The American patriot. (Savannah, Ga.) 1812-1812, April 14, 1812, Image 1

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The American patriot., April 14, 1812, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextTHE AMERICAN PATRIOT. VOI I. ft'lUi AMERICAN PATRIOT IS PUB |T List;El), OX TUESDAYS .IXO FRI• 55 DAYS; BY MITCHELL AND PRATT, DOOR TO THE CUSTOM HOUSE, av THE HAY, SAY AX XAB, AT SIX DOLLARS PER AX XIJM. PRINTIN'C. OF EVERY OFSCRIPTIOX EXECUTED HATH XF.ATXESS, AT THE OFFICE OF THE AMERICAN PATRIOT. PROSPECTUS 0 F TII E AMERICAN PATRIOT. THF. principles which this PAPER wi.l Support, are design.-t <1 bv its name.—They m e prmiipis founci il upon an immutable ba sis. which m'sre presentation may for a while obscure, but cannot permanently affect : prin ciples stamped by etern 1 experience, approv ed by the plainest dictates of common sense, lipd recognised : nd p-i diced by WASHING. TON and HAMILTON. They advocate the honor of our country, not. by pitiful parsimo ny, commercial restrictions, and ridiculous rhodomentade ; but by manly, adequate and efficient measure's.—They cherish Agricul ture, and foster Manufactures, not by maim ing and crushing Comm rce, bit by extending towards it a just and .liberal protection.—The operation of these principles have rendered our cosntry prosperous; and under their influence every branch of society were successfully en gaged in their various occupations.—(in* countrymen received an invigorating encoar agemen’ from the correct and honorable mea sures o fGo vo mmfn tackninhi tered by awASH TNGTON—their pnritv-werc developed, and by appreciating theta, wealth and its conse quent comfort# and its enjoyments, honor and respect with their attending benefits, recom pensed tin- justness of their choice of Nation l Rulers.—The sapvs cause, the exorcise of the same principles, will produce similar ef fect s. To assist the restoration of this cause will be a leading object, with tiiis Paper.—ln p'a.mot ng Ibis ucs. ,;e end; moderation, ciin d.r sn truth will be rigidly adhered .to, and ai! private character inviolably hehl sacred. THIS Paper will comment up >n with unre served liberality, public men and public mea sures, and will endeavor to place in a clear point of view, the misconduct of the public Servants hi attempting to c, j ,Ic, deceive ar.d mislead the people, then by’ to maintain the high posts of honor, which their measures prove them incapacitated to fill ; and the I impropriety and incorrectness of their nwa- I Slues, fraught with dis-Vyer ;;nd ruin.—To I ban sh political deception and restore the clear I biylit c-f trufh ; to expose the pet tty artifices Integrity rialYSteu w ir due weight arc? influence in society ; and to promote the great ends of public utility and gen; r.d welfare, by advocating inlighteWd and enlarged mea sures, will claim the strict attention of the Proprietors. TEE pure American srntimerits by which this print will unerringly be guided, sholl receive no pollution from any foreign predilections; Tne. aggressions of no nation will be p diatid, nor the injuries or insults of any pow er extenuated ; a just, an ingenuous, a. candid peliev towards all nations, which disdains as unworthy the dignity of a great republic, and derogatory to the character of an enlightened’ government, equivocation or devotion, will gladly receive our utmost sup port. SKETCHES of debates in Congress, •Marine Memoranda, interesting For ign arid domestic. Intelligence, Public Documents, at'.d Eloquent Popular Speeches, will, receive regular insertion. Orijv’rtul Political and Scientific Essays, v. :, .l claim our particular attention—and gentlur.cn of talents whose ‘observe*• >n, discernment. ; r.d . * went.-, render their opinion *a.s\ r mirks cresting, av..- invited to d.-sseiuUiatc the productions of %ir Liam*, through this PAPER. JOHN r S MITCHELL. CHARLES M. PRATT. SAVANNAH, April U, 1812 1 For the American Patriot. THE MORALIST. Xo. I. ALL men are not alike ; the poo, is clear, dome take a higher, some an humbler phere, Sqme spurn at trifles, others sport ‘with straws, Some boldly dare deconmv’s sacred laws, Strike down ail virtue in the face of day. And give to vir-.'wi impious, lawless sway. Others again the creatures of sn hour, Cringe to the arm, and kiss the rod of power, With supple knees a sycophantic rate. Live in the sunshine of a patron’s grace. I hate the petit-maitres* civil leer, His smile for all ; far those who ask, his t. ;.r, A prating fool with smooth andes mcM face, Nothing his own, but all from common piece. Oh how I hate the weak and vie bed knave, YYho s?ek3 to harm what others s..ck to save* Anpkluds you present; absent, h; reviles, Damns with his lies, and ruins antlihis v. iies, Who can admire the deep disguise of a-t Which veils the face with smiles, but hides the heart. Give gie the man, whose upright scul dis dains Dishonest deeds, ar.d falsehood’s paltry gains,. Who scouts a coxcomb, ridicules a fool, N.) Viliam’s pander, no intriguer’s tool; Generous yet just, tho’ independent, mild, In honor old, in cunning act a child. Give me that man and let me hail his name With crowns and sceptres ; all the wreaths of fame. You ask, since ages past were stained with crime, Why we expect exemption, at this time ? This, is not virtue’s province to expect, But yet ’tis tier’s the vicious to detect. ’Tis her’s the cautious villain to display, And drag him from his haunts to open day, To mark the heedless votary of sense, The ruthless murderer of innocence, To mark the man whose cruel hands unfold, Dishonors pension, and dishonest geld ; To mark the man whose avaricious sight With pleasure feeds upon the widow’s mite. To check the impious man’s blasphemous course, And crush presumption with the arm of force. Vices like these have swell’d stern satire’s page, And bade a Horace lash a guilty age, To curb such vices Juvenal arose, To curb such vices Pope’s sweet music flows, Alluring Addison has rais’d his pen, And given a Mentor to the world again : Yes more, such vices were the cursed cause, Os Rome’s destruction and her prostrate laws. Eugeneo come with me, once more essay To chain the monster, and suppress her sway; Great tho’ the task, together let us dare No mercy give, no titled culprit spare, What tho’ a youthful arm attempts the blow Satire may nerve that arm her shafts may throw, Be our’s the pride with greater names tojoin A humbler effort and a humbler line. What times arc these when virtue’s-self retreats, When pride and folly* public stalk the streets; When man regardless shuns the path of truth. And vice triumphant governs beardless youth; When stripling impudence just ’scap’d from school, With pert tenacity affects to rule ; When pomp, parade and shew arc ail the rage, A. and youth ireverent spurns at hoarv age, neat, Xonsensc and jargon every word displays, Intrusive ignorance his only praise. When gallant Percy drew his thirsty blade, A lid on war’s campaign stood in arms ar ray’d. To him, stern chief begrim’d with dust and gore, A fop the nu ndate of his scv’reign bore. With brew of thought behold the warrior Knight L-an on his spear and trace the field of fight. The toilet monkey oft’ with velvet tread, And squeamish grrmmace, spurn’d the heaps of dead ; Complain'd of toil to him, who toil defied And oft’ the pouncet of hi-* nose applied, Cursing the filthy, vulgar trade of war, Such stench his noble nostrils could not bear. How smil'd the bard at what his pencil drew, Admire the artist, speak his picture true. Ye gods Pd rather be some menial groom Than the vile slairc of fasbiyu's drawing s-oom, Rather than dunce attendance at a court, I’d trim the Th-sp'.ui caudle for support. IlssJiesvcn created things so much in vain, Or are thev creatures of a poet’s brain— No, no Eugenio real beings these, The drugs of life creation's very bees. V: - , they i vist, they crowd each public way Like- tinsell’d beinyr. of a summer-day. Thev live around us, yonder see them come, Each with a rattan twirling ’round his thumb, Perhaps they knew rut v.hat were told at schools, “ Rods were intended for the backs of fools,” In v.'hisker’d glory, see them v.-aik the street, Fir. ccr than Randoms, starcing all they meet, T heir’kerchiefs dangling with a studious care To shell) the world pt rheps, what ’kerchiefs are. See there Eugenio, poise their slender shapes, They want but tails to be a gang of Apes. Creatures like these ofi'-nd a manly age, And strut their little lives upon the stage. Satire to curb such arrogance arise, Sound but your lash the paltry being files ; Plies to those arms where thousands too might go, And mincing, whimpers out ids tale of woe. Enough, with these I wage no angry* war— Destructive vices claim more serious care ; Yet these are flips who well deserve the scourge, Fops who assume what ignorance can but forge, SAVANNAH, APRIL 14, 1812. Upstarts in sol .**-.• all th-v know,*by wrote, ■Vi retting p ■■ ;t;vo, v bat i"—is not. 1) igiuat . b ‘ vliur, ..’ its* les, praising here, And c. n-nee loud fiv- ion • slight error there: Weak - ..Haw-gated M.r. i ofji.it and jib.*, O, how 1 bate the bypocit'ic tribe. The times are full of poetaster t lives, Quack s, petiifu gers nd insph V divines, Coxcombs in dic-ss anil s incv are the same, They very only in a \-awingnow CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Debate on the Navy Bill. Friday, JimvrC’y ’ 24-. .)/••. COED— 1 have hitherto,, Mr. Chair man, remained silent during the interesting discussion of the bill on your table. 1 should not now rise, after the able and eloqm nt ar guments I have witnessed, was it not for the peculiar situation of the state of New-York; her commercial character and exposed situa tion. The discussion, sir, has involved the great national poliev of a navy, than which a more important subject could not be present ed to any government, and especially to that of liie United States. When gentlemen urge against the bill the sicklv and deficient slate of the Treasury, 1 am not moved; but, sir, when it is said that the time has not come, and probably never will, for providing a naval establishment; when the policy of a navy under any circum stances is questioned, 1 rannot dissemble; 1 feel concern ; I am alarmed for the interests of the commercial states in the Union. I know Full well Mr. Chairman, the inauspicious circumstances, under which I address mar. gentlemen of the committer, with whom strong preposessions against a navy have long prevailed. But it is due to this great ques tion, that the ground of former opinions should be reviewed, and the intrinsic met its of the question subjected to the test of sober reason, uninfluenced by pre-judgment or for mer impressions. Has the constitution of the U. S. left the question open, fin* Congress to adopt or reject the policy of a navy, or was it settled by tin framers of the constitution, and a moral obli gation created upon Congress to provide a navv as soon as the resources of the U. Stales will permit ? Gentlemen will bear in mind in considering this question, that ours is not a government of absolute sovereignty and general jurisdiction, but limited as to its objects and powers that, the necessity of national legislation on cer tain subjects produced it, and the delegation of power by the states was guided solely by that necessity. If the exercise of a power was necessary to the general it - ‘As not this, sir, the fair anil just principles that governed the convention in the delegation of power to the general go vernment ! If so, then sir, I do confidently in sist, that the policy of a navy is decided by the constitution—that the convention, in giv ing to this government the “ power to pro vide and maintain a navy,” did decide that power to be necessary, and intend it should be exercised for the protection of the com merce and defence of the United States. What, sir! was the power to provide a navy taken from the states, as a deadly poison, to be here destroyed; or like edged tools, wrested from the hands of children, to be laid op here out of harm’s way ? Is this pow er so vested in Congress to be preserved like the consecrated gold in the temple, to he seen only by the high preist, but touched by no mortal! Is it to remain here dormant, never to be called into action ? What adds greatly to rnv construction is, that this power is not only given to the U. 8. but. taken away from or denied to the states; it never can be believed, that the commercial states would have-surrendered up this appro priate power of protection by a navy, together with p. rich impost revenue, except upon the fullest confidence and clear conviction that the constitution imposed on‘Congress the ob ligation to ftirniSh to commerce naval protec tion. ~ At the period of jhe constitution, com merce was importaht to the U. S.; it may be •cfisidered among the great objects of the ‘constitution, but every revolving year up to . this day, lias increased that importance in un folding new and extensive commercial bene fits ; so important have the. interests of com merce become at tiiis time, that the present war, which has spread over .most of the F,*i ropean theatre, may be considered a war of commerce. Can any man in his sober senses, believe that the* commercial portions of the Union will consent to abandon this treasure ? it is said “ the time has not come for a na vv.” What further dangers, what new scenes of trial or.- now reserved for suffering hu manity ? Have we not seen in our days an epitome of centuries for all that is great and audacious in human power, for all that is fla gitious in its abuse ? Have we not seen na tions crushed like the poor beetle beneath the giant tread of this modern Attiia of France ? Neutral Rights ! they are known only in their violation. If the time has not yet come for preparation, it may be justly said that it will never come. But it is objected, that “ our efforts would be n-.tgatHy,” as we cannot meet that power, which has obtained superiorly on the ocean, si. ip to ship and man to man. Whstysir, is the tend'-rcy of this What the conse quence of this logic, but to disarm and ex pose nked, all the minor or secondaiv pow ers of the World ? To invite them to retreat altogether from thr ocean, or yield 111. m se. y. -i up as unresisting victims to injustice and i-.-r.ine ? Consequences which no enlight ened r s;n can fail to see ; no virtuous man bat to deplore; no Rr.ve man without an impulse to drew his sword. Vilen the. Atheilisn state had ob'a'n A a decided superiority at sea,among the Gre cian states, as well in the number of her ships as in the -drill of her seamen, the minor pow rs of tho Pciopomiesus, instead of yielding tlt. iusclvi s up to despair, to such counsels as are now urged upon us, united their little flic-: . :■’*. 1 boldly advanced lo the conflict on the on an : they noblv persevered till Athens was humbled in (he dust. To draw nearer to cur ov o tiro i, lei. gentlemen turn then* eyes to Europe, and there behold the gov rmneot or Franc . aft< r a s -rii sos defeats ar.d disas ters -it ’■ a, ending in almost an annihilation oft; ir fleet, yet persevering* in the unshaken p flit v of a navv, anil firmly resolving to res tore it on tin ocean. Is the Emperor of France : 1 o blind to policy, to the true in sirntoems of his power! He has given too uue.j fatal proofs of his skill fur us not to •ickn oviedge, that no man living better com prehemh the weans necessary to compass his end.:. Shall the United States, with a situa tion so much more advantageous, with sea men so much superior, abandon the ocean, and give into thi blind and ruinous policy ? The opinion of the . ’’resident Jefferson lias been read from his notes on Virginia, an opinion formed in his rloset, at an auspicious period, before hy plunged into that scene of party turmoil and confusion that followed. 1 now present you the official communica tion of President Washington, on the sub ject of a navy, from his speech at the com mencement of the second session cf the fourth Congress. “To an active external commerce,the pro tection of a naval force is indispens.blv■. This is manifest with regard to wars in which a state is itself a party. But, besides this it is in our own experience, that the most sin cere neutrality is not a sufficient guard a gainst the depredations of nations at war. in secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force, organised and ready to vindi cate it from insult or agression. This may even prevent the necessity of going to war, by discouraging belligerent powers, from committing such violations cf the t ignis es a neutral party, as may, first or last, leave no other opinion. From the best information I have been able to obtain, h would seem a.-> if our trade to the Mediterranean, without a protecting force, will alwat s hi l:v t ’.a- . and our citizens exposed to the caiJ.niit’.-. P*.i which numbers of them have fc-.it just be.a relieved. “ These considerations invite the U. 8. t.-. look to the means, and to s-1 about the grad ual creation of a navy. The mc*v .sir;; ptk gross of their navigation proroiws th. t.i, at no distant p* riod, tne requisite supply of sea men ; oitd their means in other respect . fa vor the undertaking. It is an encouragement likewise, that their peculiar situation will give weight and influence to a moderate na val force in their hands. Will li not tlu-n he ad* iscsb! to begin v ithout delay, to provide end lay up the materials for the building and equipping ships of war, and to proceed in that work by degrees, ill proportion as our resources shall render it practicable without inconvenience; ro that a fufitio a. -r at Eu ■ —.* *— out raniravw in the, r.ume unprotected state, In which it was found by the present!” This great and good man, who kne .v how to preserve what lie had ro gallantly contrib uted to acquire, could not retire from the councils of his country, without a parting les son on this interesting subject, which he has thus placed on record for the benefit of his countrymen. Il is much to he lamented, that advice from so high, so pure and unsuspicious a source should have lost its. influence on those who wield the destinies of the country. This en lightened statesman had not formed the strange opinion, that if wc could not equip tiie greatest power on the ocean, therefore we should retire and yield to the least; to be come a prey to every petty power that could send a corsair to sea. It is further objected, that commerce is not worth the e.rpence of protection. At prosper ous periods, the annual export trade of the U. S. limy be estimated at TO millions of dol lars ; an average of the last nine years, ex cluding tlic present year, is ; this includes both domestic and foreign articles. The export of domestic articles only for the year ending in October last, is jj>45,0G0,()00. The beuefits of a free commerce to the Ims bundman are incalculable:; a favorable mar ket for his surplus produce, a reward for the toils of the field, by stimulating industry, , greatly increases the products if the country, and adds to the valuation or intrinsic -wealth cf the state; the augmented amount of tire product becomes so much clear profit. Al though particular articles have, the last year, found a favorable market, yet the general market is bad ; the country languishes, and the farmer sickens at the post, and sighs for the return of the former rich and joyous till office commerce. ‘No man who is not blind to the best interests of Ids country, can fail to see the importance of commerce, and the necessity of protecting it It has been alledged, that the balance of trade, with fir at Britain, is against the U. States. 1 know, sir, very well tne difficulties attending the investigation of what is termed the *‘ balance of trade ,*” but there are palpa ble errors in the- usual calculations on this subject. An estimate of co-ports is made at our Custom-houses by a valuation of the arti cle when snipped. Now it is obvious, on a moments reflection, that the value of the ex port to us is in the price at which it is sold in Great-Britain ; this is what v.c- receive from Great-Britaiu, and it frequently exceeds the valuation at our Custom-house 25 or 30 per cent. The great error lies in not bringing into the account freight , insurance, He. wiiicfi i:; the fruit of American industry ; our ships ;re from.'onr own forests, and are navigated bv American hands. On imports, freight or an equivalent per ccnlage is, l understand, added to the invoice, or contract price, at the Custom-house, to shew the cinymtnt imported, as though freight was always paid,to a Itritis); ship-owner; whereas the original cost of llie article imported should he only regarded in stating tne account of imports. My remarks me confined to a trade in American lurtlon.:*.. I ‘The fair result wil.i, I am persuaded, prove, I that our trade with Great-Britan is udvan- j Ugeous to the country, having a due r ;turd. ! NO 1. at all times, as wo ought, to check the Impor tation of such articles us our own manufac tures can supply on good terms. To the arts ts peace and t lie great interests of free govern ment, commerce m all as; -s and states, lias proved cminemlv favorable, and in this view come* strongly recommended to the freemen of the U. btates. Il is further attedgvd, that “ the country docs not possess the pecuniary resources for a navy.” Tiiis government has received from comnti rce alone, in duties, the enormous sum of 8191,291,734 from its commencement, in cluding tl-e Secretary’s estimate for the war just ended. A govei-nmcnt.with such a reve nue, cannot be without resources in credit at least. For this libera! contribution of com merce, protection is justly due. A reason able portion of the above amount ought to be considered as placed in a strong box,’ sacred to the protection of the comm, rce of the country. If it has been withdrawn for any other pur | ose, it ought now, in this dry of peril on the sea, to-foe restor .1. To refuse l bis protec tion, is to do injustice to the commercial inte rests of the country ; to undermine ibe feder al compact and sup the foundation of the Uni on. 8 landing up on the high ground of the constitution, the commercial slates, oppressed in every sea, and bleeding at every pore, make tins appeal for protection, and, 1 trust, it will rot be made in vain. The port of Xew-Yoi k alone Ims, for several years, contri bute] thirty-two hundredths, oi* ndnrly one ‘bird, of the whole import revenue of the U. 8.; tiiis sum, about forty-five millions in the whole, would haw* enabled that slate a lot’e to build a navv grc .tiy exceeding all the U. 8. have clone on tha subject. You ough: r.ot “ to muzzle the mouth of the ox that treialeth out the cornyou ought not to 1 allow! to any state cause of regret for hav ing entered the. league. Great additions to the navy at tiiis time are not asked. The policy of the government, in rehon-ii to commercial protection, should be in tilth declared, end a reasonable portion it the- public revenue appropriated fur that i'/Utpoac- New and increasing obstacles are thrown in the way; it is Said “ ire cannot ■nan a. -r.ry.” Assertions and pretexts may be multiplied without end. is there any ‘i'brf more dear* tc the heart of a sailor than a sail* 1 l*i’c 1 the charm continues till death. V bv should there be more difficulty in pro em in;* a sailor than a soldier ! Will not the same i.i**.u.ues prevail! Washington, in re comiiiciiding .. navy, did not discover tiiis obstacle. “ Seamen will prefer to engage cn board privateer ships,” it is said ; How c-.n this be : lanes not die sailor (in public ves sels) receive wayes in addition to prize mo ney t No, Mr. Clubman, jsuch suggestions, such ima.-mar; obstacles, ingeniously multi plied in every stage of the debate, at every step is; our progress, will not, they ought not, to avail. Tiie constitution’ bus pi efi/ed the government to tire protection of commerce the best interests of the country require it; ibe injustice of foreign nation:—the daily violailons of tin- American flag, demand it; and the present eventful period, :,o big- with danger, so strongly marked for a subversion of all that has been held sacred in the L-ms of na tions, admonishes us of our duty U proclaims aloud, that the time has come, when, the con stitutional power, gin n to this government, to provide a navy, should be eiiectually ex erted. EZEKIEL YARNELL, \ I the 8-ore lately occupied ty Mi ‘;-;'.- * ’ V iy. }jde-, coner of* i'.cll Street, end Tiuv I.une, oilers for sale very ! f’ v * *' or C'a: .'u Rood assortment if Drv CooiK-, among which me die fbiiowintr ar ticle;:. 6 Cambric Dimities Furniture and’ common do. often Shirtingt:, Cambric, Cos. Huckabacks, |?. a * ft diapers, t me Inch Linens, Linen Sheet in.', German Rolls, Brown Linen;;, Flaxen Diapers, Linen Checks, Leno and Seeded Muslins, imitation Muslins & Mantles. Furniture and common Calicoes, Fine white Jean, Colored Marseils, Deal Madras-; Handkerchiefs, Mock do. & Docket do. Flag Silk, do. Humhnme, Blue do. Cotton Stockings, Mens fine and common Beaver Gloves, Lady’s extra long white Kid do. Black & colored Canton Crapes, ■Lik arid Cotton Suspenders, White and yellow Flannels, Cotton Bedtieks, Northern Homespuns, Sewing Silks, Best gilt Coat Buttons, Threads, Tapes and Needles, Cotton Umbrellas, HO Prices Seemtc kers, 1001) yds. Tow Cloth, .4/..V0, Fresh Hyson Tea, Coffee, Leaf r agar, ( hocolalc by tke box o. pound, April 11 12 1. i