mobile. Time was so ur
gent that 1 was compelled, much to my
regret, to pass through dear and beauti
ful Columbus without having had the
pleaaure of visiting the gem of Georgia’s
convents, St. Joseph’s, or meeting with
those Sisters, whom to see is to love and
reverence. They and my friends of
Columbus, will, I hope, not blame me for
having passed them by, without a visit.
Away over a rougli road I was borne
to Montgomery. There I met with that
able, zealous, scholarly Priest, Father
Manucy, who held me captive for several
days. Montgomery is a beautiful City
—prosperous, growing rapidly, and not
withstanding much imported Radicalism.,
I am sure it would be glad to extend its
capitol and its hospitalities to another
Confederate Congress, and to shout with
joy at another inauguration of Jefferson
Davis. While there I met with many of
the men “who wore the grey”—true to
day as ever; and of course our conver
sation went back to the glorious past.
Gen. Clanton, Col. Johnson, Col. Troy,
Major Sample, Judge Stone, Col. Tyler,
and others, I met all of these gentlemen
who would honor any cause and any city.
I will not soon forget the pleasaut hours
1 spent in Montgomery. Father Manucy
has a very beautifu l church, a fine con
gregation, small in numbers, but large in
intelligence, a fine choir, a very spacious
school-house, tilled with girls and boys—
the former under the training of a young
lady who leads the choir, and whose gen
tle virtues are only equalled by her in
telligence. The boys’ school is under
the efficient control of Mr. Graham, a
young gentleman of ability and great
energy, to whom I am very thankful for
many favors. During the last few years
Father Manucy has received a great
many converts into the Church, and their
example is the edification of every one.
Last Monday night I left Montgomery
for Mobile. I had a very pleasant trip
—the more especially as I met an old
Tennessee friend of mine, in whose com
pany I spent much of my time on my
way.
Some twenty miles or so from Mobile
wc left the cars, embarked on an elegant
boat, and had a pleasant, nice trip down
to the City. Very Rev. Father Pellicer,
V. G., a prince among Priests, met me
at the lauding and conducted me to what,
for the present, is to be my home—the
Bishop’s residence—a plain, yet very
neat frame building. With his wonted
kindness, and winning affability, he wel
comed me, as he so well knows how to
do, to my present new home; and, at
once, he made me feel as if I had been
here for years. Os course, the memories
of Augusta and her noble people were
in my heart and in my dreads, the first
night I found myself in Mobile. In
fact, I discovered myself reckoning the
number of miles between here and
there; but, thank God! distance cannot
break the bonds that bind me to that
place of places.
But my mood is becoming mournful,
and I had better conclude this hastily
sketched letter. Each week, besides the
literary and editorial matter which I seud
I will also try to interest our readers
with letters, which, I trust, may be more
interesting than this present one. By
all means, be I with you personally, or a
thousand miles away, for the honor of
the Church, for the glory of the South,
for the perpetuation of our traditions, for
the vindication of our fame, in uphold
ing the light, in wrestling with wrong—
strong in faith—stong in hope, faithful to
country and to God, the Banner of the
South must never furl its folds.
Moina.
INDEPENDENCE DAY-
It is an absurdity for an enslaved peo
ple to celebrate a day devoted to Liber*
ty and Popular Rights. It is an absur
dity for the people of tho South to cele
brate the Fourth of July, while they are
bound with the shackles of a Tyranny as
oppressive and odious to them as was
that the overthrow of which that day
commemorates. True, those people might
do so with great consistency, because they
lost their liberty in an earnest and vigor
ous effort to perpetuato the Principles of
Liberty. But their oppressors have laid
claim to the day. They have made it a
National Festival, and the amount of
buncombe and gunpowder exploded and
bad whiskey drank is the measure of
the celebrators’ loyalty to the Govern
ment. Hence, for us of the South to
celebrate it would be to admit that which
is false. It would be to admit that the
perpetuity of the Government is dearer
to us than the Principles upon which that
Government was founded. It woulld be
to admit that cur cause was unjust,
and to rejoice in its loss. In a word, it
would be inconsistent and dishonorable.
Hence, oug people will have none of it.
They have given it up wholly and en
tire to Negroes and scalawags. It is their
day. We make them a present of our
share in it, and devote ourselves to other
days in which Yankeedom can have no
part or share. The time may come, and
it will be a welcome time, when Patriot
ism may once more take hold of this
goodly land; when demagogues and
thieves and swindlers and stock jobbers
may be driven from office, and honest
neu put in their places; and when that
time comes, if come it does once more
will we take our share in this once glo
rious day. Once more we will throw
up our hats in jubilation and discharge
our loud-mouthed artillery, and send
forth vociferous huzzas for the commem
orative day of American Independence;
because then it will represent what our
forefathers intended it should represent
—Constitutional Liberty—a free and in
dependent People. Until then we want
no part in the celebratiou of the day; wc
ignore it, wc give it up to those who want
it, and who claim it as their own.
THE SOUTHERN CELT-
Our Republican cotemporary, the
Southern Celt of Charleston, S. C., pays
us this compliment, for which we return
our profound thanks:
The Banner of the South.— We
take this week a vigorous denunciation
of the Reform Party from the Banner.
We advertise this paper generously in
this wise: It is the uncompromising
advocate of a dead past, living upon
its old antiquated notions like a
phosphoric light upon a grave. It is
right, however, in its position. A true
man makes no compromise with princi
ciple. He stands square by the past or
bravely by the present. No abuse or
threat, no taunt or miserable spleen can
move him. He recognizes no color but
that of his friend or enemy, so far as the
political field is concerned. He must be
cither a Democrat or a Republican, one
or the other. If a Democrat, let him be
tree and honest, standing by the fiag of
Democracy; if a Republican, by that flag
faithful andjunflinching. No false colors,
no middle plea, no contemptible dalliance
with expediency. We respect such a
course, none other. We see the Ban
ner is not dead yet—
“ Even in its ashes live its wonted fires,”
Its ports are open, listeD to its crashing
broadside.
We regret that we cannot fully return
the compliment, because nothing gives
us more pleasure than to award the
meed of praise to our brethren of the
Press. They have one and all been so
kind and generous to us, so lavish of
praise or so indulgent with our short
comings, that we could not, if we would,
say anything harsh or unkind of any of
them. Therefore, we say of our Celtic
cotemporary, that it is neatly printed,
ably edited, and zealously devoted to the
cause of Irish Independence; and, bar
ring its bad politics, is an excellent paper.
Catholicism and Radicalsm are diametri
trically opposed to each other that we can
not possibly conceive how any one can
reconcile the two; and we are proud to
believe that the Celt stands alone in this
attempt. If it can conciliate the two
extremes we shall have to admit the per
formance of a miracle, which we are not
yet prepared to admit within the possible
performance of any Catholic or other
editor in the United States. So believing
we prefer to continue as a phosphores
cent light upon the grave of a lost but
just and glorious cause, than to shine as
a brilliant luminary in the black firma
ment of unhallowed Radicalism.
GEN- CLINGMAN-
It was sometime since asserted that
Gen. Clingman, of North Carolina, had
gene over to Radicalism. With what
joy have we seen the gallant soldier’s de
nial of the dreadful charge. He was too
gallant a soldier, too true a Southron, too
noble a Carolinian, to forsake his people
and go over to the false gods of a de
testable political organization, which has
for its object the oppression of his peo
ple and the destruction of their liberties.
It was a sad thing to us to hear of his
reported disaffection. It is a joyful
thing to us to hear of his denial of the
charge. Thank Heaven! Longstrect has
but few followers among the gallant offi
cers of the Lost Cause.
NEGRO SUFFRAGE-
We believe and so contend that this is
a white man’s Government—made by
white men, for white men; and never
otherwise contemplated by its founders.
But wc believe, also, that the States have
a right to regulate suffrage for them
selves, and that that question should be
left wholly and solely to them individu
ally. If any State believes the Ncoro
entitled to vote, let it confer the privi
lege upon him. While we disapprove
of the act, we shall not complain, because
we believe it in accordance with the
Rights of the States.
GEN-KERSHAW AND THE BANNER OF
THE SOUTH-
In this week’s issue of the Banner we
give place to a calm, high-toned, and
well written article from the pen of Gen-
Kershaw, of South Carolina. It is a de
fense of his political course, in regard
to the Union Reform movement in that
State; and according to him, as we would
to others, who may feel aggrieved at any
thing which appears in these columns, the
right to defend himself, we cheerfully
admit his communication, and ask for it
a careful and attentive perusal by our
readers. The Banner of the South
does not admit itself the organ of a dead
cause. It claims to be the exponent and
repository of Principles which, though
suppressed now by Federal Power and
Federal Tyranny, are just as true, just as
good, just as righteous, as when Gen.
Lee, Gen. Kershaw, Gen. Butler, and all
their gallant compatriots were in the
field, with swords drawn, and banners
flying, fighting and struggling for the
maintainenee and perpetuation of those
Principles. Southern Independence may
be dead—it may be only sleeping ; but
that grand Principle which underlaid the
struggle of 18Gl-’os—Constitutional Li
berty, is still, to-day, as it was then, a
living, breathing, glorious Principle.
It was this Principle which made the
cause of the South a glorious cause. It j
was this Principle which made that cause |
so dear to every Southern man, woman,
and child. It was this Principle which
nerved the hearts and gave strength to
the arms of the gallant men in grey
when they bore down upon the lines of
the hordes of oppression which they had
to contend with. It is love for this
Principle and for all the other Princi
ples which flow from it—love for our na
tive Southland—love for her noble de
fenders, which makes us so jealous of
her honor, so firm in our devotion to the
past, so unforgiving to those who would
desert her or forget her glorious memo
ries. It is this love which would make
us condemn Gen. Longstrect, or any
other officer or soldier who had sacrificed
four years of his life in a bloody but fu
tile contest for Liberty, to acknowledge at
the end that his conquerors were right;
or, if not right, at least he must acqui
esce in their wicked acts, and give coun
tenance and support to them because he
had no power to resist them.
More than this, the Banner of ths
South is not the organ of a State, but
ol all the Southern States. Its columns are
open to all of them, and its subscription
books show that it is appreciated as such
an organ. lienee, we assume the privi
lege of discussing, not alone the politics
of Georgia, but of all the late Confeder
ate States, and in the exercise of this
privilege, we accord to the citizens of
these States the same privilege. For
this reason, we gladly present Gen.
Kershaw’s defence to our resders.
It was not our intention to do that
gallant soldier any wrong. We believed
that in taking part in this Union Re
form movement, so-called, he was ig
noring his past political career, and seek
ing under false premises an impossible
conclusion. Our respect for the soldier
made us courteous in the use of our lan
guage; and he misunderstands ns when
he reads our article as charging him with
possessing the “greed of office.” We
said, indeed, that "the greed of office is
swallowing up men who have heretofore
been deemed invulnerable as against the
attacks of Radicalism; and we find in
the lists of that disgraceful party names
which once adorned the pages of South
ern history and added glory to the annals
of the Nation. Wc say it with shame;
but it is too true,” But, we added:
"Longstreet, Clingman, Kershaw— Can
it be possible that they will desert the
South, in this her hour of greatest
peril?” And that me might not wrong
full}' accuse the latter two of this defec
tion, we said farther: "The first has
done so. Let us hope that the others
are misrepresented—that if they are
acting as reported, it is from a leant of
judgment and not a disregard of (heir
Country's interests .”
We said this, because we could not be
lieve that Gen Kershaw would be ac
tuated by any such motive as he say s
we attributed to him; and if we had so
charged him, under the Resolution which
he offered to the Convention, we should
feel compelled to retract that portion of
the charge, for the reason that, in that
Resolution, he proposed to elect only Re
publicans to office. But in saying this,
we say all that we can in vindication of
the General. Ilis communication only
show's that he acted under honest convic
tions of what he believed to be the best
policy of his State ; and that he has for
saken none of the Principles for which
he gallantly fought in the late war. But
we are still firm in the conviction that
while his motives are good his judgment is
wrong; that Policy can never succeed
in place of Principle ; that a third party,
made up of the disaffected spirits of other
parties with a few patriots who go into
it with honest convictions of right, can
never succeed for the good of the South.
Vk e believe that it is an error to publicly
acknowledge acquiesence in a wicked
act, simp’y because its enactors have
the power to enforce it. We may have to
submit to it and endure it privatelv 0 r
individually, for want of the means to re
sist it; but no motive of Policy should
compel us to meet in solemn convention
and declare our determination to submit to
and aid in its enforcement. What boots
it to the people of the South if Radical
ism is fastened upon them, under one
name or another ? We may swallow the
sugar-coated pill the more readily, hut its
nauseating effects will be as strongly felt
as if the sugar coating had been left oft.
Gen. Kershaw fiucls that there is no pre
sent hope lor the Democracy in his State,
so he thinks to choose the least of exist
ing evils by helping to place in power
the more moderate Republicans. That
is his policy, if we understand him cor
rectly, and we must persist in believing
it a very bad policy. He says that if
there were a party with a banner unfurl
ed, upon which was inscribed the watch
words, “Repeal or Revolution,” he would
enlist in its ranks. There is such a
party. Tho Democratic Party, whose
vitality is at last beginning to assert itself
has declared in every Northern State
that the odious laws ol' Radicalism shall
be repealed when it gets into power. It
has declared its design to revolutionize
the Government, by restoring the old
landmarks of the Constitution and the
rights ol the States. Let Gen. Kershaw
and Gen, Butler, and every other true
Southron, wait a while longer. The
signs of the times are propitious. The
Republican Party is rapidly disintegra
ting; and yet a little while and it will
fall to pieces, we hope, of its own rotten
ness. But if our South Carolina friends,
weary and worn with the dreadful trials
which they are forced to endure, cannot
wait, and unite with Republicans, how
ever conservative and weak-kneed they
may be, they will only give strength to
the enemies of the South, and weaken
our cause at the North.
Look at Georgia! suppose that she had
pursued the policy which the leading
men of South Carolina propose, where
would she be to-day ? We would be in
the same galling condition as our neigh
bor. But, - thanks to the statesmanship
of Ben. Ilill and a few other bold
spirits, the people were aroused from
their lethargy and determination to ac
tively acquiesce in the reconstruction
laws.—were prevented from organizing
Union Reform parties; and so left the
Radicals traitors, and Scalawags, to “ac
cept the situation,” and to “hoist them
selves with their own petard.” To-day,
Georgia occupies a noble position. True,
she has Bullock for Governor—Radicals
in the Legislature—and thieves in some
of the high places. True, she doesn’t
occupy the desirable position of a State
in the l nion, nor the imperishable honor
of a representation in that body of mer
cenaries and plunderers, the American
Congress. But she enjoys the proud
consciousness ot having a handsome De
mocratic majority whenever the time
comes to test it, —the glory of being true
to her past history’—the honor of a De
mocratic administration in nearly every
City and Town within her borders. All
this is the result of keeping aloof from
Conservative Republicans and Third
Parties. And her example we proudly
offer to her sister States of the South.
In all that we have said we meant no
unkindness to Gen. Kershaw or his fel
low-citizens who have joined in the Union
Reform movement of South Carolina.
We believe that they are wrong —and
that time will convince them of it. As
we have said before, there are many true
sons of the South who differ in regard to
our political action—but we should differ
in all kindness and charity to each other.
This is, we believe, the extent of our of
fending with Gen. Kershaw, and we ask
only from him that Christian Charity
which he so justly asks from us. For
our patriot citizens, however wrong in
judgment we may deem them, we have
no harsh or unkind word. For traitors
and schemers, we can find no language to
express our detestation.
To the gallant men in grey, we renew
our appeal to do nothing rash or impetu
ous, at this momentous crisis of cur