Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE AMERICAN PATRIOT. VOL I. # THE AMERICAN PATRIOT IS PUB LISHEI) ON TUESDAYS AND FRI DAYS, BY MITCHELL AND PRATT, NEXT DOOR TO TItE CUSTOM HOUSE, O.Y THE A|T, SAFAN -V. i/I, AT SIX DOLLARS PER AN NUM. PRINTING OF EVERY DESCRIPTION EXECUTED IFITH NEATNESS, AT THE OFFICE OF TIIE AMERICAN PATRIOT. PROSPECTUS ‘ PATRIOT. THE pnnciplcs which tuis PAPER will support, are designated by its name.—They arc principles founded upon an immutable ba sis, which misrepresentation may for a while obscure, but cannot permanently affect: prin eipies stamped by eternal experience, approv ed by the plainest dictates of common sense, and recognised and practiced by \V ‘SUING TON and HAMILTON. They advocate the honor of our country, not by pitiful parsimo ny, commercial restrictions, and ridiculous rbodomontade ; but by manly, adequate and efficient measures.—They cherish Agricul ture, and foster Manufactures, not by maim ing and crushing Commerce, but by extending towards it a just and liberal protection.—The operation of these principles have rendered our •ountry prosperous; anti under their influence even branch of society were successfully en gaged in their various occupations.-i-Our countrymen received an invigorating encour agement from the correct and honorable mea sures of Govermnentadministered by a\V ASH ING TON—their purity were developed, and by appreciating them, wealth and iu conse quent comforts and enjoyments, honor and respect with their attending benefits, recom pensed the justness of their choice of Nation al Rulers.—-The same cause, the exercise of the san e principles, will produce similar ef fects. To assist the restoration of this cause will be a leading object with this Paper. In promoting this desirable end; moderation, cart si r and truth will be rigidly ndfn red to, and ail private character inviolably held sacred. THIS Paper will comment upon with unre served liberality, public men and public mea sures, and Will endeavor to piaee in a . ieai point of view, the misconduct of the public servants ui attempting 10 cajole, deceive and Trusteed the people, thereby to maintain the high posts of honor, which their measures prove them incapacitated to fid ; aid the impropriety and mcoirectness of their mea sures, fraught with d.saster and ruin.—.To banish political deceptionand resi ore the clear light of truth ; to expose tne petty artifices iut-itfUMe*- a.id <h ‘I” 1 I .v.■ l” Integri'y ar.d Talents Iheir due weight and influence in society ; and to promote tne great ends of public utility and general welfare, by advocating enlightened and enlarged mea sures, will claim the strict attention of the Proprietors. THE pure American sentiments by which this print will unerringly be guided, shall receive no pollution from any foreign predj lections ; The aggressions of no nation will be paliated, nor the injuries or insults of any power extenuated ; a just, an ingenuous, a candid policy towards ali nations, which disdains as unworthy the dignity of a great republic, and derogatory to,the character of an enlightened government, equivocation or deeption, will gladly receive our utmost sup port. SKETCHES of debates in Congress, Marine Memoranda, interesting Foreign and Domestic Intelligence, Public Documents, and Eloquent .Popular Speeches, will receive a regular insertion. Original Political and Scientific Essays, will claim our particular attention—and gentlemen of talents, whose observation, discernment and acquirements, render their opinion and remarks interesting, are invited to desseminate the productions of their leisure through this PAPER. JOHN S. MITCHELL. CHARLES M. PRATT. SAVANNAH, April 14, 1812 1 RED-LION HOTEL, Nil. 200, Market-Street, -within four door* of Sixth Street, on t e South tide, and in the centre of the Principal Importers, tie. GEORGE YOKE, HAVING considerably enlarged this concern, to which, by an addition to the building, he has added a number of Chambers, & large Wiring, room and extensive Stabling —lnforms Merchants and Travellers, that he has it in his power to accommodate them with a well serv ed up table, good wines liquors , —moderate charges, and the most unremitting attention; in short, w ith every convenience, which he Hat ters himself, will give satisfaction to his Friends and the Public. Philadelphia, Nov. 2, 1811. 1 Just Received, Jt OLIVER 11. TJIYLQR'S, MARKET-SQUARE. Per ship Charles from New -York, in addition to former large and elegant assortments of BOOTS and SHOES, TWO Tranks Philadelphia Suwarrow BOOTS, Ladies SLIPS, and Gentlemen’s dress SHOES, Mo rocco PUMPS, &c. Which are offer ed for sale, at the low est prices, for Cash only. B. J. SCRIBNER. April 14. 1 CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Mr. Quincy on the Navy Bill. f Com hided from our last.J In considering ibis subject of maritime protection, I shall recur to the nature and degree of it, and to our capacity to extend it. And here we are always me t, at the very threshold, with this objection; “ a naval force requires much time to get it into rea diness, and the exigency will be past, before the preparation can lie completed.” This wiqjt of foresight, in time* past, is made an apology for want of foresight in the time present. We were unwise in the beginning, and unwise we resolve to continue until the end of the chapter. We refuse to do anv thing until the moment of exigency, and then it is too late. Thus our improvidence is made sponsor for our disinclination. But what is the law of nature and the dictate of wisdom, on this subject ! The casualties of life, the accidents to which man is exposed, are the modes established bv Providence for his instruction. This is the iaw of our nature. Hence it is that adversity is said to keep a school, for certain people*wlio will learn in no other. Hence too, the poet likens it to “a toad, ugly and venomous, which bears a pre cious jewel in its head.” And, in another place, but with the same general relation, “ out of this thorn danger, we pluck the flow er safety.” This law is just as relative to na tions, as it is to individuals. F'or, notwith standing all the vaunting of statesmen, their whole business is to apply an enlarged com mon sense to the affairs, entrusted to their management. It is as much the duty of the rulers of a state, as it is that of an individual, to team wisdom from misfortune, and to draw from every particular instance of adversity, those maxims of conduet, by the collection and application of which, our intellectual and moral natures are distinguished and elevated. In all cases of this kind, the inquiry ought to be, is the exigency peculiar, or is it general ? Is it one, in which human effort is unavailing, and therefore requires only the exercise of a resignation and wise submission to the divine w.L; or is it one which skill or power mav limit or obviate ? On the result of this inqui ry our obligations depend. For when man conducts towards a general evil, as though it were peculiar; or when, through ignorance or pusillanimity, he neglects to use the means of relief or prevention, to the extent in which he posse sses them; if he stretches himself out in a stupid langor, and refuses to do any thing because he finds he cannot do every thing, then indeed all ids clamors against the course of nature, or the conduct of others, are but artifices, bv which lie would conceal from the world, perhaps from himself, the texture of his own guilt. His misfortune* are, in such case, his crimes. Let them proceed j'-nm wliat source they will, he is himself, at least, a lialf-worKer in tne j Jlluwll miseries. , Mr. Speaker, can any one contemplate tne exigency, which at this day depresses our country, and for one moment, deem it pecu liar! The degree of such commercial exigen cies may vary, but they must always exist. It is absurd to suppose that such a population as is that of the Atlantic states can be cither driven or decoyed, from the ocean. It is just as absurd to imagine, that wealth will not in vite cupidity; and that weakness will not in sure both insult and plunder. The circum stances of our age make this truth signally impressive. Who does not see in the conduct of Europe, a general departure from those common principles, which once constituted national morality ? What is safe, which power can seize, or ingenuity can circumvent i Or what truths more palpable than these—that there is no safety for national rights, but in the national arm ; and that important interests systematically pursued, must be systematical ly protected. Touching the nature and degree of that maritime protection, which it may be wise in tliis nation to extend to its maritime interests, it seems to me, that our exertions should ra ther be excited tfian graduated, by the pre sent exigency; that our duty is to inquire, upon a general stale, what our commercial citizens have, in this respect, a right to claim ; and what is the unquestionable obli gation of a commercial nation, to so great a class of its interests. For this purpose, my observations will have reference, rather to the principles of the system, than to the provi sions of tlie bill now under debate. Undoubt edly, an appropriation for the building of ten or any other additional number of frigates, would be so distinct a manifestation of the intention of the national legislature to extend to commerce its natural protection, as in it self to outweigh any theoretic preference for a maritime force of higher character. 1 can not, therefore, but cordially support an ap propriation for a species of protection so irn portant and desirable. Yet, in an argument, having relation to the system, rather than to the occasion, I trust, I shall have the indul gence of the House, if my course of reflec tions should take a wider range than the pre positions on the table, and embrace, within the scope of remark, the general principles by w hich the nature and degree of systematic naval protection should in my judgment be regulated. Here, it seems hardly necessary to observe, that a maiu object of all protection is satis faction to the persons, whose interests arc intended to be protected. And to this object a peculiar attention ought to be paid, u lien it happens that the majority of ti# rulers of a nation are composed of pcßjpns, not imme diately concerned in those interests, and not generally suspected cf having cn overweening attachment to them. In such a state of things, it is peculiarly important that the course of conduct adopted should be such as to indicate systematic intention as to the end, and wise adaptation as to the means. For in no other way can that satisfaction of which I speak result; arid w hich is, in a national point of view, at the same time one of the most irn portant objects of government, and one of the most certain evidences of its wisdom, lor SAVANNAH, TUESDAY, APRIL 21, 1812. men, interested in protection, will always deem themselves the best judges of the nature of that protection. And as such men can never be content with any thing short of effi cient protection, according to the nature of the object, so instinct, not le-s than reason, will instruct them whether the means you employ are, in their nature, real or illusory. Now, in order to know what will give this sa tisfaction to the persons interested, so desir able laith to them and to the nation, it is ne cessary to know the nature and gradation in value of those interests and to extent! pro tection, not so much with a lavish as with a discriminating and parental hand. If it hap pen in respect of any interest, as it is ac knowledged on all sides it is at present the case with the commercial, that it cannot be protected against all the world to the utter most of its greatness and dispersion, then the inquiry occurs what branch of this interest is most precious to commercial men, and what is the nature of that protection which will give . to it the bighnsl degre eof certainty of which ■ its nature is susceptible ! It bus been by the result of these two inquiries, in my mind, that its opinion has been determined concern ing the objects and the degree of protection. Touching that brunch of intere st, which is most precious to commercial men, it is impos sible that there cun be any mistake. For however dear the interests ci’ property or of life, exposed upon the ocean, may hi to their owners or their friends; yet the safety of our alters and of our fire sides, of our citii sand of our seaboard, must from the nature of things, be entwined into the affections by ties incom parably more strong aud tender And it hap pens tliat both nut ioiul pride and honor are peculiarly identified with the support of these primary objects of commercial interest. It is in tliis view', I state that the first and most important object of the nation ought to be such a naval force as shall give such a degree of rational security, as the nature of tlie subject admits, to our cities and seaboard and coasting trade ; that the system of mari time protection ought to rest upon this basis, and that it should not attempt to go further, until these objects arc secured. And 1 have no hesitation to declare, that until such a ma ritime force be systematically maintained by this nation, it shamefully neglects its most important duties and most critical interests. With respect to the nature and extent of tlvis naval force, some difference of opinion may arise according to tne view taken of the primary objects of protectioo. For myself, 1 consider that those objects are first to be pro - tected, in the safety of which the national character and happiness are most deeply inte rested. And these are chifly concerned, be yond all question, in the preservation of our maritime settlements from pillage, and our ’ coast from violence. For tins purpose, it is , requisite that there should be a ship of war j for the harbor of every great city of the I United States equal, iu point of force, to the usual grade oi ships of the line of the mari time belligerents. These ainjra might be so 1 inati-aoud to act singly or together, as cir , oumstances might require. My reason sot , the selection of this species of force is, that it put every city and great harbor in the United States in a state of security from the insults; and the inhabitants of your seacoast. from the j depredation of any single ship of war of any r nation. To these should be added a number I of frigates and smaller vessels of war. lly such means our coasting trade might be pro tected, the mouths of our harbors secured (in particular that of the Mississippi) from , the buccancrs of the West-Indies, and, here , after, perhaps, from those of Sonth-America. A system of protection, graduated upon a I scale so conformable to tlie nature of tlie . country, and to the greatness of tlie commer cial interest, would tend to quiet that spirit , of jealousy which so naturally and so justly ( begins to spring among the states. Those in ( forested in commerce would care little what local influences predominated, or how the ball of power vibrated among cur factions, provid t ed, an efficient protection of their essential ( interests, upon systematic principles, was not only secured by the- letter of the constitution, ’ but assured by a spirit pervading every des cription of their rulers. But it is said, that “ we have not capacity | to maintain such a naval force.” Is it want ! of pecuniary or w ant of physical capacity ! In relation to our pecuuiary capacity, I will not ; condescend to add any proof to that plain statement already exhibited, showing tliat we have an annual commercial exposure, equal to six hundred million j of dollars, and that two thirds of one per cent, upon this amount of va lue, or four millions of dollars, is more than is necessary, if annually and systematically ap ’ propriateff, for this great object; so anxious- I iy and rightfully desired by your seaboard, and so essential to the honor and obligations ’ of the nation. I will only make a single other statement, by way of illustrating the small ness of the annual appropriations, necessary for the attainment of tliis important purpose. The anuual appropriation of one sixth of one | per cent on the amount of the value of the whole annual commercial exposure, (one mil lion of dollars) is sufficient to build in two years, six 74 gun ships; and taking the aver age expense in peace and war, the annual ap propriation of the same sum is sufficient to maintain them afterwards, in a condition for efficient service. Tliis objection ofpepuniwjt inability, may be believed in the interior countryvil here the greatness of the coirntier cial pqf party and all the tender obligations, connected with its preservation, are not rea lised. ,fcul, in the cities and in the coisimr ciaHfetes, tint extent of the national resources • is more truly estimated. They know the magnitude of the interest, at stake and their essentia) claim to protection. Why sir, were we seriously to urge this objection of pecuni ary incapacity, to the commercial men of Massachusetts, they would laugh us to scorn. Let me state a single fact In the year 1745, the state, then the colony of Massachusetts Eav, included a imputation of 220,0b'! souls, and yet, in that infant state of the country, it owned a fleet Consisting of three ships, one of ’ which carded twenty guns ; three snores ; one ’ Mg t and thr-e sloops; being an aggregate . often vessel* o?war. These partook of the dangers, and shared in the glory, of tliat ex pedition which terminated with the surrender of Louisburgh. Comparing the population, the extent o) territory, the capital and all the otlu r resources of this great nation, with the narrow means of the colony of Massachusetts at that pi riod of its history, it is not extrava gant to assert, that the fleet it then possessed, m proportion to its pecuniary resources, was groan-r than would be, in proportion to the resources of the United States, a fleet of fifty sail of the line mid one hundred frigates. W ith what language of wonder and admirat ion does that great orator and prince of moral states men, Edmund Burke, in his speech for conci liation with America, speak of the commerce and enterprise of that people ! “ When we speak of the commerce with our colonies, fic tion lags after truth; invention is unfruitful, and imagination cold and barren.” “No sea but what is vexed by their fisheries. No eli mite that is not witness to their toils. Nei ther the perseverance of Holland, nor the ac tivity of France, nor the dextrous and firm sagacity of English enterprise, ever carried this most perilous mode of hard industy to the extent to which it has been pushed, by this re cent people ; a people who are still, as it were, but in the gristle and not yet har dened into the bone of manhood.” And shall the descendants of such a people be tuld that their commercial rights are not north de fending, that the national arm is not equal to their protection! And this too, usu r the lapse of almost forty years has added an ex tent to their commerce beyond all parallel in history, and afier the strength anti resources associated to protect them, exceed, in point of population, seven millions of souls, posses sing a real and personal capital, absolutely incalculable! Our pecuniary capacity then is unquestion able, but it is said, we are deficient in physi cal power. It is strange that those, who urge ’ ibis objection, assert it only as it respects G. Britain, and admit, either expressly, or bv implication, indeed they cannot deny, tliat. it is within our physical capacity to maintain our maritime rights against every other na tion. Now let it be granted, that we have . such an utter incapacity in relation to the British naval power; grant that at the nod of that nation, wc must abandon the ocean to the very mouths of our harbors; nay our harbors themselves. What then! Does it follow that a naval force is useless! Because we must submit to have our rights plunder ! ed by one power, docs it follow that we must . be tame and submissive to every other ! Look 1 at tlie fact. We have, within these ten yeai-s . lost more property by the plunder of the mi . nor naval power of Europe, France included, than would have been enough to have built -and maintained twice the number of slops, i sufficient for our protection against their de * predation. 1 cannot cxci-cd the fact, when . l state the loss within that period by those ■ powers at thirty millions of dollars. Our Capa . rutv to defend our commerce, apoimst <vn v > one of these power*, is imttent&bTe. H cause . we cannot maintain our rights against the strong, shall we bear insult and invite plun t der from the weak! Because there 13 one Le -1 viathan in the ocean, shall every shark satiate ; bis maw on our fatness, with impunity! But let us examine his doctrine of utter i inability to maintain our maratime rights r against G. Britain, so obtrusively and vehe f menlly maintained by some, who clamor the . most violently against her insults and inju i ties. If the project were to maintain our i maratime rights, against tliat mistress of the . sea, by convoys spread over every ocean, there would indeed be something ludicrously fan- L ciful and w ild in the proposition. But nofli • ing like this is either proposed or desired. . I'lie humility of commercial hope, in refer- L ence to that nation, rises no higher than the i protection of our harbors, the security of our . iiarbors, the security of our coasts and coast. I ing trade. Is it possible such a power as this [ shall be denied to exist in this nation? If it . exist, is it possible that its exercise shall be [ withheld ? Look at the present state of our harbors , and sea-coast. See their exposure, I will not . say to the fleets of Great Britain, but to any single ship of tlie line, to any single gloop of war. It is true the policy of that nation in duces her to regard your prohibitory laws, i and her ships now seldom visit your ports. But suppose her policy should change ; snp i pose any one of her ships of war should choose : to burn any of the numerous settlements upon i your sea-coast, or to plunder the inhabitants i of it; would there not be some security to those exposed citizens, if a naval force were laying, in every great harbor of the U. States, . competent to protect, or avenge the aggres sions of any single ship of war, of whatever force! Would not the knowledge of its exis tence teach the naval commanders of that na tion both caution and respect! Sir, it is wor . thy of this nation, and fully within its capa city, to maintain such a force. Not a single sea-bull should put his head over our acknow ledged water-line, without finding a power sufficient to take him by the horns. But it is said that “in case of actual War witli Great Britain, our ships would be use less. She would come and take them.” In reply to this objection, I shall not recur to those details of circumstances, already so fre quently stated, which would give our ships of war fighting on their own coasts, and in the proximity of relic)’ and supply, so many advantages over the ships of a nation obliged td'inne three thousand miles to the combat. Hi. ’.allowing this argument, from British na yil’ superiority, its full force, 1 ask, wliat is that temper on which a nation can most safely rely in the day of trial! Is it that which takes council of fear, or tliat which listens oniy to tlie suggestions of duty! Is it that which magnifies all the real dangers, until hope and exertion are parahsed in their first germina tions ? Or is it that which dares to attempt nobleends by appropriate means which, wisely weighing tlie nature of any anticipated exi , genev, prepares, according to its powers, re solved that, whatever elso-it may want, to it r sell) it will never be wanting! Grant all that ■ is said concerning Triad, naval superior.’.;.’ in : the events of war. has comparative weakness ; nothing to hope from opportunity ? Are not NO 3. the circumstances, in which tliis country and Great Britain would be placed, relative to nayal combats, upon our own coast, of a na tion to be in a condition to avail itself of con junctures and occurrences ? Mr Speaker,pre paration in such cases is every thing. All history is replete with the truth, tliat “ tlie battle is not always to the strong, but that time and chance happen to all. Suppose that Great Britain should send 12 seventv tours to burn our cities or lay waste our coasts. Might not such a naval force be dis persed by storms; diminished by shipwrecks; or delayed and weakened by the events of the voyage ! In such case, would it be nothing to have even half that number of line of battle ships, in a state of vigorous preparation, rea dy to t ake tlie advantage of so problable a cir cumstance, and so providential an interposi tion? The adage of />ur school books is as true in relation to states, as to men in com mon life, “ Heaven helps those who help themselves,” It is almost a law of nature. God grants every tiling to wisdom and virtue. He denies every thing to folly and baseness. But suppose tlie worst. Grant that in a bat tle, such as our brave seamen would fight in defence of their country, our naval force be vanquished. Wliat then 1 D and enemies ever plunder or violate more fiercely when vveak ’ tied and crippled by the effects of a hard bought victory, than when flushed, their vena full, they rush upon their prey, with cupidity stimulated by contempt? Did any foe ever grant to pusillanimity what it would have denied to prowess ? To be conquered is not always to be disgraced. The heroes who shall perish in such comb its, shall not fall in v.i in lor their country. Tiieir blood wil be the most precious, as well as t; e strong est n ment of our Union. What is it that paper contract, called the Constitution ? Why is it, that the man of Virginia, the man of Carolina, and tin nun of Massachusetts, are dearer ui each other, tlmn is, to either, the man of South America or the West Indies? Locality has little to do with implantingthis inherent feeling, and personcl acquaintance less. Whence then doe, it result, but from that moral sentiment which pervades all and is precious to all, of li v ing - shared common dangers for the attainment of common bles sings. The strotlg ties of every people are those which spring from the heart and twine through the affections. The family compact of the States has tins for its basis, ’that their heroes have mingled their b’ood in the’ same contests ; that all have a common right ill their glory ; that, if I may he allowed the expression in the temple’ of patriotism all have the same worship. But it is required, “ what effect will this policy have upon the present exigency! I an swer,tin- happiest in every aspect. To exhibit • a definitive intent to maintain maritime rights i bv maritime means, wliatis it,but to develops new stamina of national character ? No nation - can or has aright to hope respect from others, which does not first learn to le.-pect itself. And bow is this to be attained ! By a course ot conduct, conformable to its duties and re ■ lative to its condition; If it abandons wliat it ought to defend, it flies from the field it is bound to maintain, how can it hope for ho nor ? To wliat other inheritance is it entitled, ■ but disgrace ? Foreign nations undoubtedly i look upon this Union with eves long read hi the history of man ; and with thoughts deeply versed in the effects of passion and . inter* st. upon independe lit stales, associated • by ties r-o apparently slight aud novel. They • understand well, that the rivalries among the • great interests of such states; the national . envyings, which in all countries spring be tween agriculture, commerce and manufac tures j the inevitable jealosies and fears of • each other, of south and north, interior ar.d sea-board; the incipient or progressive ran ■ cor of party animosity; are the essential . weakness ot sovereignties thus combined, i Whether these causes shall operate,or whetht r they shall cease, foreign nations will gather from the features of our policy. They can not believe that such a nation is strong in the affections of its associated parts, when they see the vital interests of whole states abandoned. But reverse this policy; show a definitive and stable intent to yield the na tural protection to such essential interests; , then they will respect you. And to powerful nations honor comes attended by safety. Mr Speaker—What is national disgrace ? Os what stuff ‘ is it composed ?Is a nation dis graced because, its flag is insulted; because its course, upon the highway of the ocean, is obstructed! No, sir. Abstractedly coiirider ed, all this is not disgrace. Because all this may happen to a nat ion, so weak as not to be able to maintain the dignity of its flag, or the freedom of its citizens, or tlie safety of its course. Natural weakness is never disgrace. But; sir, this is disgrace; when wc submit to insult,and to jury, which we have the power to prevent or redress. Its essential constituents are want of sense or want of spirit. When a na tion with ample means for its defence, is so thick in the brain, as not to put them into a suitable state of preparation; or, when with a sufficient muscular force, it is so tame in spirit as to seek safe ty not in manly effort but in retirement; then a nation is disgraced ; then it shrinks from its high and sovereign character, into that of tlie tribe of Issachar, crouching down between two burdens—'he French burden on the one side, and the tfi it lsb burden on the other, so dull, so lifeless; so stupid, that, were it not. tor its braying, it could not be distinguished from the clod of the valley. It is impossible for European r ‘ ions not tq( know, that we are the second comiru-ieial country in the world ; that we have more th_.i seven milfoils of .people; with less annual c-Xq penditure, and more unpledged sources ot revenue than any nation of the civilised world. Yet a nation of the civilised world. >et a nation thus disguished, abounding in v.e.ltli, in enterprise, and in power, is seen flying . away from the “ unprofitable contest,” abau . dotting the field of coirtrovcroy; taking tr< Fuge behind its own doors, and softer.mg r’ rigors cf oppression abroad, by acwvpa with worse torments, at home. OtlgbT ‘ ; . nation to ask lor respect ? L ere