Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE AMERICAN PATRIOT. VOL I. THF- AMERICAN PATRIOT IS PUB WISHED ON TUESDAYS ANI) FRI DAYS, BY MITCHELL AND PRATT, ■NEXT DOOIi TO THE CUSTOM HOUSE, ON THE BAY, SAVAN NAH, AT SIX DOLLARS PER AN NUM. FEINTING OF EVERY DESCRIPTION EXECUTED WITH NEATNESS, AT THE OFFICE OF THE AMERICAN PATRIOT. PROSPECTUS OF THE AMERICAN PATRIOT. THE principles which this PAPER will ggppgrt, are designated by its name.—They *re principles founded upon an immutable ba sis, which misrepresentation may for a while hscare, but cannot permanently affect : prin ciples stamped by eternal experience, approv ed by the plainest dictates of common sense, and recognised and practiced by WASHING TON and HAMILTON. They advocate the honor of our country, not by pitiful parsimo nv, commercial restrictions, and ridiculous Thodomontade ; but by manly, adequate and efficient measures.—They cherish Agricul ture, and foster Manufactures, not by maim ing and crushing Commerce, but by extending towards it a just and liberal protection.—The operationof these principles have rendered our country prosperous; and under their influence every’ branch of society were successfully en gaged in their various occupations.—Our countrymen received an invigorating encour agement from the correct and hohorable mea sures of Government a dm mistered by aW’ALD INGTON—their purity were developed, and by appreciating them, wealth and its conse quent comforts and its enjoyments, honor and respect with their attending benefits, recom pensed the justness of their- choice of Nation al Rulers.—The same cause, the exercise of the same principles, will produce similar ef fects. To assist the rcstorotion of this cause w ill be a leading object with this Paper.—ln promoting this desirable end; moderation, can d>r and truth will be rigidly’ adhered to, and all private character inviolably held sacred. THIS Paper will comment upon with unre served liberality, public men and public mea sures, ;.nd will endeavor to place in a clear point of view, the misconduct of the public servants in attempting to cajole, deceive and mislead the people, thereby to maintain tire high posts of honor, which their measures prove them incapacitated to fill ; and the impropriety and incorrectness of their mea eure-s, fraught with disaster, and ruin.—To banish political deception and restore the clear light of truth ; to expose tire petty artifices , ofiittrieuing and designing men, and give to I influence in society ; and to promote the great ends of public utility and general welfare, by advocating enlightened and enlarged mea sures, will claim the strict attention of the Proprietors. THE pure American sentiments by which this print will unerringly be guided, shall receive no pollution from any foreign predilections : The aggressions of no nation will be paliaUd, nor the injuries or insults of any power extenuated ; ajust, an ingenuous, a candid policy towards all nations, which disdains ;.s unworthy the dignity of a great republic, and derogatory- to the character of an enlightened government, equivocation or deeplion, will gladly receive our utmost sup- port. SKETCHES of debates in Congress, Marine Memoranda, interesting Foreign and Domestic Intelligence, Public Documents, •and Eloquent Popular Speeches, will receive a regular insertion. Original Political and Scientific Essays, will claim our particular attention—and gentlemen of talents, whose observation, discernment and acquirements, rendertheir opinions and remarks interesting, are invited to desseminate the productions ot ‘their leisure through this PAPER. JOHN S. MITCHELL. CHARLES M PRATT. SAVANNAH, April 14, 1812 1 Administrator’s Sales. BY virtue of an order of the honor able Court of Ordinary of Chat ham County, will he Sold at Public Amotion, on Tuesday, the 21st April, inst. in front of the Filature, in the city of Savannah. All the Personal Estate of WILLIAM PRINCE, late of said eountv, Schoolmaster, deceased, con sisting chiefly of a very large and mis cellaneous Collection of Books, School Furniture, Globes, Surveying Instru ments, an elegant eight day Clock, a Tool Chest, a Silver Watch, some Prints, Kitchen Utensils, &.c. ’Sale to commence at it) o’clock pre cisely. By order of the Administrator. DAVID WILLIFORD, ftuct'r. April IF. 1 Waggon for Sale. A STRONG and very complete WAGGON, with four setts of GEERS, may be had low and upon good terms by applying soon, to the sub scriber, or to Mr John Miler, Gib ion's Building. JOHN GINDRAT. April if 3t 1 CONGRESS. HOUSE OK REPRESENTATIVES. Debate on the Navy Bill. January 25. Mr. QUINCY. —Mr. Speaker, I rise to ad. dress you on this occasion, with no affected diffidence ; and with many doubts, concern ing the expediency of taking any part in this debate. On the one hand, the subject has been discussed with zeal, industry and ta lents, which leave but little scope for novel ty, either in topic or illustration. On the other hand, arguments from this side of the house, in favor of this question, are received with so natural a jealousv, that I know not whether more may not be lost tiian gained, by so unpropitious a support. Indeed, sir, if this subject had been discusser on narrow or temporary, or party principles, I should have been silent. On such ground I could not condescend to debate ; I could not hope to influence. Rut the scale of discussion has been enlarged and liberal; relative rather to the general system, than to the particular exi gency ; in almost every respect, it has been honorable to the House, and auspicious to the prospects of the nation. In such a state of feeling and sentiment, 1 could not refrain from indulging the hope, that suggestions even from no favorite quarter, would he re ceived with candor, perhaps with attention. And, when I consider the deep interest, which the state, from w hich I have the honor to bes representative, has, according to my apprehension, in the event, I cannot permit the opportunity entirely to pass, without bringing my small tribute of reflection into the general stock of the House. The object 1 shall ehiefiy attempt to en force is the necessity and duty of systematic protection of our maritime rights, by mari time means. I would call the thoughtful and intelligent men of this House and nation, to the contemplation of the essential connec tion between a naval force, proportionate to the circumstances of our sea coast, the ex tent of our commerce, and the inherent en terprise of our people ; I say, sir, I would cal] them to the contemplation of the essential connection between such a naval force and the safety-, prosperity and existence of our Union. In the course of my observations, and as subsidiary argument, I shall also at tempt to shew’ the connection between the adoption of the principle of a systematic maintenance of our maritime rights, by mari time means, and relief from our present na tional embarrassments. I cenfess to you Mr. Speaker, I never can look, indeed, in my opjnion, no American statesmen ought, ever to look on any question, touching the vitalinterestsof this nation,or’ol any of its component parts, -without keening at all times in distinct view the nature of our political association, and the character of the independent sovereignties which compose it. Among states, the only sure and permanent *■ —* T ; r -4 the vital inte rests of states, although they may . W]c _ times obscured, can never, for a very long - time, be misapprehended. The natural pro tection, which the essential interests of the great component parts of our political asso ciation require, will be sooner or later under stood by the states concerned in those inte rests. If a protection, upon system, be not provided, it is impossible that discontent, should not result. And need I tell statesmen that, when great local discontent is combined in those sections, with great physical power and with acknowledged portions of sove reignty, the inbred ties of nature will be too strong for the artificial ties of parchment compact ! Hence it results that the essential interests of the great component parts of our associa tion, ought to be the polar lights of all our statesmen. By them they should guide their course. According to the bearings and varia tions of those lights, should the statesmen of such a country adjust their policy ; always bearing in mind two assurances, as fundamen tal principles of action, which the nature of tilings teaches; that although temporary circumstances, party spirit, local rivalries, personal jealousies, suggestions of subordi nate interests, may weaken, or even destroy, for a time, the influence of the leading and permanent interests of any great section of Uit country, yet thbse interests must ulti mately and necessarily predominate and swal low up all these local and temporary, and personal, and subordinate considerations; in other words, the minor interests will soon begin to realise the essential connection, which exists between their prosperity and the prosperity of those great interests, which, in such sections of the country, nature has made predominant; and, has no political connec tion, among free states, can be lasting, or ought to lie, which systematically oppresses, or systematically reluses to protect the vital interests of any of the sovereignties wtiich compose it. I have recurred to these general consider ations, to introduce and elucidate this princi ple, which is the basis of my argument; that, as it is the incumbent duty of every nation to protect its essential interests, so it is the most impressive and critical duty of a nation, composed of a voluntary association of vast, powerful and independent states, to protect the essential interests of all its great compo nent parts. And I add, that this protection must not be formal or fictitious, but that it must be proportionate to the greatness of those interests, and of a nature to give con tent to the states concerned in their protcc tion. .... c In reference to this principle, the course ot my reflections will be guided by two general inquiries : the nature of the interest to be protected; the nature of the protection to be extended, hi pursuing these inquiries, 1 shall touch very slightly, ii at all, on the ab stract duty of protection ; which is the very end of all’ political associations, and without the attainment of which, they are burthens and no blessings. But, I shall keep it mainl) , in mv purpose, to establish the connection be tween a naval force and commercial prosperi ty ; and to show the nature of the necessity, SAVANNAH, FRIDAY, APRIL 17, 1812. anil the degree of our capacity, to give to our maritime rights a maritime protection. hi contemplating the nature of the interest to lie protected, three prominent features strike the eye and direct the course of reflec tion : its locality ; its greatness; and its per manency. The locality of any great interest, in an as sociation ot >tates, such as compose this Union, will be a circumstance of primary im portance, in the estimation of every “wise statesman When a great interest is equally diff used over the whole mass, it may be neg lected or oppressed, or even abandoned, with less hazard of internal dissension. The equa lity of the pressure lightens the burthen. The common nature of the interest removes the causes of jealousy. A concern, equally affecting the happiness of every part of the nation, it is natural to suppose is equally dear to all, and equally understood by all. Hence results acquiescence, in any artificial or poli ical embarrassment of it. Sectional fears and suspicions, in such case, have-no food for sup port and no stimulant for activity. But it is far otherwise when a great interest is, from its nature, either wholly, or in a very great proportion, local. In relation to such a local interest, it is impossible that jealousies and suspicions should not arise, Whenever it is obstructed by any artificial or political em barrassment. And it is also impossible that they should not be, in a greater or less de gree, just. It is true of the wisest and the best and the most thoughtful of our species, that tliev are so constituted as not deeply to realise the importance of interests, which af fect them not at all, or very remotely. Every local circle of states, as well as of individuals, lias a set of interests, in the prosperity of which, the happiness of the section to which they belong is identified. In relation to which interests the hopes and the fears, the reasonings and the schemes of the inhabitants of such sections are necessarily fashioned and conducted. It is morally impossible, that those concerned in such sectional interests, should not look with some degree of jealousy on schemes adopted in relation to those inte rests, and prosecuted by men, a majority of which have a very remote or very small stake in them. And this jealousy must rise to an extreme height, when the course of measures adopted, whether they have relation to the management or the protection of such inte rests, wholly contravene the opinions and the practical experience of the persons immedi ately concerned in them. This course of re flection has a tendency to illustrate this idea, that as, in every political association, it is of primary importance that the great interests of each local section should be skilfully and honestly managed and protected, so, in se lecting the mode and means of management and protection, an especial regard should be. had to the content and rational satisfaction of those most deeply concerned in such sec tional interests. Theories and speculations of the closet, however abundant in a show of wisdom, arc never to be admitted to take the place of those prim"]’*’- ~r experiew ’. shown the prosperity and saie of such interests to consist. Practical knowledge and that sagacity which results from long attention to great interests, never fail to inspire a just self-confidence in relation to those interests. A confidence not to be browbeaten bv authority, nor circumvented by any general reasoning. And, in a’national point of view, it is scarcely of more import ance, that the course adopted should lie wise, than that content and rational satisfac tion shouki be given. On this topic of locality, I shall confine my self to one or two very plain statements. It seems sufficient to observe, that commerce is, from the nature of things, the leading interest of more than one half, and that it is the predo minant interest of more than one third of the people of the United States. The states, north of the Potowmac, contain nearly four millions of souls ; and surely it needs no proof to convince the most casual observer, that the Proportion,” which the commercial interest ears to the other interests of that great sec tion of the Union, is such as entitles it to the denomination of a leading interest. The states, north of the Hudson, contain nearly tioo and a half millions of souls; and surely there is as little need of proof to show that the proportion the commercial interest bears to tlie other interests of that northern section of the Union, is such as entitles it there to the denomination of a predominating interest. In all the country, between the Potowmac and the Hudson, the interest of'commerce is, so great, in proportion to the other interests, that its embarrassment dogs and weakens the energy of every other description of in dustry. Yet the agricultural and manufac turing interests of this section, are of a nature and a magnitude, both in respect of the sta ples of’ the one and the objects of the other, as render them, in a very considerable de gree, independent of the commercial. And although they feel the effect of the obstruc tion of commerce, the feeling may be borne for a long time without much individual suf fering, or any general distress. But in the country north of the Hudson, the proportion and connections of these great interests are different. Both agriculture and manufactures have there grown up in more intimate rela tion to commerce. The industry of that sec tion has its shape and energy from commer cial prosperity. To the construction, the supply and the support of navigation, its ma nufactures have a direct or indirect reference. And it is not very different with its agricul ture. A country divided into small farms, among a population great compared with its extent, requires quick circulation and easy processes, in the exchange of its commodi ties. This can only be obtained by an active and prosperous commerce In order more clearly to apprehend the lo cality’ of the commercial interest, cast your eyes’upon the abstract of tonnage, lately laid upon our tables, according to annual custom by the Secretary of our Treasury. It will be found that Tons. The aegregate tonnage of t.ie United States is 1,424,000 Os this there is owned between the Mississippi and die Potowmac 221,000 Between the Potowmac and the Hud son 321,000 And north of the Hudson 882,000 1,424,000 If thi tonnage be estimated, new and old, as it may, without extravagance, at an aver age value of fifty dollars the ton. The total aggregate value of the tonnage of the United States may be stated, in round numbers, at 870,000,000 Os which four-sevenths are owned north of the Hudson, equal to 840,000,000 Two-sevenths are owned between , the Hudson and the Potowmac equal to 820,000,000 One-seventh is owned south of the Potowmac, equal to §10,000,000 870,000,000 To place the locality of this interest in a light still more striking and impressive, I state, that it appears by that abstract that Tin; SIKOLK STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS AAH XI. I'OSSKSSKS XF.AKI.If HALF A MILLION OF TOX xagf. Precisely, in round numbers, 496,000 tons. An amount of tonnage equal, within fifty thousands tons, to the whole tonnage, owned by’ all the states south of the Hudson. I refer to this excessive disproportion be tween the tonnage, owned in different states anil sections of the United States, rather as a type, than as an estimate of the greatness of the comparative disproportion of the whole commercial interest, in those respective slates and sections. The truth is, this is much greater than the proportion of tonnage indi cates, inasmuch as the capital and the indus try, occupied in finding employ for this great amount of tonnage, are almost wholly posses sed by the sections of the country, to which that tonnage belongs. A satisfactory esti mate of the value of that capital and industry would require a minuteness of detail, little reeoncileable either with your patience, or with the necessity of the present argument. Enough has been said to convince any one who will take the trouble to reflect upon the subject, that the interest is, in its nature, eminently local; that it is impossible it can be systematically abandoned, without con vulsing that whole section of country, and that the states interested in this commerce so vital to their prosperity, have a right to claim, and ought not to be content wini less than efficient protection. The imperious nature of Ihis duty will be still farther enforced by considering the great ness of tins interest. In doing this, I prefer to present a single view of it; lest by distracting the attention to a great variety of particulars, the effect of the whole should be lost in the multitude of details. Let us inquire into the amount of property annually exposed to maritime depredation, and what the protec tion of it is worth to the nation, which is its proprietor. An estimate of this kind must necessarily be very loose ami general. But . ... m l* ; cn t!y to answer all the purposes of the argument. For the sub ject is of that massive character, that a mis take of many millions makes no material al teration in the conclusion to be drawn from the statement. The total export of the United States, in the treasury year, end ing on the Ist day of October, 1807, was 8108,000,000. That of the year ending the Ist of Oct. 1811, was §61,000,000. The average value exceeds 80,000,000. But to avoid all cavil, I state the annual average value of export* of the United States, at §70,000,000 To this add the annual average value of the shipping of the United States, which, new and old, cannot be less than §SO the ton, and on one million four hun dred thousand tons, is also §70,000,000 To this add the average annual value of freight, out and home, which, calculated on voyages of all descriptions, may he fairly stated at §7O the ton, and is §98,000,000 [For this estimate of the value of freight and tonnage, I am in debted to an honorable friend and colleague, (Mr. Reed) whose in format ion and general intelligence concerning commercial subjects, are, perhaps, not exceded by those of any gentle man in either branch of Congress ] To this add the total average value of property annually at risque, in our coasting trade, which cannot be less than, and proba bly far exceeds §100,000,000 Our seamen are also the subjects of annual exposure. The value of this hardy, industrious and generous race of men, is not to be estimated in money. The pride, the hope, and, if you would permit, the bulwark of this commercial community, are not’ to be put into the scale against silver or gold, in any moral orpolitical estimate. Yet, for the present object, 1 may be permitted to state the value of the skill and industry of these freemen to their country, at §SOO each, which, on 120,000 seamen, the unquestionable number, is §60,000,000 Making a gross aggregate of §398,000,000 Although I have no question of the entire correctness of this calculation, vet, for the pur pose of avoiding every objection which might arise in relation to the value of freight or tonnage, I put out of the question ninety eight millons of the above estimate, and state the amount, of annual maritime exposure at only §500,000,000. To this must be added the value of the property ori our seaboard, of all the lives of our citizens, and of all the cities and habita tions on the coast, exposed to instant insult and violation from the meat contemptible NO 2. maratime plunderer. No man can think that 1 am extravagant, if I add, on this account, an amount equal to that annually exposed at sea, and state the whole amount of mari time ami sea coast exposure, in round num bers, at six hundred millions of dollars. I am aware that this estimate falls short of the reality. 1 know that the safety of our do mestic hearths and our alters, and the secu rity of all the dear and tender objects of af fection and duty which surround them, are beyond the reach of pecuniary estimates. But I lay those considerations out of the ques tion, and simply enquire, what is the worth of a rational degree of security’, in time of war, tiir such an amount of property, considering it merely as an interest to be insured, at the market rate, of the worth of protection. Suppose an individual had such a property at risque, which, in time of peace, was subject to so much plunder and insult, and, in time of war, was liable to be swept away, would he not be deemed unwise, or rather absolutely mad, if lie neglected, at the annual sacrifice of one or two, or even three per cent, to obtain for this property a very high, degree of secu rity us high perhaps, as the divine will permits man to enjoy in relation to the possessions of this life, which, accord ing to the fixed dispensations of his provi dence, are necessarily uncertain and transito ry ? But suppose that instead of one, two or three per cent, he could by the regular annual application of two thirds of one per cent, upon the whole amount of the property at risqnc, obtain a security thus high and desir able. To what language of wonder and con tempt would such an individual subject him self, who at so small a sacrifice, should re fuse or neglect to obtain so important a bles sing ? What, then, shall be said of a nation, thus neglecting and thus refusing, when to it attach not only all the considerations of inter est and preservation of property, which be long to the individual, but other and far high er and more impressive, such as the main tenance of its place, of its honor, the safety of the lives of its citizens, of its children, and females from massacre, or brutal violence ? Is there any language of contempt and de testation too strong for such blind infatua tion ; such palpable improvidence ? For let it be remembered, that two thirds of one per cent, upon the amount of property thus amma.ly exposed, is four millions of dollars. The annual systematic appropriation of which amount would answer all the purposes and hopes of commerce, of your cities and seabord. But, perhaps, the greatness of this interest and our pecuniary ability to protect it may be made more strikingly apparent, by a compar ison of our commerce with that of Great-Brit ain, in the single particular of export. 1 state, then, as a fact, of which any man may satisfy himself, by a reference to M'Pherson’s Annals of Commerce, where the tables of British export may lie found, that, taking the nine years prior to the war of our revolution from 1766 to 1774, inclusive, the total average export of Great-Britain, was I 16,000,000 sterling, equal to §71,000,000. An amount less, by ten million ofdollars, than the present total average export of the United States. And again, taking the nine years, beginning with 1789, and ending with 1797, inclusive, the total average annual export of Great- Britain was l . 24,000,000 sterling, equal to §106,000,000, which is less by two millions of dollars, than the total export of the United States, in 1807. It is true that this is the official value of the British export and that tlie real value is some what higher ; perhaps thirty per cent. This circumstance, although it in a degree diminishes the approximation of (lie American to the British commerce, in point of amount, does not materially af feet the argument. Upon the basis of her commerce, Great-Britain maintains a mari time force of eight hundred, or a thousand vessels of war. And will it be seriously contended that, upon the basis of a commerce like ours, thus treading upon the heels of British greatness, we are absolutely without the ability of maintaining the security ofour sea board, the saftv of our cities and the un ohst meted course of our coasting trade! By recurring to the permanency of this in terest, the folly and madness of this negli gence, and misplaced meanness, for it does not deserve the name of economy, will he still more distinctly exhibited. If “this com merce Were tlie mushroom growth of a night, if it had its vigor from the tempora ry excitement and the accumulated nutri ment, which warring elements, in Europe, iiad swept from the places of their natural deposit, then, indeed, there might be some excuse for a temporising policy touching so transitory an interest. But commerce, in the eastern states, is of no foreign growth ; and of no adventitious seed. Its root is of a fibre, which almost two centuries have nourished. And tlie perpetuity of its destiny is written in legible characters, as well as tlie nature of the country as in the dispositions of its inhabitants. Indeed, sir, look a lorig your whole coast, from Fassamaquoddy to Gapes Henr) and Charles, and behold the deep and far winding creeks and inlets, the noble ba sons, the projecting head lands, tlie majestic rivers, anti those sounds and bays, which are more like inland seas, than like any thing cal led by those names in other quarters of the globL-, Cun any man do this and not realise that tlie destiny of the people, inhabiting such a country, is essentially maritime ? Can any man do tins without being impressed bv the conviction that, although the poor pro jects of politicians may embarrass, for a tune, the dispositions growing out of the condition of such a country, yet that nature will he too strong for cobweb regulations and will vin dicate her rights with certain effect; per haps with awful perils? No nation eve* dxUL or ever ought to, resist such alluiems nts auSL invitations to a particular mode of The puiposes of Provide’*-e. relat. .. X ~ the destination of men are to be gath -r i f-.-orr, tlie circumstances in which his b/;t> has placed them. And, to refuse to i; :■ use of the means of prosperity, whir., h a goodness has put into our lianas, what js it but spurning at his bounty and rejecting tiie blessings, which his infinite wisdom las dr