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H>ife fi-ij; jt-*i <■>;> l>t built at.J umlhtainfcd for the same t xpense as one 74, and for purposes of anr.wam e for which we want them, they art befit r tlion two 74,*i they arc managed css lor*—ou bt to sail faster, and can be navi gated in - !'<>: ‘( r v at’ r—we do not want74’s— courage being equal, in line of buttle ships skill alul experience will always insure aue c<‘—we t not ripe tor them—but butt bolt the . ides of an American to that cf a a British fix.; .ir, and though we should lose sometimes, we would winaa often as wc should lose; the whole history of the revolutionary wrar, when we met at sea on equal terms, would bear testimony in favor of this opinion. Give us then this little diet well appointed— place your Navv Department under an able and spirited administration—Give tone to the service. Let a sentiment like the follow - ing precede every letter of instruction to the captain of a chip of w ar—“ Sir, the honor of “ the nation is • degree attached to the flag “of your vessel; remember that it may be sunk “ without disgrace, but can never be struck “ without dishonor.” Do tins—cashier every officer who fetriick his Hap; and you would soon have a good account of your Navy. This may lie :i:cd to be a liard tenure of service— ward or easy sir—embark in tn actual, vigor ous war, and ill a few weeks, perhaps days, 1 would engage completely to officer your whole fleet from New-Englaud alone. Give iis this little Heel, audio a quarter part of the tuae you could operate upon her in anjfothi r way ,wc vrouhl bring her to terms with VOU—nut to your feet—No sir; Grcat- Hritaui is at present the most Collossal Pow er the world ever witnessed—-her dominion e.\- tends fioni the rising to the setting sun. Sur vey it tor a moment Commencing with the newlv found Continent of New-Holland, as she proceeds she embraces under her protec tion,or in her potsessioipthe Pliillipine-lslands, Java, Sumatra, passes the coast of Malacca, rests for a short lime fruitlessly to endeavor to number the millions of her subjects in llindoftan, winds into the sea > f Arabia, skirts ahmg the coastsofCoronuiialcl 8i Ceylon, stops for a mornent for refresitnu nt at the Ca)>c of flood Hope—visits her plantation of the Isles of France and Bourbon—sweeps along the whole of the Antilles—doubles Cape Horn to prelect her whalemen in the Northern and Southern Pfccnic Oceans—crossses the Ame rican Con tint nt hum QueeiiCli.irlotte’s Sound to Hudson’s Bay-—glancing in the passage at her C domes of llie Canadas, Nova bcotiaand New-llnmsvcicf—thence continues to New foundland, to lent, after and foster her fish eries, and then takes her departure for the United Kingdom of Englamt, Ireland and Scotland, nor rests until she reaches the Ork nic.s—the vntima t.’.ulc of the geography of the ancients, Such an overgrown commercial and Colonial Power as this, never before existed. True sir she has an enormous national debt of TOO millions of pounds sterling, and a diiirnal expenditure of a million of dollars, wliicli while ivi arc wldneing about a want c.f •r; txmrce *. Would in- six short weeks wipe off the whole public d,bt of the United Slates. Will these mill-stones sink her"’ Will thu subject her to the power of France I No s.r ; hurst the hobble to-morrow—-destroy the fra gile basis on which her public credit stands, tl.e single word ewf.dtnee— sponge her nation al debt—revolutionue her government—cut the throats of ail hi r ru\ .and f-uiolv—and dread ful a.i would lie the process, siie would rise with renovated vigor from the lid!, and pre ivnt to her em-mv m-’ie imposing, irresist able front than ever. No sir—Great BH'ain cat -it be subjugat ed hy Fram e the genius of her institutions— the genuine, game-eoc-k, bulldog spirit of her people will lift her head above the waves long after the dynasty of Bonaparte—the ill gotten pow er ot France, collected by peifidy, plunder and usurpation, like the unreal im.a,e of old, <iomf>ns"<i of clay, and of iron, and of brass, and of silver, and of gold, shall have crumbled into atoms. From this belief I acknow ledge I derive a sentiment of grauiiation. In New-Eoglanel our Idooel is uimux.q.l—we are the dileet des cendants of Englishmen—we are natives of the soil—in the Legislature of the once pow erful State of Massachusetts now in session, compos el ot near seven hundred members, members, to my knowledge not a single fo reigner holds a seat. As Great Britain wrongs r.s 1 would fight her. Vet 1 should be worse than a ‘barbarian, did I not rejoice that the sepulchres of our tbre-fathets which are in that country, would remain tmstu ked, and their coffins remain uo~ disturbed, by toe tinluufoweit r; parity of tin Goths anu btamensef modern Europe. How then sir will it be asked, are we to operate on a power such as I have described I*l ns have these thirty trigs ti s—she can not blockade them—our coasts are in our fu \ei—-iron Novend.i ;• to \i e ch, n the N >rth ein States 1 me. n, all the navies in our port a— with our inclement whether and northeast and south-east storms, and hiuurelous short s, mid tempestuous north west gwles, which ailbrd the last chances to go oti the coast—enemy's ships of w.u 1 could not keep their stat.ons.— Divide tin *e thirty frigates into six squadrons, place them in tin southern ports resile tor a, and at 11, rumble inonnc.ts wo would pounce upon her West-h.du Island, and repeat tlie game ot lie Grasst and IVl'staiag in V■) osl “do. By the time she was looking ti.r us there we would be round t ■ pe Horn cutting up her ..hait awn. When pursued there \„ would skim a.-,:., to the Indian Ocean, and lot k after Ut r Chin-t ami hidia ft of wh.ctn we would g ive a far different a-count than that of Li.aus the Frenchman. . Occasionally we would look after her tine bee fleet—her J. nude.', fleet---sometime > we would do as the French Privateer* now do, make ear appear ance in the chops of the’ channel, and now and then we might even v ind north about, and look into the Baltic. v u . should some times met l with do. stors, but vve have abun dant means to it pair client—well man. gt and, it Would require aliundud lit ittsh ft 'gates to v, a* w - the moveiu. ut of ti. thirty. ‘tiies.. are the nvxns Sir, by which I would br’mg Great Britain not to our feet but to her sense*. The Government of Great Britain is in s.uiie’ degree a popular one—two brandies of her government, die king and the com mons, arc governed by tlie popular sentiment, and the hosj . al yf incurables must idwios inflow suit —couth the popular sentiment ef fectually, and you eontvonl tl.<c commons the commons by tvi'hiioldiug tlie supplies, and the civii list con tread the king and obtain a change of a.oesures. In this way you obtain ed the rk .ee of l.'Sd——d it d,"pended on tiie king and the louts, you woulu not have bad a pc ace until this time. Wc can tomb tiie popular sentiment. Witli tlie fleet l have- Mentioned, vve could ham ss greatly die coinmt ree of Great Britain, wc could bring her people to their senses we cot.ld make them ai.k tbeii govennru ut for what object they continued thus to violate our right* ? whether it was tor the interest of Grr. I ih tain to throw us into the Ist) of her tn. my to embitter us to wauls her still more I whether it was for her interest to sever the principal lines of connection between her and us, by obliging us to become a maßUtactur ing people, and on this head We could already make an exhibit thu* won id astonish both our friends and foes, whether ,1 was for her inter est to force us to become prematurely a great maritime nation, destined one day or oilier to dispute with her the s. cpter of the ocean ! In short, 1 would make the people ask the go vernment. cut ttouo in tins win anil the mo ment this is effected on both side* tin- water, the war is terminated tlie business i:, (inislieil, and you luivc only to agree on lair and equal terms of peace. Look at the expence and the effect of the measures you liave adopted ; you are to have a standing armv of 35,000 men, 50,000 volun teers, and 100,000 of the militia. These you cannot get into actual service without tlie militia, at a less expcnce than 45 million* ot dollars annually, the ways and means propos ed being less, is no evidence to the contrary, no experienced military man can estimate it at less. What are you to do with it! You over-run Canaria without material difficulty, Quebec excepted—that Gibraltar ot the Ame rican continent can only be taken by regular siege ami investment; you must starve it out but it will be provisioned for three years at least, and before you get there, it will be tolly garrisoned bv experienced troops. Thus then to get Quebec you have got to summer and wintSr a siege in the face of an able and veteran garrison for three years, and in a cli mate where during its long winters, tlie ther mometer sometimes stands at 50 degrees be low Zero, and tlie centincls free/e at tlirir posts. Suppose it falls, what do you then get? The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) has already told y ou, your enemy ti kes possession of Ncw-Orleans, New-York, New port, or some other prominent anil important point—you then let one hand wash the other make the exchange, and leave off just where you began with a dibt of 130 millions, and the country subjected to all the evils of war. Instead of three years expence of the laud forces, take one year—call it 45 millions of, dollars instead of 130 millions—contrast this with the expence of a navy. The existing naval force of the United States may be estimated as equal to ten stout fri gates; 20 additional 36 gun frigates would cost a grceably to the estimate of tlie Secretary of the navy, of November 19, 1511—102,000 dollars each, equal for twenty new frigates, to 53,420,000 Ai.mud expence of thirty 3G gun fri gates according to the same esti mate at 102,000 dollars annuallv, is . §3,060,000 Multiply this sum ten times for ten years services, and it would give . . 830,600,000 Add the first cost in complete or der of 20 additional frigates now proposed to be built, . . 3,420,000 For the first years they would want but little comparative rx pence, but avid 13 per cent per annum to keep the whole num ber in repair lor ten years, this would be syooa.ua c. Making §39,852,000 Thus giving an efficient maritime force ot thirty frigates in complete order for ten years with a surplus left sufficient to replace every ship of this fleet, should every one of the thirty in that time, be lost, or destroyed by the enemy. Give us then a navy. The Senate have pro ceeded thus far with a unanimity and harmo ny highly honorable to them as men and as statesmen. This measure will be considered as the test of our sincerity ; for one, if it be not acceded to, however reluctant it may be to my feelings, to div ide at a moment like tin ;, without an effectual defence being given us, I shall not consent to burthen tny consti tuents vv ith Annual loans to a large amount; Addition 25 per cent retention on drawbacks, thereby destroying the colonial trade, and crippling the treasury instead of replenish ing it; New and heavy tonnage duties on our own vessels; Duties on salt; on licences; oil auction sales* frequently the last refuge of the distressed; on refined sugars; on carriages, chaises anti waggons for tire carriage of persons ; on spirits; Neir shad I, under such circumstances, by mv vole, consent to impose on them stamp and direct taxes, cum multi* ulus, that must follow—expellees that ought not to begone into, except for the purpose of vigorously prosecuting a war in such a manner as to pro cure a speedy and favorable peace, the only rat ional object of war. Peace is most unquestionably the polar star of tlie policy and the interest of the United States ; it should be obtained at any cost ■short of an essential sacrifice ; iv is no dis grace tor an infant not to contend with a gi ant ; if wc cannot carry on the war witli all tlie energy and the force, and the power of the nation—let us record our wrongs—make the best, of the existing state ot things, and when vv e have the ability, punish our aggres sors to the last letter of the alphabet. Possi bly this is the- real policy of the United States but if we are to go to war, give us a navy, it \ nu do not, and our commerce is abandoned our navigation to be swept from the face of the ocean—our houses battered about our ears, and vv e are- denied those means of de fence which the God of Nature has given us, ■■nil to which we are habituated ; then indeed, the northern section of this l nioii w ill be lit. tic better situated than the colony of Jamaica, and forms apart, there will be some cause to suspect, that it has little more real voice or weight in the Councils of tile Government than it has in the Parliament of Great-Britain, (live no cause sir for suspicions of this sort, take off our restrictions—unmuzzle us let us have peace or tear. )f w e l ave war, let it commence with one cheering prospeet, the prospect of unanimity : give us this little heel, and m tWaive siv- months after it lias been fairly launched upon the main, wc will eligag. to rera.i r you a good account of it vve will be enabled proudly to shew you, that “ Our march too, shall be upon the mountain aw, Our cannon shall rc-tcho o’tr the deep.” HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Afkil 9. The doors were closet! immediately after prayers, and so continued till rebuilt i o’clock. The Speaker read a letter from an impressed seamen. Referred to a se lect committee of five. Mr. -Archer had leave of absceiiee for ten days. Mr. Bilil* offered a resolution for the appointment of a committee to join such committee as the Henate may ap point, to consider anil report, w hat bu siness demands the immediate attention of Congress, and whether a recess he compatible with the public interest, and the term of such recess. Tlie resolution was laid on the table for one day, the rules of the house so requiring. Mr. Poiudextcr offered a resolution for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the expediency of extend ing the right of suffrage to the people, of lllinos Territory, w ith h ave to re port by bill or otherwise. Adopted, and a committee of five ordered. The house receded from their non eoncurrence in the amendment of tlie Henate [respecting a month’s pay] in the bill providing for the officers and soldiers who were engaged on the Wa bash. A motftm was made to postpone till the first Monday of December next, the bill providing a temporary government for the Territory of Louisiana. Lost, 40 to 37. T lie bill then passed, 48 to 42. Mr. Newton called up the bill au thorising in certain *ases the importa tion of goods purchased anterior to the 2d of February, 1811. Mr. Rhea moved to postpone the bill till the first Monday in December next. After a short debate, this motion was lost, six only rising in its favor. The house in committee of tlie whole, Mr. Breekcnridge in the chair, on the bill. Mr. Rhea moved to strike out the first section, and said a few words in support of it. Mr. Lowndes spoke at considerable length in support of the bill and against striking out. For striking out 26. Mr. Lowndes proposed amending the bill by striking out—“ and which were purchased or actually contracted for in Great-Britain, her colonies or dependencies, before the first of Feb. 1811. The committee rose, reported pro gress, and had leave to sit again, with out taking the question on the amend ment. House adjourned half-past 3. From a London Taper. AMERICAN PRESIDENTS. In accounting for the present dispo sition of the American government, it is to be considered that the personal character of the Chief Magistrate, is by no means without its influence. It has been often remarked, that though in this country, the kings pow - er is more strictly defined by law. than that perhaps of any other prince, yet Iris personal influence is by no means imperceptible ou the measures of go vernment. In like manner, the personal influ ence of tlie president of the United States, must be held to be at least equal to that of the sovereign of this country. There have been fonr presidents of the United States, viz:—-Washington, Adams, Jefferson and Madison. The two former have been of the Federal, the two latter of the anti-federal party. Washington was twice unanimously called to the administration of the go vernment, and of course was president for eight years ; Adams held the office only for four years ; Jefferson was pre sideut for eight years ; and Madison is now in the third year of his first pre sidency. The personal character of all these gentlemen, are to be considered in an estimate of American polities. W ashington is, on the whole, one of the purest and most unexceptionable characters that occurs in history ; and in nothing, is the excellence of his cha racter more conspicuous than in the uniform liberality of his sentiments towards this country. li‘ an aversion to this country were excusable in any American magistrate, it surely’ was so in \\ ashington—but nothing of this kind ever found admit tance into his bosom. He regarded the conduct of the mother eountiy in the war with the colonies, as the offspring of ministerial error and popular pre judice—and on the close of the contest not only dismissed all feelings of hos tility, but entertained for his ancient enemy, those sentiments of esteem and respect to which her national charac ter so well entitles her. He had toe much respect for genuine freedom not to fbei the highest venera tion for that countn. which had tar nished the model of the free govern ment he had succeeded iu btstowing on his own. This natural predilection ■*°r the laud of his forefathers, was so perceptible through ihe whole source of his administration, that even the spotless purity and transcemlant re nown of his character, did n;>t prevent the tongue of calumny from attributing to him an undue partiality towards Great-Britain; and the man who con ducted the armies of America, in the war with England, was stigmatised as a British agent. Similar accusations were made a gainst Hamilton, his great coadjutor, who entertained for the British charac ter the same respect, and viewed the conduct of tlie mother country in the war, with the same liberal sentiment. These illustrious men justly thought, that though the ties of dependence no longer existed, the identity of blood, language, laws, religion, government and manners, rendered England the natural ally of America, and formed a connection between them, which, with out violence to the intentions of Provi dence, and injury to the interests of both nations, eould not afterwards be ‘dissolved. Mr. Adams professed, and intendril to tread in the steps of Washington, but his personal influence was much less than that of his great predecessor; and, during his administration, the Federal party gradually declined in strength. On the accession of Jefferson, in 1800, to the presidental dignity, new sentiments were adopted, and new principles governed the American ca binet. This gentleman hail always been suspected of an antipathy to Eng land, and from the period of his elec tion to the office of president, this an tipathy became gradually more and more apparent, till at last he was ad mitted, on all hands, to be in disposi tion as in office, the most conspicuous of the Anti-Anglican faction. This propensity of Mr. Jefferson lias been accounted for, on various hypothe ses—He resided in France for several years, as minister of the United States, and returned to his own country at the commencement of the revolution. It is certain that at this period he carried back to America very strong prepos sessions in favor of Franee—a decided Siartiality for French manners, and j’rencli liberty. The French partialities, which he then entertained, are therefore suffici ently accounted fcr. Bat how shall we explain his adherence to these par tialities, when the course of events in France has proved, in so lamentable a manner, the fallacy of his expectations, as to the establishment of a free gov ernment in that country; and when tlie French instead of being iike the Ame ricans- ■”**"'** “ UcpuUtt, nr, Occonie the slaves of the most cruel ty ranny that ever afflicted the human race. This pertinacious adherence to French polities and French paitiali ties, can, vve think, be explained only on one supposition—that the party which entertained these monstrous principles, was destined to he the pre vailing one in the country, and that Mr. Jefferson’s public virtue ves in sufficient to contend with his private ambition. * He saw that the streets of power and emolument w ould reward of his adherence to this line of polities—aud his zeal, seconded by his abilities, soon placed him at the head of the Anti- Angliean faction. When raised to the summit of his ambition, gratitude natu rally attached him still closer to (lie lim; of policy which procured him his elet ation. and his antipathy to Eng land thenceforward bore the appear ance rather of a passion than a prin ciple. Mr. Madison was originally a Fede ralist, and coadjutor of Hamilton in tlie composition of the distinguished work wliieh bears the name of that party: and he has been gradually seduced into other courses by the operation, probably of the same motives which swayed the mind of Air. Jefferson— and, from his recent conduct, it seetns likely, that he is determined not to be inferior to las predecessor in what constituted the most prominent fea tures of that gentleman’s public cha racter. Our object in the preceding remarks has been to show', that there exists in the American government a hostility towards this country, independent of any measure w hich the British govern ment may pursue; and from whatever curses tins hostility may be thought to proceed, none will deny, that it has manifested itself in such a manner as would justify the most hostile feeling ou the part of the British government. From tie Dumfries ard Galloway Courier February 25. On Siturday morning w e receivad. by tlie Xay of Liverpool, American papers to the ilthult. and as the in formation they contain is of some im portance, aud had not reached the Lon don prints, we immediately sent an abstract of it to oar readers In this town anil neighborhood. Nothing of mate rial consequence has since transpired, and it is therefore to this intelligence that Vve take the liberty of particular ly directing the public attention. The war-whoop it seems is still sounded j, the government of the United Stat, and, fioni the imperious tone they,, sume in their official communication they appear determined to drive t]'i country to some act of aggression, c which they may found a more plansiy pretext for their singular and drivel ling policy, than they have been ail to find in our orders in are not, however, without some l'aii hope that matters may ye* be aeeon mod a ted between the two countries. ; popular government, such dff*Ameriu is frequently subject to temporary ft of plirenzy, which on a more cool af deliberate view of consequences, quiet ly subside and leave those who were objects of them astonished and confounj ed at their own folly. Os this retail we cannot but consider the present v leneeof the Americans, for it bears a the characteristic marks of a fury boi deriug on madness. One of tlieir j) furiated orators in Congress exclaimti that “ he w ished to God he could ev* conceive of his passion, of his dead! hatred towards Great Britain! If j had the command of the redAnrtillertj heaven, he would drive that hafe audio ed island from her moorings, and ve his vengeance against his enemies i both sides of the channel! Such is i) general stvle of the ravings in whit these republicans vent their rage again tlieir mother country ! Fortunate, ho ever, it is for ns, that those bravos, * far from being able to command tl, ” red artillery of heaven,” are not eve in possession of the more vulgar mean ot earthly warfare. They have neiihi a nary nor an army, nor the peeuniai resources hy Vi Licit these human meai of defence and annoyance can be crea ed. Their debates on this subject ai in the highest degree ludicrous and ai surd, and vve con'd laugh at the hnpi tence of their inconceivable passion an deadly haired, were we not rather ii clined to weep, when ve reflect on ti; degradation of a country w hich derits its origin from Britain, and which ui tier the immortal Washington, bees its career with a glory that dazzled a: astonished the world! But it is ftoi this very circumstance that we angi good. Tlie ebullitions of a rage v ine is 100 vast even to be conceived by the; who feel it, cannot last forever. l\ violence will waste and enfeeble it and when tlie hour of cool reflection n curs, those who have been its duoi vt ill bewail their folly in the biltemes perhaps, “of unavailing repentant’ Symptoms, indeed, of returning rease already begin to appear. Mr. (rallalit the secretary of the treasury, has lai eUons-ri'-w a rejioit ox wtei of the national finances, and on the ei peiisc of a war establishment, whirl by show ing tbe people how their pursi may be effected, lias touched them • the tender part, and begins to mil them v nice. > ‘ DEBT It UCTI VJi E.,W TH({ UJiiCE f apt. Pierce, of the brig Carotin arrived yesterday from Bt. Bartholi mews, last from St. Thomas’s, wlier he learned that a most destructiveA'tfr/J quale had extended itself over the Spun ish Main. I he. houses in the towns i Caraecas and La Guira iutd been ii u rally shaken to pieces, involving man of their inhabitants into the ruins. TI, dreadful calamity was said to have j, ken place on the 2filb uh. intelligent of which was brought to St. Thomas by a schooner which arrived at C ar:.: cas tlie day before eapt. P. sailed. Hi sehr. had ou hoard several prisorm who had been confined in the prison nl < arraeeHx. From every part oft!. Province that intelligence had been r eeivetl, its effects had been felt, and i many parts the earth Lad been sun* The shock which occasioned those dc asters, was also felt at St. Thomas’; Char. Times. Latest Fashions. Just received per brig Elizet .Ve;c- York r/ £ Oliver h. Taylors •Market Square. IADtES Kid and Morrocco SHp i of the latest fashions, Misses Red and do do Ladies Nankeen Boots, do Kid and Morocco heel’d Slip do Undressed Morocco trimn.l* Slips Gentlemens Lace Boots, with mar. other articles, which makes aver; complete assortment—are offered foi sale for cash only. It J. SCRIBNER. April 2S o Notice. THOSE indebted to the estate c M alter Roe, are notineii that their accounts will be put in sui after the sth of May, unless paymen is made to the subscriber, in vvbos hands the Books are placed for cf lection. JOS. s. PE LOT. April 28. $