The American patriot. (Savannah, Ga.) 1812-1812, April 17, 1812, Image 2

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sifijiaU f? for us, by the very nature of his al lotment* ! Tlie i mjkjj mint* of industry, 1011- ikictid with navigation and cotimi rciaicn ti piizi, art p-rcinu* to tin- people of > hat quar ter of he country, by anen nt prejudice not less tlu.lt bv recent profit. The occupation is rendered dear ad venerable, by all the chi- Tisbed a:.90c.. tioiis of our infancy and ai! the sagi and prudential max inis ofour ancestors. Aitd, us to tin lessons of encouragemeut, de rived tr* in recent experience, what nuiiot, evi r within u similar p riod, receive and to many that were sweet and salutary 1 What liatio. ,in so ’llort time, ever before ascend ed to .such a height of comm rcial great nest ? It has been said by some philosophers ol the other hemisphere, that nature in lb s new world had worked hy a sublime scale ; that our mountains and rivers and lakes Were, bay or,d all comparison, greater than any tiling the old world could boast; that •he here made nothing diminutive—sxcsrr its ammals. Aid ought we not to fear lest tlie bitterness of sarcasm should lie concen trated on our country, hy a course of po.icy wholly unworthy of the magnitude and nature of the interests committed to guardianship! Have we notreason to fear'hat some future cynic, v.i li an usperi v, which truth shall make piercing, wild claie, that all things in these United States are gnat— turn its STATI.I.s*fn ; and that we are pigmii s, to whom Providence has entrusted, for some inscrutable purpose, gigan ic ” h.bors ? Call Wi-deny the justice of sndi severity of re in rk, if, instead of udop ing a scale o) thought and a standard of action proportion ate to thegreatn sa of our trust and the mul tiple and necessities of the pi i pie, we bring to our task the measures of pr Sessional indus try ; and mite out contributions for national safety by our fee-tables, our yard sticks and our gill pots? Can we refrain’from subscr.b iug to the truth of such censure, if we do not rise, in some degree, to the height of our obligations; and leach ourrelves to con ceive, and with the people to realise, tin vastness of those relations, which are daily springing among states, which arc not so much one empire as a congregation ? Having concluded what I intended to sug gest, in relation to the nature of the interest to be protected. I proceed to consider the na ture nf the protection, -which , it win our duty to ox tend. And, here, Mr. Speaker, lam necessita ted to make, an obti rvation; which is so sim ple and so obvious, that, were it pot for tile arguments, urged against tlie principle of maritime protection, 1 should have deemed the nit re mention of it, to rt quire an apology The remark is tb.s, that rights, in their na ture local, ran only be maintained where they exist, and not win r ■ they do not exist. II you 1. and a fa Id to chfir.d in tuny u. it would he vi ry strange t > jut up a fence in Massachusetts. Aid yet, lion does this differ from invading C.m il. , for the purpose of dofci ding our tnarit me r glits ? I beg not to be understood, M . Speaker, by this remaik, as intending to chill the ar dor for the Canada expedition. It is very true that, to posses ourselves of the Cana das, and Nova Scot,a and tlnir and, penden cies, it would cost these United Slates, at the least estimate fifty millions of dollars ; and that Greut-Hmtain’s nauini.l pr.de and her pledge of protection to the people of that country, being put out of the qties'i n, w u'.d se ll you the whole tfur.lory, fur half the mo ney. lin .ke no objection, however, on tins account. On the contrary, for the purpose of the present argument, I may admit, tha pecuniary calculation ought tube put out of tin fi. Id, when spirit is io be shewn, or honor vindicated. 1 only designed to inquire how our maritime rights arc protected, by such invasion. Si ppo. e that in every land project von are successful. Suppose bo 1 1, tiie Canadas, Quebec, H. lifax, evtry thing to the North Pole, vours by f.iir conquest. Are your rights on tlie ocean, therefore secure? Does your flag-float afterwards in honor ? Arc y'ottr seamen safe from impressment ? Is vour course along the high wav of nation* un obstructed? No one pretends it. No one lias, or c.n shew bv anv logical deduction, or anv detail of facts that the loss of ihe.n- conn tr'es would so compress Ureat-Rntain, as to induce her to abandon for one hour urn ol her maritime pri tensions. Wi at then results ? Why, sir, what is palp, hie as the day, that maritime rights i r only to be maintained by maritime means. This species of p.otection must be given or ali clamor about maritime rights Will be mlsunch rstood, by the p ople interested in tin in, to I e hollow or false ; or wliat is worse, an intention to co-opt rate wi h the enemies of our commerce in a stilt f rtl.er embarrassment < f it. While Inn on this point I cannot refrain from noticing a strange solecism, which seems to prevail touching the term fag. It is talk ed about as though there vvi.s something mvstical in its very nature ; as though a rag vvitli c rtnin Sll pis and stius upon it, tied to a stick and idled a flip, was a wizard wand, aid entailed securi yon every thuip under it, or within its spin re. The re is no thing like all this in the natim of the thing. A flag is tt.i evidence of power—a land flag is the evidence of lard power. A marit me flag is the evidence of nu nt.me power. You mav have a piece of hunting upon a s'uf!', and call it a flag, but if you have no maritime power to ma.ntain it, you have a name aid no i .tv ; vou have tiie shadow, will out the subs ane'e ; von have the sign of a flag, but in truth—you have no fag. Speech concluded in our next. For the American Patriot. THE REVIEW. WHEN weak anil incapable men r.’lv upon popular favor which they have basely and corruptly purchased, ami presume upon this support to pur sue a system of expedients in direct violation of the rights of freemen; it becomes an imperious duty to drag them forth and hold them up to public •-. rn. No consideration of punctilio mt st operate to soften tlie deep shades dp. ceierinx, w hu h ti.e picture demand.;. U mW be delineated to the life; a po ’ , fuK of the most singular eom l uu'-’ds, that alike dishonors a freeman .k. is aLaYVurian, must be unequivo cally exposed. The bowlings of a gang of savages shall not soften ona remurk; alleviate one expression.— J.angrtage is too feeble to eorrectlv de pict the principles that have polluted this country. The people are dupes to hypocrites and impostors; the ardent zeal of honoroble and deluded Amer icans is worthy of a better cause. No reflection is intended for the great bo dy of the democratic faction; their leaders deserve the execration of the country. When a free nation is be trayed by those ungrateful men to whom its safely is confided; when the ark of Liberty is wantonly endanger ed; when the most awful ruins stare us in the face; when tiie canker of corruption is penetrating to the very heart of the body politic; it were ba rely criminal to shrink from a full de lineation of the evil, tracing its con sequences, and pointing out the anti dote. Ido not pretend to be adequate to the task, but my humble efforts shall not he wanting in its discharge. For nearly twelve years have we been the sport of innovation and no velty, of theory and folly. It is time they should lie banished to the monk ish cells from whence they have un fortunately crept upon the nation. It is time the apathy they have caus ed should be indignantly thrown aside, and the energy and dignity of the country awakened and exercised. It is lime that James Madison should re tire, ami no longer disgrace the coun try hy pretending to fill an office for which he is utterly incapable. It is the cry and cant of demagogues and their pitiful echoes, that our wretch ed situation is the consequence of Eu ropean edicts and aggressions. It is not the case. It is a pitiful subterfuge, by which (hey hope to hide the hide ous deformity es their own contempti ble policy. it is an item in ti e creed of deception; a mere terrapin shell under whose protection they expect to creep from public indignation. It shall not avail. The causes of Ihe insults and aggressions of foreign nations are she pusillanimity, and oblique policy of our rulers. Whence, Task, the lamentable pic ture every portion of the country pre sents tn the eye ? Whence ttin mmim. ful scene that smothers every pleasing emotion, eve ry approbatory sentiment ? Whence the dreary waste, ruins and desolation w hich in all directions appal the philanthropic mind? What depre cated cause placed in our public coun cils. incapacity, stupidity, which have w ithered our prosperity and honor, pros trated our commerce, and scattered the fragment of our greatness far and wide; which have corrupted the public mind, and rendered the country the sport, the ridicule of the world? Whence this melancholy group of disasters ? The political principles and administrations of Jefferson and Madison w ill unfold a full reply. Falsehood and deception with all their train of cunning and artifice, sup port the tottering fabric of Democra cy. They commenced their infamous career at the very conclusion of the revolution. Anarchy, congenial an archy, is the element which democracy delights to enjoy, and w hen it was about being checked, the whole gang was around into frenzy. The general con vention assembled when the public cred it was destroyed, confidence annihilat ed and government merely nominal: their object was to remedy prevaiiinc defects, improve upon past experience, and form a constitution adequate to all emergencies: they accomplished this great undertaking gloriously; opposi tion immediately reared its hideous head, objections innumerable were dis covered. passion, prejudice, ambition were enlisted, and every artifice that duplicity could device were unhesitat ingly practised in ordi r to render abor tive the enlightened instrument which rescued our country from anarchy. This opposition did not expire with the adoption of the elegant conciliato ry chord which binds the States in Union and friendship; it unfortunate ly continued its maihiavelian opera tions. All the judicious measures of Washington w tie censured. The neu tral it. t statesman firmt n to, thereby givin ruder of the country dignity, and its operations success; bis treaty with England, at once fixing on a positive and favorable basis, our commercial relations with that nation and securing to our citizens an ample field for lucrative enterprize s bis es tablishment of the Bank, increasing the active capital and circulating me dium of tlie country, facilitating col lection of the public monies w ith safety and dispatch, and invigorating indus try and exertion; in short, his every measure were virulently attacked, the flood gates of abuse were opened, the mounds of decorum were broken down, anil a torrent of scandal, calumny and invective rushed forth, and contaminat ed the pure principles of our citizens. He himself was not spared, but was swept along in the general current. Every impulse of sinister ambition, every instigation of self aggrandise ment, every fabrication of falsehood, every invention of fraud, every sub terfuge of cunning, every art which desperation could practise were em ployed by a corrupt faction to destroy the popularity of Washington and his measures. The affections of the peo ple were staggered and alienated from his system by specious promises of economy, and other hypocritical cant. This opposition continued in all its jaeobinical fury till the weakness and indiscretion of Adams rendered it suc cessful, and cursed the country with a policy which now claims an exami nation. Can success alter the eharae of a faction ? If a felon goes unhung, is he not still worthy of the gallows ? The present situation of our country is by no means such as to excite those elevated and satisfactory feelings, which national honor and general pros- perity irresistably inspire; it unfortu nately is rather the reverse. Who ean contemplate our comparative career, the present tottering, zig-zag policy, and feel one pleasing emotion ? Instead of conscious greatness, dignified mag nanimity, hold enterprising courage refined inviolable honor, great com prehensive plans and energetic exccu iii>. lili-li Sunn— Ha.- iiravery that scorns low intrigue, a sacrcit 0 and regard for the principles of the const!- tution; instead of that dazzling bril liancy of character which political vir tue, grent talents, ant! acute sensibili ty shed around a magnanimous and generous nation; instead of that, en larged conception, quick discernment, firm resolution, pure and honorable motives that should invigorate the soul of this Union, inspiriring every minute section with the most exalted sentiments; instead of these grand de siderata, what have we to console us? Alas! a commerce in ruins wantonly destroyed; an agriculture languishing under an impotent administration; in dustry paralysed; arts decaying with the sleep of industry; a national cha racter basely abandoned ; national feel ings cowardly betrayed; tlie spirit of the country treacherously deceived and openly insulted; the honor of our flag trampled upon and disgraced; a wretch ed policy of weak and silly expedients committing the most odious encroach ments upou the constitution ; a bewil dered government lost in the labyrinths of their own folly; disaster, intrigue, deception ; imposition, incapacity, pu sillanimity ; low, sordid views, grovel ing conceptions, impure motives; a general and deadly iaugor palsying every nerve of our abused country; but let me arrest my pen, and discon tinue tlie horrid and disgusting recital of our internal state. Is it not a mere outline, an imperfect sketch? And when we turn our attention to our con nexions with the world, we can dis cover nothing to alleviate this unfor tunate, this deplorable condition. M ith England our relations have been progressively eniharassing; sys tematically increasing i>i confusion and perplexity. Every opportunity for ad justment swells the catalogue of com plaints ; and every pretended indica tion of sincerity proves false decep tion. ■ Fublie law established national principles founded upon justice and reason, torn from their base, and scat tered in fragments among sovereigns, are unfortunately replaced hy capriee folly and injustice. Bombastic threats, deceitful negotiation, and degrading expedients. Rre the weapons of our va liant and redoubtable administration in their cowardly hostilities with Britain. With France our national concerns have worn u most extraordinary com plexion. Friendly conciliation, pro tracted moderation, pacific disposition, and the most calm equanimity, have uniformly characterised govornment in their intercourse with ‘ His Imperial Majesty, the magnanimous Napoleon.’ The most savage violation of rights held sacred even among barbarians; the rao3t atrocious piracies, robbery, and plunder; the burning of our ships on the high seas; the indignant im pressmt u of our seamen ; their con finement in dungeons loaded with gal ling chains; and innumerable other violations and infringements on our most sacred rights, have not been suf ficient to awaken onr philosophic ad ministration from their fatal slumber. Neither have the most keen studied, and reitteratedinsults; the most novel and arbitrary promulgation of a savage code of public law, trampling upon every recognise 1 principle of justice, and the most humiliating and degrad ing exaction from sovereign states to conform to tlie imperious dictates of a barbarian under the penalty of denati onalization ; neither have any of these been able to cause the burning blush of indignation in the stoic countenance of pusillanimity. Instead of the aveng ing sword and thundering cannon, we see our vile administration cringing to the feet of the Imperial Tyrant; base ly fanning upon the grim monster, and plunging our country into a state of servile vassalage. Instead of leiting loose the dogs of war, and wiping away the infamy the Corsican Usur per has thrown upon our fair fame; we see the blustering patriots at Wash ington, perfect petit maitres, all deli cate politesse, exquisite condescension, bowing and cringing; smiling and sim pering, and upou tlie most familiar and friendlv * inline •• Olood stain ed ’ despot. With Denmark a petty vassal of Na poleon we submit with unconcern to piratical robbery, and scornful insults. Our commerce is the free prey of these thieves and freebooters, and adminis tration are afraid of resorting to any other means of resenting them, than by degrading and endless negociation. lest the “ incomparable Buonaparte” might take oflenec. With respect to Spain, the conduct of the American government has been infamous. When the unfortunate pen insula was betrayed, invaded, and plundered by the “ cut purse” of Eu rope, instead of generous assistance in her glorious cause, the administration of this free country is fomenting insur rection in her provinces, and then base ly robbing her of her colonies; guilty of conduct w hich if committed by an individual would damn him to eternal infamy. In whatever direction we turn our eyes the effect of wild madness, cor rupt folly, and stubborn stupidity pre sent themselves, which demand and shall receive a brief examination in succeeding essays. The presidential inauguration of Jefferson eclipsed the brightness of America, whic h lias ever sinee remained in total darkness. Ilis policy is a curse which this country will long deplore. His principles a whirlwind, which have ih o.vn our prosperity into a perfect wreck, and wiil arouse abused, betrayed, and in sulted freemen from their repose and confidence, and sweeep pitiful Madi son from his office. PERICLES. TIIE CRISIS NO. 11. IT has been proved in the last number, that if the decrees of France were repealed or modified at all, they were so in consequence of the Presi dent's proclamation, But are they re pealed or modified ? Where is proof? As to the fact of revocation on Ist November, it has virtually beea allowed by Secretary Monroe not (~ be the case, who asserts that if t( u . y were not on that day, they w ere effe/. tually revoked or modified on and February; hut where is tlie proof? m , substantial proof has been or can I* produced—none else but the base as ’ sertion of France, which is failhlett as the wind. If there is any evidence in favor of their repeal, evidence equally good exists, which proves their continuance. If in some cases they are said to bt revoked, in others they are the fun. daincntal laws of the empire.” If some few vessels are allowed to es. rape the clut dies of the Imperial Rob. ber, does not almost every arrival frorn Europe, announce to us some new in. stance of the existence of the Decree* and their rigorous execution ? So that giving the subject the most favorable construction, their repeal is equivocal. And if such Is the real fact, is the at titude. assumed with regard to En gland sanctioned or justified by any colorable pretext? Is a pretended re peal of the Decrees of an equivocal nature, to be a cause of war, because England gives perhaps a more correct interpretation to the acts of France, and will not be juggled iuto a repeal of her Orders, sanctioned by the laws of retaliation ? Is tlie ground of war against England to rest upon the stu died ambiguity, equivocation and per fidy of France ? The real nature of the order, the pretended cause for war, should be well considered. They rest entirely upon the just right of retaliat tion, and the moment the Decrees of her enemy arc repealed so are the or ders. They do not directly attack neutral commerce, but incidentally af feet it, in recoiling upon her enemy her own barbarous system. And if no substantial proof of the abrogation of this iniquitous system can be brought forward, why does the American go vernment demand with a threat of war, the relinquishment of the counterac tion tn this system, without a similar demand and threat agaiust the first aggressor ? A cause of war should bs clear and undoubted,—but is this ? When such clouds and darkness hang upon it, is such a cause just ? There is another remark to be made upon this subject. The well known character of the French government sanctions the conclusion, that in the cases where the operation of the De crees is suspended, it is done vvitli the most perfidious views, to ensnare our unwary merchants, or embroil us with England; and even these very eases, appear so clearly forced favors ggej eopfions, ao 4 -p”f TTVtT the existence of the Decrees. The part relied on to prove the repeal, con firm tlie reverse. At all events, if they are not executed on the high seas because France has not fullv the means, they are effectually enforced where she ean exert her power ac cording to the language of oar govern ment, “ the mode only, and riot the measure, has undergone an alteration.” The substance remains the same, hut under a different form. And let us ask where is the difference if the form is only changed ? Is this mere change c f name to justify our rulers in plunging into such a flimsey snare our Unfortu nate country? Isa measure the les3 injurious, the less a violation of right because it is dressed up in a different garbs? And is such the foundation of the anticipated war? What a truly contemptible ground, our government have chosen ; it amounts simply to this that either England or France “mav al- ter the name of their edicts; the first may enforce her order, under the name of blockades, the other may change “ the measure to the original mode,” and all c ause of war, at least the pre sent cause, will tumble to the earth. Pbiis taking the whole subject into view, no cause of war exists with re gard to tlie Orders in Council, which does not equally exist with regard to the Decrees of Frame: hut, the real unsophisticated fact is, that the French Decrees never have, in principle, been suspended, notwithstanding the Presi dent has so asserted, w ith regard to this country. An insidious policy in duced a few exceptions; but finding yet no actual war against England lias taken place, the Decrees have revived in full force, and daily events remove any doubt on the subject. Nothin* can more clearly evince tlie credulity and precipitancy of government, their utter incapacity for the reins of power, than allowing themselves to be thus imposed upon. Are we tiie mere vassals of “ His Imperial Majesty,” that we permit ourselves to be indig nantly bnffetted into i.ts schemes? Do we surrender our freedom at the foot stool of a tyrant, and allow adminis** trot ion to transform us into slavish tools? Uandidlv to review the whole course of our policy with re ;ard lr Franco, it would seem to be the ease; hy then should we continue in this degraded state? Why not avenge tha honor and rights of the country, from the many stains and injuries indicted