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4 Tos> r\p? ]T so» v v;^ «# IMUa list Mi h >i igk; W=Nr*irv 0 i* T H v*" 'U%? * s- *> - HEY. A. J. RYAN, Editor, AUGUSTA, GA. f OCT. 1, 1870. gT ALL SUBSCRIPTIONS AND BUSINESS LETTERS FOR THE “BAN NER OF THE SOUTH” SHOULD BE ADDRESSED TO THE PUBLISHERS— L. T. BLOME A CO. j— iwi ■ ii■■ mnwmw iirr'irrMnmmiri r rrrriiTr -*a ~ THE GEORGIA ELECTION 31LU 0 There is nothing too mean or con temptible for lladicalism to attempt—the meaner and the more contemptible it is the readier is that corrupt Party to per form the degrading; work. What does it care for the Constitution or the Law ? It has overridden the one and violated the other so persistently that any devia tion from this course would be a world’s wonder and an entering wedge for the disruption of the organization. Tyranny, plunder, and robbery arc its powers of cohesion—its sources of attraction which draw within its slimy precincts the ig norant, the vile, and the venal of the land. Plastering over their evil aims with words of sympathy for “the poor Negro,” and lying declarations of love for Liberty, they entangle in their meshes the ignorant masses, while they hold the more intelligent by divisions of the spoils —their ill-gotten gains—and promise of future political elevation. With such a character and such a record, it is, iudeed strange, that, in this enlightened age and n this boasted country of pre-eminent civilization, such a Party should be al lowed to exist at all. But it is not strange, since it docs exist, that it should put forth and advocate, and where it has the power, enforce measures of the most infamous and outrageous character.— Hence we are not surprised at the intro duction of a Bill in the so-called Georgia Legislature to Provide for an Election in this State in December next. It should be called a Bill to Provide for the Per petuation of lladicalism in Georgia at any and all hazards. It is in direct conflict with the Constitution and the rights of the People. It provides for holding the election three successive days, whereas the Constitution of the State allows but one day; thus giving to the Radical voters the privilege of voting at as many Precincts as three day3 will permit them to do; prohibits the challenge of dishonest voters, a right which belongs to the citizen, thus giving unprincipled Radicals the privilege of voting with impunity; places all power for the “suppression of disorder’’ or riot in the hands of Radical Sheriff's ; prohibits citizens from approaching within fifteen feet of the voting places; gives the ap pointment of Managers to the Radical Governor, and confers judicial and execu tive powers upon them which will certain ly be used for the benefit of their own Party against the interests of the Demo cratic Party which are the interests of the State. These are some of the features of this outrageous Bill which has been prepared by one Akerman, a renegade Georgian, whose treason to his State has been re warded by his master, Grant, by a posi tion in bis Cabinet, and who, in return for this mark of honor (?) strives to show his gratitude by endeavoring, in a recent speech, to stir up the bad feelings cf the Negroes against the white People of Georgia, and now comes to the rescue of his miserable Party by framing for them a Bill, which, in his judgment, doubtless, will secure to them a triumph in the ap proaching election. But wc mistake the temper of the people of Georgia if they allow this ex-Rebel-Arch-Minister of Radicalism to dictate such degrading terms, through the illegal and disgrace ful Body now sitting in Atlanta as the Legislature of the State. They have a right to demand a fair election, and they are £oing to have it. They should make this known to the Cabal in Atlanta at once, and in thunder tones that shall not only make the usurpers tremble, but shall make them respect the Constitution and the rights of the People, in this in stance at least. Let them give us a fair election, and wc shall peaceably submit to the result, even if it fastens Radical iufamy upon us for another term of years; but a fair election we shall have or none at all. “PUI YOURSELF IN HIS PLACE ” The world is full of commonplace say ings, and as Novel writing and Novel reading increases the stock of titles for such productions becomes lessened, ne cessitating the manufacture of odd names, or the assumption of commonplaces for titles. It may not be plagiarism, there fore, if we assume one of these as the title for a few remarks which it suggests. Out in the cold world, there in the ereot Cities and even in the small ham- V lets, wherever human nature finds an abiding place, there is want and suffer ing. Beside, the lordly munarch of im mense palaces and Dread acres strives the lonely laborer, with scarcely sufficient means to support himself and family.— “Put yourself in his place,” lord of the Palace; “go feel as he has felt,” and lift the unhappy sufferer out of the mire of poverty and pain. You will feel all the better for it. Your palace will grow all the stronger and more beautiful and your broad acres all the more exten sive for it. The sun will shine brighter, the birds will sing sweeter, and Nature will smile all the more pleasantly for it. Beside the Queen of Fashion, flaunting along the City’s streets, creeps a once fallen sister—but now penitent and suf fering. She asks for help, for sympathy; does she get it ? Oh ! haughty Queen, “put yourself in her place.” Give her your dainty hand to lift her from the sea of sin aud shame to the safe shore of Penitence and Virtue. Lend her your shapely and jeweled arm to lean upon, to guide her steps aright. You will be all the happier for it. Your beauty will be all the grander. Your sway will be all the more powerful. At the forge, at the desk, at all forms of work, we see men striving and labor ing to make an honest living for them selves and dependent families. Do you, rich man, give them the encouragment aud support which they deserve ? Do you scorn these sons of toil as you pass them by ? Do you blame them because they sometimes fall “from Virtue’s ways,” instead of endeavoring to promote their interests and elevate them in the scale of society ? “Put yourself iD their places,” endure, in imagination at least, what they have to endure; toil as they have to toil; suffer us they have to suffer. Then you will be better prepared to appreciate their condition and their wants. Then you will give them a helping hand, a kindly smile, contribute your share towards helping them to improve themselves; and you will enjoy the happy consciousness of good deeds well and faithfully performed and reward of such deeds so performed. The bright eyed little children, with their childish troubles and no kindly parents to listen to their sorrows or soothe their griefs—will you not put “yourselves in their places,” and by gentle words, by good advice, by better example, lead them aright in the pathway of life ? They are God’s own, and you must be good to them; you must be just to them; you must be in all ways careful and watchful of them. So shall you receive compen sation as you are good, and just, aud careful of them. So in all the relations of life—in the family circle, in society, in the outer world and the inner world,under all circum stances and on all proper occasions we can do no better than to follow this grand counsel, “Put yourself in his place.” It will “teach us to feel another’s woe,” to understand better the actions of our fellow beings; it will enable us to ap* plaud where applause is merited, and cen sure where censure is deserved. It will cover the faults of human nature with the veil of oblivion, enlarge the domains of Charity, and, like the dews,of heaven, bless those who practice it and those who are the objects of its application. And so, dear reader, when you feel tempted to find fault, to blame or to punish, re member and apply this counsel and re ceive the reward which will surely be vours. FRANCE AND IRELAND * MEETING LAST NIGHT AT THE COOPER UNION. A German Band Refuses to Play French' Airs—A Riot Imminent — Stirring Addresses and Songs. Cooper Institute last evening was not crammed—it was scientifically packed. Immense meetings have been held in it at which gigantic audiences have cheer ed, groaned, and perspired, but never have its walls seen an assemblage equal to that on the occasion of the welcome tendered by the Irish of this city to the NEW REPUBLIC IN FRANCE. Os course the Celt predominated largely. Perhaps 1,200 French citizens were present, among whom were the French Consul; but the audience was intensely Irish, who outshone and out cheered everything else. Outside of the building a stand was improvised, around which at least 1,500 people had collect ed, and from which, at least a dozen ora tors promulgated their views on the “situation” in France, and awoke memo ries that ever lind an echo in the breast of an Irishman. The proceedings inside began by some thing like a riot. A GERMAN BAND hired tor the occasion, after playing several Irish and American national airs, was called on for the Marseillaise, but obstinately abstained from playing it. At last, after manifestations of a desire on the part of the audience to pitch into the stubborn Teutons, the band began the glorious air, but suddenly recollect ing itself, plunged into that of the “red, white and blue.” At this the ire of the crowd knew no bounds, aud it was all the police could do to prevent an attack being made on the conscientious patriots. Finally a rush was made for them and hustled, bonnetted and reviled, the band was ejected from the hall amid boistereus cheers. A GALLANT FRENCHMAN. Mr. Deschamps then stepped foward and began the Marseillaise in the French language. Instantly every voice was hushed till the chorus commenced, when it was taken up by every one present. Mr. Deschamps sang five verses of the glorious hymn, and, when the enthu siasm had somewhat subsided, Mr. Bres nam introduced the chairman of the evening, the Hon. Daniel R. Lyddy, who made an address in which he said: The Germans have made passing material success, let them crown it with the nobler and higher moral triumph of destroying the last remains of feudalism and kingcraft, and declare Germany a republic. The Celtic race has had no poverty of heroic sons; but amidst the brilliant best of brave and patriotic men who drew their swords in defense of gallant France, there was none whose war record is brighter, nor whose heri tage of glory is more highly prized by his country than Marshal MacMahon; and he has fallen, his deeds-roll filled with glory, and his face to the foe. He concluded by saying: Sharing now the cheer and warmth which a republican sun sheds on the land of the gallant and fiery Frank, our racial predilections for that noble race find legitimate unrestrain ed expression; while as citizens of this Democratic Republic, we unf'eignedly re joice at the new birth of liberty, and with all our souls welcome the land of Lafayette into the Brotherhood of Free Nations. What America is to-day, to Ireland, the home and refuge of her expatriated sons, France was, two centuries ago, and up to the era of the American revolu tion. If the conditions of the present times changed, and America a century or two hence under natural laws should cease to receive the sons of Ireland and Irishmen’s necessity to come here ceased likewise, would you think worthy of your respect the Irish race if they ceased to love America? I can answer for you. This, then, is our reason; cease to wonder why we love France! That wc mourn with her in her failures, and re joice and are glad when success warms her into joy. We have a dual character; we are likewise Americans, and are proud of our national liberty, power and glory, it is our feeling of gratitude to tbe land and tbe countrymen of Lafayette. As citizens of a republic our sympathies are due to every people struggling for Republican freedom. Our affection for France is a legitimate emotion, it is the most ready to enter our hearts, because it is the most humane—wc love those who love us. But there is the question of right. Where is the right? Our American Republic holds its priceless liberty as a sacred trust, and is respon sible for freedom in the world. A king dom destroyed there is removed an enemy of oik institutions, a people en franchised, a republic founded; then it was into the national family an ally and frierd. But is the republic permanent? Our alliance can make it and interest, duty and honor urge us to that course. Os the German people I have not much to say. They were less than men il they had acted differently from what they have done, and if they had so acted they would have merited my contempt. Their idea of Germanic unity is a step in advance, though a small step. I can not recognise the voice of petty tyrants and bow down before powerful ones. Yet Germany accepts William and Bis marck. The republic is the realization in politics of the morality of the Chris tian gospel. Here races meet in com mon fold. The underlying identity of their nature has been established despite superficial differences, and narrow dis tinctions of race been absorbed and ex tended in the nobler recognition of the common humanity of man. This is the hope of the peoples in the future, and makes possible the engine of liberty and peace in the word—the universal re public. General McMahon, who was next in troduced, spoke a? length on the solem nity of the occasion, and trusted that the movemeot toward freedom by France might be stable. The progress of re publicanism in tbe world is encouraging. Even if the present republic in France should fail another would be imminent; but the speaker thought that the present republic in France would be as stable and glorious as our own. He trusted that the cause of Cuba will not be over looked in this day of rejoicing. After their heroism, why should not a repub lic be proclaimed there aud recognized? —the same as one day we shall demand for Ireland what is now denied. Mr. Joseph Clarck, the next speaker, drew attention to affairs in Franco in 1792. After reviewing the action of Gregoire in the halls of the Legislature and the glorious outbreak of liberty, he followed in a strain of enthusiastic oratory the progress of the republic, the advent of Napoleon Bonaparte, his temptation and the fall of liberty. Mr. Clarck recit ed an extempore poem of the downfall of the empire. A letter was then read from John Mit chcl, Esq., thanking the committee for their invitation, and regretting his ina bility to be present. Speeches were then made by Hon. W, E. Robertson, Gen. Ryan and others. Resolutions as follows were then adopted. 1. Irishmen by birth and citizens of this Democratic Republic, we hail with pleasure and pride the establishment of the republic among our hereditary friends and allies, the people of France. 2. That we hail the French Republic as the pioneer in leading all the people of Europe into Republican liberty, and wc pledge to it our hearty sympathy and moral support. 3. That we have heretofore repressed through regard for the feelings of our German fellow-citizens from publicity expressing our friendship for the people ot France, but we are now compelled to decide aud speak out without hesitation iu favor of republican liberty and against monarchial aggressions on freedom. 4 That in the contest between re publican France aud monarchial Prussia, we cannot hesitate to declare our entire sympathy for and in support of the re public, and to heartily desire the speedy downfall and defeat of its enemies. 5. That in the name of progress and the universal republic, we invite the Ger man people to throw off’ the yoke of kingcraft, and crown their national suc cess by the higher moral success of de claring themselves a republic. 6. That we pledge to President Grant our hearty support in any wise attempt at mediation, leading to an early and hono rable peace which secures the triumph of the l 1 rench republic and the ascendancy of republican ideas in Europe. 7. That copies of these resolutions be sent to the President, and to the French Minister at M ashington for transmission to his government. Long live the French republic! N. Y. Standard. From the Journal of Commerce. A CHAPTER ON CARPET-BAGGERS. WHO THEY ARE AND WHERE THEY CAME FROM. Washington, September.— It has been freely charged within the past few years that our National counsellors have dete riorated until the Forty-first Congress as compared with the Senate and House of Representatives in the time of Webster Clay Calhoun, Randolph, Benton, Bur gess, Wright and their compeers, fur nishes evidence inducing grave fears that entire incompetence and general disgrace will some day usurp the halls dedicated originally to the greatness and dignity "of the Nation. ° ' We have able men, but mosi of them are found at home, too proud to stoop to the chicanery necessary to secure a seat in Congress, and too dignified and honest to associate with many persons they must necessarily be thrown among as companions. An element brought in by the war, known as “carpet-baggers,” has tended greatly to produce the result above mentioned. They are, for the most part, adventurers who turned up in the South ern States at the close of the war. They suddenly became popular with the ne groes, aud danced into Congressional seats under elections held in pursuance of the Reconstruction Acts, because they hap pened to be the only white men of even ordinary intelligence in the districts from whence they come, who c uld take the iron-clad oath imposed by Congress. A glance at the Congressional record will show the antecedents of some of these men. CARrET-BAGGERS IN THE SENATE. Willard Warner, of Granville, Ohio, was on General Sherman’s staff during the Atlanta campaign. Remained in Alabama after the war, and in 1868 was elected from that State as a Republican to the United States Senate. He is probably the best of the Senatorial carpet baggers, a hard worker for his constitu ents, and is considered a trustworthy aud honest man. George E. Spencer, of Jefferson county, New York, was appointed Register in Bankruptcy for the Fourth District in Alabama in 1867. In 1868 he was elected from that State to the United States Senate as a Republican. lie is a prepossessing youth. Alexander McDonald, of Clinton coun ty. Pennsylvania, settled at Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1863, after the entry of the Union army, and became a member of the firm of A. McDonald, Perry Fuller & Elijah Sells, commission brokers and rectifiers ot whiskey. They bought cot ton and sold it North, bought grain and cattle and sold them to the Government. In 1868 he was elected to the Senate as a Republican. Benjamin F. Bice, of East Otto, Catta raugus county, New York, went to Ken tucky, to Minnesota, and finally turhed up in Little Rock in 1864. Was elected as a Republican to the United States Senate from Arkansas in 1868. This gentleman has kept so quiet since that time that nobody here appears to know him. Thomas W. Osborn, of Scotch Plains, New Jersey, later of Watertown, New York, was connected with the Freedman’s Bureau in Florida from June, 1865, to August, 1866; was afterwards appointed Register in Bankruptcy, and in 1868 came here as a Republican Senator from Florida. Abijah Gilbert, of Otsego county, New York, removed to the South after the war for the benefit of his health. He was elected in 1869 to the United States Senate as a Republican. John Harris, of Tauxton, New York, settled in Louisiana in 1863, and in I*6B was elected to the United States Senate. Wm. Pitt Kellogg, an old politician of Peoria, Illinois, was appointed Collector cf the port of New Orleans in 1865, and in 1848 was elected to the United States Senate. He was once a Congressman from Illiniois. Hiram R Revels, a peripatetic colored preacher, seems to have ended his West ern tour of preaching as an officer ot the Freedman’s Bureau at Vicksburg in 1864 Leaving there he went to Kansas and Missouri to lecture and to preach or. moral and religious subjects, and finally settled in 1866 at Natchez, Mississippi, from which place he was* elected as a Republican to the United States Senate in 1870 to fill a short term ending March 3, 1871. The fact that he is a colored man detracts somewhat from his influence as a Senator, but it must be said that, in point of intelligence, ho is head and shoul ders above the average carpet-bagger. Adelbert Ames, of Rockland, Maine, was appointed Provisional Gouernor of Mississippi in 1868, and placed in com mand of the Fourth Military District in 1869. By aid of General Butler and