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f avannah Weekly llturs MATITKIUV, KKI'TFMiKH I I?JSTS. *— ' 1 I “Centennial <rU!^(te. ,, This in the ironical caption of an edito rial in the Memphis Appeal, in which the editor touchingly complains of Ihe in - gratitude of the Philadelphia Time*. Our Memphis ootemporary thinks it is especi ally bard that after “the Ap}*al has ta ilored zealously and unceasingly for the success of the Philadelphia Centen nial,” after 41 it had .published more matter favoring this patriotic enter prise than any other Southern pa per, publishing column after column free of charge, favoring” the movement in Memphis “for the purpose of raising contributions for the Philadelphia show —that after all this the Philadelphia Time* should denounce the Appeal tor its defense of Jefferson Davis, and ac tually “taunt” it with “abusing the Win nebagoes of Illinois from whom the South lias to purchase its bacon.' This, in the opinion of our Memphis contempora ry, is an actof base ingratitude on the part of tho Time*, not to be endured in si lence. Indeed it lias aroused liis spirit of resentment, and taking courage from the hen pecked husband, who had been atibjected to an unendurable degradation, he declares that the Time* would “sub ject the South to the same degradation," tliat “it would have them to act the part of cravens, aud when one cheek is smit ten to turn tho other.” “But,” says our outraged and indignant cotemporary, the Philadelphia Time * “will live to learn that as long as the Southern peoplo have the spirit of men within them they will complain when they are called ‘cowards, knaves, murderers and traitors.’” These are brave words, and their utterance cannot fail to convince the Time* that the spirit of true manhood has not yet entirely died out at the South. But we think that the indignation, like tho contennialism of the Appeal, is per haps a little overdone. It has gushed rather more than was becoming, under the circumstances, in its zealous and un ceasing labors in behalf of the Centen nial, and, on the other hand, it betrays a needless amount of sensitivenes at the strictures of the Time*. For our own part, we have taken no stock in the great Philadelphia jamboree, and are alike indifferent to the success of that spec ulation and to the opinions of the Time*, which, like the ltadical papers of Philadelphia nnd the entire North, omit no opportunity to insult and misrepre sent the people of tho South. We shall gladly hail tho day of sectional reconcili ation and restored fraternal relations and sentiments. But wo do not look to Bun ker Hill centennial pageants nor Philadel phia centennial expositions us the agen cies to bring about those desirable ends, lteal reconciliation must have a more substantial basis. It must be the result of restoration the restoration of consti tutional government, of the principles of truth, justice, honor and honesty, of equality of rights and mutual good will. This restoration will not bo hastened by cringing sycophancy and base self-hu initiation on the part of tho people of the South. It is only by preserving our consistency and self respect that wo can command the respect ot our late enemies. Without mutual respect there can bo no mutual cosiidcnce—no real restoration of fraternal feeling. - ■ ■ ■ • ■■■' ■■■ The Insurrection Trials. On our lirst page this morning will bo found a letter from our correspondent at Sandenvillo, giving a history of tho M’i,* v resulted in the acquittr’ the liegro Corday i-.. ;. Jn ..,M'eforo the Supreme Court of Washington county, charged with being a leador in the late Attempt at insurrection. The result of tho trial was not unexpected to us, though tho acquittal of tho prisoner, under tho circumstances, does not change the opinion wo entertained from tho first that an insurrectionary demonstration wns contemplated, uml was only frustrated by accidental discovery and tbo prompt and prudent action of the officials and citi zens of the counties which wore to be the scene of conflict. It was easy to foresee the difficulty of obtaining positive evi dence sufficient to convict tho subordi nates who fell into the hands of tho au thorities, while the prime movers of the insane but devilish plot lmd oscaped. It was manifest, too, that if a conviction wore obtained it would be under tho strict est enforcement of tho rules of evidence by which all testimony against tho prisoner of an indirect or circumstantial character would be excluded. This was highly proper, and wo are gratified to record the fact that notwithstanding tho strong circumstances against the negro Harris, and the prejudice which his known connection with the principal conspira tors was calculated to excite against him, ho was accorded a fair, and even more than an impartial trial, resulting in his acquittal. It is possible that in the excitement natural under such circumstances, this affair has been somewhat exaggerated. . But that there was a buugling and inoo r lierent plot to inaugurate a disturbance miidif have led to a serious contliot between tho who have inves tigated the facts can doubt Though the real culprits have escaped for the present, tho affair has uot been without good re aults. Whilo it will teach the would be leaders of tho negroes that all such attempts are futile, that they will be promptly met and suppressed by the whites, it should convince the well disposed in which class we include tho large major'ty of tho negroes of Georgia— of the forbear** and and justice of the whites, and the folly of listening to the iiisane counsels of the ignorant and evil disposed negroes or worse whites, who would beguile them into mischief and desert them in the hour of trouble. Postmaster Jewell. A Washington dispatch alluding to the minor that strong influences ure at work , to secure the removal of Postmaster Gen eral Jewell from the Cabinet, says: “The principal complaints have come from carpet-bag Senators and politicians in the Southern States, notably Senator Spen |r4l*..vho has many reasous for disliking Mr. Jewell. When the Postmaster Gen eral's attention was called to the state incut he at ouco declared that he did not care how soon he left the Cabinet. He aocepted the position of Minister to l!us sia merely because he desired to see the country. A year’s residence there satis, fiotl his wishes, and the position of Post master General being tendered him it gave him a good opportunity of return ing to the United States. He had now served as Postmaster General for a year, and was very well satisfied with his ex perience in the Cabinet. If the Presi dent wished to give the offico to anybody else he could do so with his most cordial approbation. His business demanded his personal attention. Employing a thousand men and having dealings with a large number of firms, a year s constant application to the duties of Postmaster General made it desirable for him to leave public life. He had no idea, howepe?, of stepping down and out at the behest any of the political fault-finders.’’ OntiiPfr Third Term Contingency. We have never doubted that Grant would be the candidate of the Radical party for re-election to the Presidency in 1 di. His whole course since bis last elec tion has indicated such to be his settled purpose, and the letter which was extorted for him to be used for political effect in tbo Pennsylvania Republican convention, in which be disclaimed being a candidate for re-election, declaring he would not accept the nomination except in a certain contingency, when it might become his “imperative duty" to do so, only confirmed n* in the conviction that he would allow no ordinary obstacle to stand in the way of his ambition. In that letter he sot his third term can didacy upon a contingency, and since then his policy, aud that of his faction, has l>een shaped for the purpose of pro ducing the desired contingency. There were various ways open to him to accom plish that object. The first plan having failed, he will avail himself of the next best means to bring about a state of affairs, which, in the estimation of himself and his minions, will render his acceptance of the nomination of the Radical party next year an “im perative duty”— the only means of pre serving the life of the “nation.” The Southern outrage plot having failed—the “bloody shirt” no longer serving its pur pose to fire the Northern heart—the currency question is to be made available; and as the issue warms up between the Ohio Democracy and the bondholders and money monopolists, as it becomes more apparent that the people are becoming sensible of the iniquity of the present national bank monopoly and aroused to the necessity of resisting the encroach ments of the money power, which threatens alike the ruin of their pros perity and the overthrow of their liberties, it is more and more certain that Grant will find in the conflict between the money monopolists and the people the contingency which will render his acceptance of a re-nomination an “im perative duty.” Grant already belongs to the money power. The negroes of the South are ready to make him king for forty acres and a mule. The carpet baggers are his obsequious creatures; a hundred thousand officeholders stand at his back ready to do his bidding; the organized brigandism of the country is in his service in every department of the government. With this political capital at his command it is confidently believed by his faction that the money of the bondholders and monopolists, and the unscrupulous exercise of the executive power of the government will secure the victory over the people. Of course it will be easy to convince Grant that upon this victory depends not only the preserva tion of the ltadical party, but the honor and the life of the “nation.” Under such circumstances it will be his “imperative duty” to waive his personal objections, disregard all personal “sacrifices,” aud ac cept tho ltadical nomination for re-elec tion in 187(1. Already his fuglemen are setting their pegs in anticipation of this imperative contingency. Tho kitchen organ at Washington is taking the lead in tho movement, aud is manifesting un easiness lest the coming New York Republican Convention shall go too far in the game of hypo crisy and duplicity, and say something against a third term. It is very much afraid the Republican press of the State has been misled by the clamor of the President’s enemies. It hints ut a growing sentiment in favor of tho retention of General Grant as the only man who can be trusted to protect •K-j . ... jutry from the evils of inflation legislation-.' In the South, it says, “there " • , <-.-1 atedemand tor his re-election,” and “in tho North, uml who rovor tho President’s consistent and persistent ad heronco to his determination that the financial pledges of the government shall be kept inviolate, finds admirers, there is a natural aud conservative disinclination to venture upon a change of administra tion. The true friends of the govern ment, tlioso who have the honor of the nation at heart, are cautious about placing unlimited confidence in the man agement of any strango and untried Ex ocutive.” In view of this condition of affairs, the organ thus advises the New York Republicans : “The discreet thing for them to do is to indorse his general policy in terms of warmest approval, and ignore tho existence of the shadowy third term spook with which our enemies at tempt to frighton us and provoke discord in our ranks.” The New York Times, the most influ ential Republican journal in that State, and which only a short time since was very out-spoken in its opposition to the third term movement, has evidently ex perienced a change of views in regard to tho true policy of its party, and now siuiporiugly urges such action on the part of the Convention as will not commit the party against Grant’s candidacy for a third term. In a recent editorial on the subject of the approaching Convention the editor says: “And as for the third term question, it appears to us that Presi dent Grant has himself put that beyond the rauge of controversy, and all that remains to be done is to accept his declarations in an honest and a fair spirit. He has been much attacked personally, but few will deny that whenever he has spoken, he has meant all that he has said. He has plainly told the people that nothing is further from his thoughts than a re-elec tion next year, and wo have never had the least doubt as to his sincerity. Never theless, we are not afraid to say that a much greater evil might befall the coun try than the re-election of Gen. Grant— and that would be the election of a Democratic “statesman,” who was pre pared to succumb even to the demand for inflation and repudiation in order that he might reach the White House, and put his party in power.” The political weathercock of the New York ll< raid, who, it will be remembered, first raised tho ghost of Casarism, and for mouths continued to denounce Grant’s third term aspirations as treason to the Republic, having no doubt been influenced by weighty considerations, has discovered anew danger to the na tion, even greater than Ciesarism or a third term. It says : “The truth is that the Democrats aie frightening the coun try back into the Republican party. They are preparing the way for a third term; for if the next election is to be carried by a sort of panic revulsion against the Democratic leaders, tfcen it is clear to everybody that General Grant will he the nominee. The country is certainly opposed to ft third term, but if the Democrats go on as they are going it will prefer a third term to Democratic rule—it will rush to Grant out of aver sion to and suspicion of the Democrats. That is the real danger in air politics to day, and the danger of a third term comes, not from the Republicans, but from the Democrats.” Such utterances from the leading or gans of the Radical party are significant, and in view of si) .the circumstances we may set it down next to an assured fact that Gen. Grant will receive the nomuu - tiou of his party in 1876, and that he will find it an “imperative duty to accept.” Why Shall We Not Tan Our Own Leather 1 The Atlanta ConstUulieih, commenting on the articles which have appeared in oar columns urging the importance of establishing tanneries in Georgia, says: “We concur entirely in this view. We need tanneries in connection with our growing manufactures of boots and shoes. We Deed workers in leather as well as in wood and iron, aud to have the former we must have leather of home production. H i mac is a natural product of oui soil. It springs up anywhere, and is not at all sensitive to heat, drought, or any other change of climate. It is hardy, plenteous and marketable. The demand for this article is constantly ahead of the supply, as a multitude of tanners prefer it to any other article that contains tan nic acid. True, it is only used at present for tanning goat and sheep skins, but this is on account of the inadequate sup ply. If the supply were sufficient it would be used in the tanning of all kind of hides. Georgia sumac is as good as Virginia sumac, and better than the finest Sicily sumac. The next convention of tie State Agricultural Society should give this subject attention. Thousands of tons aie allowed to rot in Georgia every year, which the world wants, aud will pay good prices for it. When properly pre pared, the prices range from $75 to $l5O a ton. The officers of the State Agricul tural Society can easily procure all needful information from Virginia, where the traffic in sumac has grown to large di mensions, and where its cultivation and preparation for market are thoroughly understood.” Nothing is clearer to our mind than that the introduction of manufacturing and mechanical industries is indispensa ble to the general prosperity of our peo ple. The political and social revolution through which we have passed has made such a change in our domestic economy more than ever necessary. If our prosperity was, under the old re gime, retarded by the absence of those enterprises which diversify labor and give employment to capital in the produc tion of commodities and in the increase of values of the raw material at our com mand, still more do we feel the need of them now when the one great and prin cipal means of investment is cut off, the old beaten track taken up, and capital, labor and enterprise forced to look for new fields of employment. The institution of slavery no longer offers a means of profitable investment for the surplus of individual capital. Our planters no long er make cotton with negroes to buy more negroes to make more cotton to buy more negroes, and our towns and cities must no longer be mere factorage marts for the transmission of cotton bales to for eign markets, and for- the distribution of plantation supplies. We must adapt ourselves to the altered condition of af fairs, and new enterprises, new indus tries must be inaugurated to give em ployment to labor and capital, and to sustain population. In this respect Sa vannah to-day is sadly deficient. She is even behind her sister cities of our own State. Augusta, Atlanta, Columbus are far in advance of us in manufacturing enterprise. How are we to retain even our present population without manufactur ing and mechanical industries to give em ployment to both capital and labor ? This is a question that addresses itself with es pecial pertinence to the real estate owners of our city. Many fine stores and dwel lings have been built during the past season. Not a few are yet unsupplied with tenants. We need population, to Secure which employment must be pro vided. In the increase of employments all classes, the capitalist, merchant, and the laborer, are interested. Our first step, then, should be to encourage such manufacturing and mechanical enter prises as are and tuat rutpiire no iitrgo investment of capital. There are many such enterprises that might be safely and profitably inaugurated in our city. None, perhaps, offers greater in ducements than the one we have sug gested. It would not require a large amount of capital to establish a tannery in our vicinity. This might be done by associated capital. It would be the be ginning of anew order of things, and, with success, would no doubt soon be fol lowed by other manufacturing enterprises which, by keeping capital at home and giviug employment to all classes of our citizens, would add materially to our gen eral prosperity. The Union League and the Southern Negroes. The Boston Post, commenting on the recent meeting of the Executive Com mittee of the Union League in Phila delphia, and their declared purpose of reorganizing their secret conclave in the South for the purpose of “keeping tJtie colored voters of the South from the con taminating influence of the Democrats,” says: “This is a worthy and congenial work for those whom the late Horace Greeley somewhat discourteously styled “blockheads,” but it is one in which labor is evidently needed. The con tamination of Democracy has indeed spread considerably as the colored voters have grown in intelligence and self-con fidence. Ik Mississippi they protest against the Republican color-line which divides them from the offices. In Vir ginia they denounce the President as scornfully indifferent to their claims for Federal appointments; and throughout the South the experience of the Freed men’s Bank, the failure of the Georgia insurrection, and other misadventures into which they have been led by gentle men of the Union League set, have in a measure opened their eyes to the situa tion. There is no help but in arousing the old hostility of race against race, and this the Union League proposes to do. But with the failure of the bloody shirt business at the North, the prospect of reviving the policy of hatred at the South is not so brilliant as when the Union League was more of a power than it now is.” Tlie Government Accounts. We are beginning again to hear of de ficiencies in the government revenues. It is asserted that the expenditures have been manipulated by the several depart ments for several years past so as to ex hibit a surplus, whereas the invariable deficiency bill that each session of Con gress is asked to pass shows that the Treasury is not as plethoric as is pre tended. It will be remembered that at the late session of Congress, Secretary Bristow came out plainly and stated that he would need $35,000,000 more for the present and the next year than the sources of revenue would yield; the President backed up the Secretary’s re quest with a special message; and the result was that Congress increased the tariff and the tax on spirits. This legis lation does not appear to have had the ef fect intended, for it is now said that the departments have been deficient in money to pay their employes, and that the de partments are in the habit of borrowing from each other, producing a complica tion of accounts that it will be difficult to straighten. The St. Louis Republican thinks there will hare to be a general and thorough overhauling of the government books at the next session of Gongress. The Re publican Congresses of the last twelve years have refused to perform this im portant duty, but the next Democratic House will be expected to do it, without fefix or favor. If any of the departments are not prepared for inspection so much the worse for them. TRIAL OF CORDAY HARRIS. Wbnl the Kvif*nce ban llitclofwd—Cm Any Conrictlonn be Secured—A Temple of J untie? Not Profaned—flow tbe Ver dict wt Received— A Word In Concln nion. [Hpeciai Correspondence of tbe Morning News.) Sandersvelle, September 3d, 1875. Now that the trial of Rev. Corday Har ris is ended, and the jury have rendered a verdict of “not guilty’ in his case, it may be well for me to review the situa tion of things here, and try to make plain to your readers why such a result has been reached. In my first report of the insurrectionary movement I spoke of Corday Hams as the third in command or importance in the conspiracy. No testimony has been given to disprove this fact, although Captain Francis Mur kerson is made to appear in a very prom inent position by his incendiary threats, and his active efforts to promote the pur poses of the organization with which he was connected. The failure to convict Harris may be traced to various causes, and was not the result of want of com plicity on his part in the movement. As I stated in my first letter, guilt and con viction are two very different things. WHAT THE EVIDENCE HAS DISCLOSED. The prosecution has succeeded in pro ving that there did exist among the negroes of Laurens, Johnson and other counties (and to some extent in this county), a feeling of opposition and hatred to the whites. Under the teach ings and lead of Joe Morris, a bad and worthless fellow, the negroes had been made to feel that the road laws, the ten ure of lands and their exclusion from the jury box were oppressive and unjust to them. Morris, Murkerson, and others, who were ambitious for military titles, took advantage of this state of things to inflame the passions of their race, and in this way organize them into military companies, oath-bound and secret in their operations, with a view to securing high military positions for themselves. The great mass of negroes who were drawn into the movement were ignorant and stupid plantation hands, but it has been fully shown that the leaders aud many of the subordinate officers were possessed of some intelligence, aud that they exhi bited a great deal of energy and used considerable deception in their efforts to organize and control the colored popula tion of this section of the State. These leaders, as has been amply shown by reliable testimony, did make threats of destruction against the white populace, and proposed to burn the Court House in this city. Unfortunately these threats were made in adjoining counties, and the negroes who made them have fled from justice. Corday Harris is reported to have listened, without protest, to these threats, and one witness testifies that Corday even made a threat himself ; but it was done at Buckeye Church, which is not in this county. That he was the leader in this section, cannot be denied; and that he was using his influence to mass the negroes together for some pur pose, secret in itself and fatal in its con sequences to the whites, is too evident to be laughed at as a mere “scare.” The threats referred to were inadejat different times and in places widely separated, showing that Morris was making an effort, by his own appeals and incendiary threats, as well as tnrough his subordi nate officers, to consolidate in this move ment the entire negro population of the nineteen counties over which he proposed to exercise his authority as “Brigetary Gineral.” Nothing has been called out by the trial of Harris which goes to disprove the sworn confessions already published in my previous letters. It has been shown that a feeling of hostility to the white race existed among a certain class of negroes, and that these negroes were the leadeis in the proposed movement. CAN CONVICTIONS BE SECURED ? There is no doubt of the ability of the State to convict “General” Joseph Mor ris and “Captain” Francis Murkerson, as their declarations were most emphatic as to the bloody and insurrectionary pur poses of the secret military movement. As to General P. R. Rivers, who is a real militia officer of that rank in South Caro liua, I doubt if he can be made a crimi nal participant in the affair. It seems that it was his military title and high position that stirred within the breast of “Hon.” Joseph Morris the desire to be come a great “General” among his own people. It was natural that he should consult Rivers as to how this object should be accomplished. And when he learned that it could only be done by the organization and equipment of a certain number of colored companies, he allowed no time to elapse before he set about forming these organizations. It is prob able that Governor Smith’s refusal to give him arms for his companies in Burke county—the State then having none to give even to white companies—angered him to that extent that he began to plan his insurrectionary movement. He had set his heart upon being a “General,” and a “General” he would be at all haz ards. Rivers being a bona fide General, it is to be presumed that Morris had fre quent conferences with him, by letter or otherwise, as to the best and quickest way in which to secure the object of bis vain ambition. I do not think, therefore, that Rivers, if now in custody, could be convicted, although I am satis fied that he did inspire Morris with much of the energy of purpose and vileness of design which actuated him in his efforts to mass the negroes together under his military control. There are also subordinate officers whose guilt can be established in John son county, if it is thought prudent to press a conviction of such persons in the absence of the chief ringleaders in the movement. My sense of justice would forbid the adoption of this course, "unless the testimony was of such a character as to show a deep-seated and deliberately formed purpose on the part of these sub ordinates, acting without regard to the higher authority of the leaders , to do vio lence to the white people of the county. The movement, whatever may have been its character and purpose, has been met and its force destroyed. Never again, under any circumstances, will those ring leaders seek to marshal their colored forces in a movement of this kind. Those leaders have fled the country, and the great mass of their duped followers, but few of whom bore any ill-will in their hearts to the whites, have gone back to their labor in the field and to their places in the shops in which they were employed. There is no real oonfliet of races existing between the blacks and whites of this section. A few turbulent negroes and a handful of equally foolish whites have existed here, and will exist here as long as human nature remains hu man nature. I cannot see, therefore, that the conviction of any but the real instigators of this movement, the am bitious, ever-to-be-feared leaders of in surrectionary bands, would result in good to the people of the State, or that the demands of justice require more than this. Even when the alarm was first given, and before the whole affair could be calmly investigated, the people and press cf Georgia, as with one voice, pro tested against the imprisonment or con viction of any but the really guilty in stigators. And now that all danger is passed away, and peace and quiet and good feeling between the races is restored, I am satisfied that a still stronger protest will be made against the conviction of subordinates in the movement. A TEMPLE OF JUSTICE UNPBOFANED. The people of this section won the highest praise for their coo land delib erate action and calm and cool obedience to law and order in their efforts to defeat and suppress what threatened to be a most bloody and terrible slaughter of the white population of this and adjoining counties. Whatever may have been the grounds of alarm their humane and for bearing conduct has won the plaudits of the civilized world. But grander still, and more to be honored in every sense, has been their conduct during the trial of Rev. Corday Harris. Not a word has been uttered, not a threat made, so far as I know, calculated to im properly influence the minds of those in whose hands his* fate was to be placed. The Mayor of the city and other legal gentlemen of high character and fine at tainments, promptly volunteered for his defense. The ex-Attorney General of the United States, Hon. Amos T. Aker man, was secured as leading counsel. Judge Hersehel Y. Johnson, whose emi nent ability and great worth give power to his utterances, charged the grand jury with marked candor and strict impar tiality. It was a body of men worthy the confidence of the community, and their faithful dische *ge of delicate and impor tant duties is their highest commendation to public endorsement. The petit jury was composed of some of the best and most reliable citizens of the county, each one of whom was duly passed upon by the prisoner and his counsel. The Attorney General of the State. Hon. N. J. Hammond, leading counsel for the prosecution, presented his case to the jury in a most able, clear and unbiased manner. He assured that body that tbe great State of Georgia, whose official acts were governed by “wisdom, justice and moderation.” desired the blood of no one of her citizens. He was there in no spirit of anger, with no purpose of re venge in his heart. The laws of the State guarantee to its humblest inhabi tant a full, free and impartial trial, when ever the said individual is sought to be deprived of life, liberty, or the pursuit of happiness. His duty in the case—and he should in no manner go be yond that —was to try the accused in strict accordance with the law and the testimony. The Governor of the State, anxious that nothing should be done in haste or under excitement that could in any way infringe the rights of the ac cused, had desired his presence here m the conduct of this case, that an impar tial trial and an honest verdict might show to the world that in Georgia, if in no other State of the Union, a colored man, even in times like these and under circumstances so peculiar, could be put on trial for his life and receive impartial justice at the hands of white men whose own lives and whose own homes had been threatened with destruction by the ac cused and his co-conspirators. Ex-Attorney General Akerman deserves the highest praise for his calm, unbiased and conservative course during the trial. He came here under the ban of Radical ism, and nearly everybody trembled with fear as they contemplated the extent to which, by his unwise speech and extreme course of action, he might possibly stir up strife between the two races in this county. But nothing of the kind took place. No word that fell from his lips during his three hours’ talk to the jury, or in his cross examination of witnesses, " revealed the fact that he was not a Democrat. And while he had it in his po—er to stir up the pas sions of both n' , and to have pro duced results ' * would have flung a hundred “blood., shirts” to the political breeze, he chose to be wise, prudent and patriotic. By this course he won the re spect of the people j 0 were present during the trial, all cf whom will long remember his able, eloquent and impar tial speech to the jury. I must confess that he completely won my heart by his tender and beautiful appeal in behalf of kindly relations between the races. He advised the negroes not to think of emi gration, but to stay here with their old masters and their best friends. They could live in peace with the whites, and if they had any unjust laws to complain of, not to seek to abrogate them by any insurrectionary movement. His advice to the whites was equally appropriate. “These negroes,” he said, in closing, “many of them, were old family serv ants ; they smiled over your cradles, and if you will only let them live here in peace with you, they will also weep over your graves.” It may not be wrong to state that Cor day Harris might have been convicted. Under the present condition of things here, had the counsel for the prosecution “clamored” for his blood, or made an im passioned appeal, based upon testimony that showed his conduct in other coun ties, the jury might have brought in a verdict of “guilty.” But whenever a doubt existed upon any point, either of law or testimony, the benefit of that doubt, in accordance with law, was given the prisoner at the bar. His utterances in Burke or Laurens county, however insurrectionary in their character, could not be used against him in this county. Here, according to the evidence, he was simply the Marshal of the procession that marched from Tennille (No. 13, C. R R.), to Sandersville, on the 24th of July, and in this peaceful capacity he was mounted upon a horse at the head of the column, carrying a sword, and giving the usual orders. It was shown by the witnesses for the prosecution that when Harris found he could not secure the court house for the negro mass meeting, he sought out the Mayor of the city, and after advising with him, made a brief speech to the negroes, in which he coun seled them to quietly disperse to their homes, to keep perfectly sober and make no disturbance of any kind. Although a great many negroes were dressed in fan tastic uniforms, made of calico or cam bric, it was shown that of the fifteen hundred present only three had arms of any kind—Harris having a sword, and the other negroes being armed with pistols. Of course, in all this there was no testimony with which to secure an honest conviction of the ac cused. Had any unwise attempt been made to influence the jury against the prisoner, I am sure that Judge Johnson, whose love of justice is proverbial and cannot be swayed by the speech or im pulses of men, would have promptly met it with a charge so impartial and so clear that the jury would have hesitated long and deliberately before arriving at a ver dict not fully sustained by the law and the testimony in the case. HOW THE VERDICT WAS RECEIVED. While there were many who fondly hoped for the conviction of Harris, on account of his prominent position among the negroes of this county, I think the court and the great mass of the people are satisfied with the result. They do not look upon the accused as innocent of com plicity with the movement, but they clearly see that the testimony was not sufficient to convict him here in this county. And a word as to his promi nence in the matter. There can be no doubt that he was the next in impor tanec. oJ‘ ‘General” Morris, and that he(of ten acted for Morris in raising money and in getting up mass-meetings. But beyond this he seems to have acted with consid orablecaution. Holding religious meetings about in the adjoining counties, he fre quently took advantage of the noon hour to con .e’t with the negroes in regard to this movement. In his utterances, how ever, he seems to have been quite guarded. One witness testified that Harris, at such a time, made threats against the whites, but he laughed when he did so, and the witness thought “he was only joking.” It may be possible—but I think it quite improbable—that Harris did not wholly approve the threat of Morris to burn the court house, and that he did not desire a conflict of races. But I still adhere to the theory of my first letter—-in fact, I can stand by that whole communication —that the conspiracy was prematurely exploded. There can be no doubt of tne ultimate bloody purpose of Morris and Murkerson, for their dis tinct utterances are positively insurrec tionary in their character. Yet no dan ger is now feared from them, nor will the ghost of Rev. Corday Harris, as pictured so vividly by the associate counsel for the State, ever disturb the slumbers of the people of Washington county. Mounted on his horse, in flowing, fan tastic robes, with a red rooster’s feather in his hat, and a drawn sword in his hand, he passes into history by the eloquence of this gentleman, as the leader of a procession of fifteen hundred foolish and deluded negroes, armed with but two pistols for the entire foice, and dressed in the most fan tastic array of calico and cambric cos tumes. This was the head and front of his offending in Washington county, and althoug : for all this foolishness the asso ciate co osel eloquently pleaded for Ms conviction, the court, the Attorney Gen eral of the State, and the jury themselves, “could not see it in that light,” and hence the verdict of “not guilty.” And is this the end of it all, you will ask ? What better ending, under the cir cumstances, could have been secured? It is true that a large amount of money has been expended by the State and county during the efforts put forth to suppress this anticipated insurrection. Is it to result in the conviction of no one of the guilty parties ? As I have before stated, Morris and Murkerson, whose guilt is clearly proven, have fled the country. Harris escaped, under the law, a conviction. But what is this compared to the great results reached ? What are a few thousand dollars compared to the peace, order and dignity of a great State like Georgia ? Where else, in any part of the land, could such ah alarm have been given, with or without foundation, and human life not have been sacrificed and streams of blood been poured out in a conflict of races ? The question of “a big scare" does not enter into this prop osition. The pecy’e did not then know —lf they do now -hat “minnies” meant “minutes,” and not Minnie rifles. They did not then kr jw that “General Bivers and staff and two thousand armed negroes from South Carolina” was one of Morris’s tricks of trade. They only knew that these rumors, coming from written com- municatious which had passed between negroes, were abroad, and that they must promptly defend their homes and their innocent wives and children. Men at such times are not always cool in action or reasonable in judgment. But, thank God, these people were cool in action and reasonable in judgment; and because of this no lives were lost, and the peace, good order and dignity of the State were preserved. Of the wis dom of keeping so many prisoners here under a military guard, after the excite ment had subsided, I have already ex pressed my opinion. Still, in view of all the facts of the case, I do hope that the Legislature at its next session will pass a bill to relieve the county of Wash ington of a portion of the heavy expense which has been incurred by her faithful public officials. If they erred in judg ment at a pater period, they acted with great caution, prudence and firmness in the most critical hour of the insurrection excitement. They and the people of the county —whatever may have been the revengeful purposes of a few bad white men—preserved the State of Georgia from a calamity that would have deeply financial standing, put a dark stain upon her political character and made her grand old motto— “ Wisdom, Jus tice, Moderation”— a trio of empty and meaningless words. Let the State show her appreciation of the wise, moderate and just action of the people of this sec tion, in this matter, by cheerfully bear ing a portion of the heavy and oppressive burden of debt which their efforts to suppress the anticipated insurrection has brought upon them. A WORD IN CONCLUSION. There may be some journalists who will t attempt to cast ridicule upon this move ment, and who will flippantly call the trial of Rev. Corday Harris “a complete fizzle. ” If such a journalist there be, it is to be hoped, for the sake of decency, that he lives beyond the borders of this State, and that he is a “bohemian dead beat” of the lowest order. A trial con ducted as this has been, with such a man as ex-Govemor Herschel V. Johnson on the bench, ex-United SufyjjS 'Attorney General Amos T. Akerman, for the defense, and Attorney General N. J. Hammond, for the prosecution, and a. jury of the best men in the county, is no mere child’s play. In their presence all trickery van ishes away—all technicalities are swept aside, when the life of a human being is in the scales of justice, even though that life belongs to a poor, mis guided, foolish negro preacher. The calm, majestic presence of the law over shadows all their acts and gives tone to all their utterances. Such men, under such circumstances, cannot, if they would, commit judicial murder merely to appease the demands of an excited and angered populace. But in this instance there was no outside clamor for blood, and within in the temple of justice the scales were not moved by a single breath of hatred, nor a single purpose or desire to misconstrue or misapply the law and the facts in the case. Prematurely “nipped in the bud” what might have grown into a vast'power for evil and bloodshed, now lies dead in its infantile proportions. All false adorn ments have been stripped from its form, and the strangled monstrosity is no longer a cause of alarm. “General’’ Mor ris, a turbulent, lazy and scheming negro, ambitious to be a great man among the negroes of this State, as is General Riv ers among the negroes of South Caro lina, consults that equally turbulent and ambitious negro as to how he can succeed. He is told to form military companies aud get Governor Smith to order an election for a negro “Brigertory Gineral.” This is the foun dation of the movement. But failure to get arms at Atlanta—as there were rone —angers Morris, and then he ‘ ‘talks big” and “swells,” as one of the negro wit nesses said. Negro must go on juries; have arms for military companies (whether or no); work the roads by themselves and under black overseers; have a share of the public lands (and he claimed that all the lands were public), and if they could use the court houses when they wanted them he would find men who would not hesitate to burn them down. With these incendiary and bloody threats —for he proposed to obtain lands by the murder of whites—Morris had gone about inflaming the negroes of the counties in this section, and organizing oath-bound and secret military companies. I do not think he intended to get up an insurrection on the 24th of July, or to do violence to the whites, but by a grand display of General Rivers and his armed troops and his own unarmed forces, he hoped to frighten the white people into yielding to his demands. Failing in this, at some future time he would have led his duped and ignorant black followers “into the jaws of death” in a bloody insurrectionary movement. Sidney Herbert. LETTER FROM WASHINGTON. The Jim .Smithson Show—How to Kutcr taiu the l’ublic—The Seminole Nero Uodge —An Outrage on Florida A Bloodthirsty Captain—The I.asli of Thaclier— Radical Itoysterers—Califor nia Notes, etc., etc. [Special Correspondence of the Morning News.] Washington, D. C., Sept. 3, 1875. THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTE. An old Englishman named Jim Smith son having accumulated quite a fortune, and his mother-in-law being deceased, he passed in his checks, as the lamented Beau Hickman would say, and willed $515,169 to the founding of an institu tion for “the increase and diffusion of knowledge among men.” This sum was afterwards increased by $26,210 63, and with appropriations made by Congress and other bequests, now foots up nearly a million. The funds and other things are in charge of a Board of Trustees, of whom Professor Henry is Secretary, and who have a quarterly “blow out” from the assets. Whether old Smithson in tended to have a sort of a knowledge receptacle established or not, the trus tees have always believed that he wished a museum, a moral exhibition and collec tion of curiosities, started on his funds. The mistake has been made by not having engaged Bamum to run the plow. They have snakes and bugs enough to jim-jam the United States, birds’ nests and stuffed animals, including that type of radical perfection the gorilla, Dr. Kane’s old clothes and wax figures that outdo Madame Tussand’g. The megathenum, the Irish elk and the icthyosaurus all sit around in graceful positions, and the Japanese relics are scattered over the building in brilliant profusion. Petrified boot-heels, Alexander the Great s glass-eye, Napoleon’s old shirt, Jehosaphat’s pocket-flask, Captain Noah’s compass from the ark, a ticket of admis sion to the Tower of Babel, and the whale that Mr. Jonah swallowed, are all there, and the average American is edified by the sight of them. But the show lacks life. There is no Artemus Ward to descant upon the beauties. I'This, ladies and gentlemen, is the great ’rang-a-tang, wot entereth defenceless villages, carryeth off unprotected females to the topmost branches of the tallest trees, an there de voureth he they them.” Add a feature of this kind to the institute and millions yet unborn will bless the trustees of Jim Smithson’s bequest. THE BANE OF CALIFORNIA has furnished a goodly amount of chat try bursting, and old Adolph Sutro and the Austrian capitalists who built the Sutro tunnel are rejoicing. The above named bank fought the tunnel scheme to death and has now gone up itself. It controlled the wood and charcoal supplies to the Nevada mines and was the power that placed Sharon in the Senate and Stewart on the shelf. Sharon will hardly blk about buying the capital for a coun try residence any more. California brag gadocia needs an occasional check, and Sharon has received it very hard. It is aumored that ex-Senator Nye loses some thing by the bank failure. The talk was that Jones paid Nye fifty thousand dol lars for his influence in getting him elected, and now it is said that Nye had most of this in Ralston’s charge. We have a number of Californians laying loose around here and all of them profess to feel bad oyer the orash. The Califor nians will soon recuperate from any trouble, however. Looking at Raymond s report on the mineral resources of the country, he shows an average of forty four millions of bullion produced annu ally in California and Nevada, the latter controlled by the former. Of this amount over fourteen millions come from the Comstock mines and tailings. It costs, however, more than a dollar and a half to get out one dollar in gold, yet mining industries seem to thrive, and many of the speculators become vory wealthy. A LUCKY CALIFORNIAN in Peru, who left San Francisco with sev eral hundred thousand dollars worth of debts, struck a railroad bonanza in the country of the Andes and has built iron roads enough to bring him in several millions and enable him to pay his debts. Harry Meigs is now the railroad king of South America, and has with him an able corps of American engineers. He pays them well and gets a good return from them. THE NEW DISTRICT ATTORNEY , Wells, has been directed toopeu the safe burglary investigation again. It will be remembered that the safe of the District Attorney s office was blown open and books taken out to be left at the house of one C. Alexander, who was prosecuting the District ring and exposing their thefts. The object of leaving the books was to connect Alexander with the rob bery of the safe, but through bungling the whole affair fell to the ground, the burglars were allowed to escape and an investigation whitewashing over the thing left an impression that the Assist ant District Attorney Harrington, the District Attorney Fisher, the Chief and other police, Boss Shepard, and others were all implicated. If the case is reopened a terrible roll of rascality can be shown up. A burglar arrested here a few days ago was let out on bogus bail, and young Fisher, the late District Attorney’s son, is accused of connivance in this affair. There is a fearful lack of hoaesty in the administration of District affairs even yet. The Commissioners are accused of speculation, and it is evident that they are making far more money than their salaries. THE FISHERIES in the Chesapeake have all lost money this year, but are still catchiug some. Sturgeon are very plentiful, and are sell ing from fifty cents to a dollar each, weighing seventy or eighty pounds. Oysters have been good all this year, Something very unusual, but there are fen of them on the market. The shad breeding places are all closed up, and shad have been shipped off by the mil lion. Black bass is now being shipped off in large numbers, and it really seems as if in a few years all our streams will be well stocked with fish. THE SEMINOLE NEGROES. The latest dodge is an attempt to ship several hundred negroes from Texas to Florida under pretence of their having been Seminole slaves. The few Seminole slaves who settled on the Rio Grande years ago. still remain there and do not wish to move, but a crowd of discharged negro soldiers and others are gathered together to be supported by the govern ment and shipped to Florida, where they can do service in the elections. Texas is so overwhelmingly Democratic that these fellows can’t do much good there, but in a close State like Florida they can be of great assistance. What a yankee will not think of in the way of political dodges the devil has never con ceived. These Seminole darkies will be assigned, I suppose, to Brother Hicks’s paternal uare, and will be duly voted at the earliest opportunity. There may be a fight over them yet, but Conover and Purman have Walls pretty well in hand, and can manage the piebald element pretty well for their own ends. Major ltubenstein is the individual who has been sent to take charge of the emi grants, and he will take them down to the Indian river country, where a benifi cent government will furnish them prov ender. Now is the time for SENATOR JONES to open out. Let him show up this scheme of fraud and it will be a big feather in his chapeau. Jones is able to do it, and if he makes his fight properly he can prevent the population of Florida from being improperly increased by this method. If colonization dodges of this kind are allowed, we will have them bring ing over the population of Guinea and feeding them on administration pap, for the purpose of controlling the elections. We have too many brunettes now, and instead of bringing them back east they should be sent across the Rio Grande, to increase the mongrel population of Mex ico. We might send Butler with them as Tycoon, and let the Mexicans give them a piece of country to form a little gov ernment on, where they could razor each other to their heart’s content, or Grant might send them to Steinberger in his Samoan kingdom. CAPTAIN LEIB is ferocious over the notice he received in the News and the way the Jacksonville Press burnished him up. He threatens to sue the Press for libel (as if he could be libelled), and to use up your corre spondent when he finds him out. For the latter purpose he carries a pair of flint-lock horse pistols, a two-inch dagger, a machete and a bottle of croton oil. When the Cap. gets excited blood is nothing to him. He has fertilized the soil of Florida with his enemies, and what people have supposed to be Indian mounds are only places where the Cap. piles up the carcasses. His coat buttons are made of smuggler’s bones, and he has about two bushels of rebel tendons that he proposes to have made into shoe strings. I solemnly warn the people of Jacksonville to fortify, fqy there is no telling when this bold buccaneer may appear before that devoted city in his felucca and sweep it like the dread simoom. ANOTHEK ONE GONE. Thacher, the Commissioner of Patents, has been forced to resign, and has made arrangements to open in the patent busi ness in Chicago. The causes that led to his leaving were numerous, prominent amongst them his trickery in the sewing machine cases. The former Commis sioner, Leggett, whose two sons prac ticed before him while he held the office, which led Don Piatt to dub the Patent Office as the firm of Leggett, Leggett & Father, picked Thacher out from amongst his clerks as a fit instrument in his hands to do dirty work, and there fore resigned in his favor. The Leggetts have controlled all the principal patent cases since that time, and the frauds committed on patentees have led to a considerable amount of complaint. It has been notorious that the inventor of every valuable patent would lose more than half his claim before getting it through the office. In some instances patents wore stolen from inventors altogether through confederates outside the office who would make out ante-dated caveats. It has been so that a man was not sure of anything sent to the Patent Office. Every ex-Com missioner of patents now alive is in the practice of patent law, and nearly all of them rich. There must be a bonanza of stealing for them as no man could get rich out of mere fees. There are numer ous candidates for Thacher’s place, but Speer, the Assistant Commissioner, has the inside track and will probably get the position. Cyclops, Mr. Beecher has conducted himself since his trial in a manner so offensive to decency, so inconsistent with his sacred calling, and so out of relation to the character he claims for himself and his partisans ask the public to believe is his, that we are not surprised to hear start ling reports as to his actions. The fol lowing, however, from the White Moun tains correspondence of the Exrpretus, is almost too graceful for belief; “The Beecher excitement is quite died out. At first there was a great rush to see him, and hear him, but now the fun is over, and last Sunday his entire audi ence did not exceed two thousand people. He is to return to Brooklyn this week, much to the displeasure of the Barrons, who keep the hotel where he is staying. They have given him his board and fifty dollars a week to stay and preach at their house. He thinks they are making too much money out of him, and demands that they pay him two hundred dollars a week. The Barrons say this is too much, and Beecher says, ‘All right, gen tlemen, I go home this week. ’ ‘lf you do, we will sue* you for breach of contract; for, Mr. Beecher, you agreed to stay till the third Sunday in Septem ber.’ Beecher coolly replies, ‘Sue away, if you like. I should think after what you have seen of my success in the law business, that you would know better than to undertake a suit against me.’ The Barrons are furious. They say they have done everything for Beecher; that they defended him in the newspapers, and have petted him always. But they can’t help themselves. When Mr. Beecher makes up his mind to go, he will start if a whole regiment opposes.” The previous report that Mr. Beecher was a dead-head at the Twin Mountain House, paying his way by exhibiting himself there, was discreditable enough; but the above is an outrage to honor and decency that we are not able to believe even of Mr. Beecher.— N. Y. Sun. TELEGRAPHIC NEWS. Nn mumry of the Week’s Dispatches THE CASE OF DR. HICKS. [Special Telegram to the Morning New*,] Live Oak, Fla., September 3. Dr. Collier withdrew from the prose cution of Hicks because a practicing at torney employed in a civil suit on the same issue was allowed to conduct the defense. The committee are no doubt sincere in their proceeding. Three more witnesses were examined. Secre tary Carruth also retired this afternoon. [Special Telegram to the Morning News.] I. tvs Oak, Fla., September 4. THE PROSECUTION RESTS. The prosecution in the case of Dr. Hicks closed this afternoon, and the examination of witnesses in behalf of the defense was begun. The trial will be re sumed on Monday. an explosion. The charge of collusion or conspiracy on the part of any one to injure the char acter or standing of the Rev. Dr. Hicks was most thoroughly and effectually ex ploded by the evidence, there being not the least shadow of testimony to sup port it. hicks’ lawyer. White, Hicks’ lawyer, appears to be conducting both sides of the case, and is framing answers for witnesses with as tounding sagacity. A MATTER OF CONSCIENCE. Dr. Hankins, the prosecuting counsel for the church, is too conscientious and unsuspecting to cqjjo with a lawyer. THE CALIFORNIA ELECTION. San Francisco, September 3.—lncom plete returns indicate the of Irwin, Democrat, Governor, and the en tire Democratic State ticket by a large plurality. Three Democratic Congress men are elected and the fourth is in doubt. The Democrats have a plurality in the Legislature aud probably a ma - jority. The decision of the Mayor’s con test will probably require an official count. The vote of the State as far as heard from, except the cities of San Francisco and Sacramento, which are much mixed, gives Irwin, Democrat, for Governor, 21,C‘.)4, and Bidwell, Independent, 9,673. In the Second Congressional District, Page, Republican, reoeives 4,891, Larkin, Democrat, 4,361, and Tuttle, Independ ent, 1,267. In the Third Congressional District, Luttrell, Democrat, receives 5,641, Denie, Republican, 2,666, aud Reid, Independent, 2,165. In the Fourth Congressional District, Wiggeuton, Dem ocrat, receives 6,442, Houghton, Repub lican, 4,803, and Thompson, Independ ent, 1,675. In this city, Piper, Demo crat, for Congress, is undoubtedly elected, but the other offices are still undecided. FOREIGN MARKET REVIEW. London, September 4.- —To-day’s Times, in its financial column, says the firmness of the money market is continued, and of the discount business done at market rate a large proportion of the bills were negotiated at a Higher figuro. Corn is steady. Deliveries of English wheat and foreign wheat continue to be heavy. The provincial markets are mostly firm, with occasionally an advance in price on last week. The Hungarian wheat crop is said to ‘be disappointing, but owing to the late harvest there may still be some avail able for export. There is little further news regarding foreign crops. The Min cing Lane markets are without change from the dullness of many weeks. The sugar market continues depressed, and prices are tending downwards. FOREIGN CROPS. London, September 3.—The Times in its financial column, says that there is in creased firmness in the discount market, apart from other influences which may be expected to cause a greater demand for floating capital. As we get into the autumn, more than usual attention is directed to the requirements of the country in connection with the grain trade. It is known that we shall have the import of an unusually large quantity of wheat, and it is equally certain that all malting barley will have to come from abroad. The Daily Telegraph says the prospects are favorable for the bop harvest, which has already commenced. The damage done by mould and vermin is below the average. FAST MAIL TRAIN. Philadelphia, September 4. The Post Office Department lias perfected arrangements for a post mail train from New York to Philadelphia, Washington and Baltimore, via Pittsburg to Chicago, St. Louis, Cincinnati aud all points in the Southwest. This train will commence running on Monday, September 13, over the Pennsylvania Railroad and its con necting lines, making extraordinary fast time, so as to fully accommodate the im mense postal business of the cities designated as well as a limited number of through passengers. The schedule of the train will be arranged and announced in a few days. RADICAL BIOTS. Y icksbubg, September 4.—A difficulty occurred at the Republican meeting at Clinton, Miss., to-day. Three whites, Chas. Chilton, of Clinton, Martin Se villy and Mr. Thompson, of Raymond, are reported killed. Three negroes are killed, and several whites and negroes wounded. No positive information has been received regarding the origin of the conflict. About one hundred and fifty armed whites from this place and fifty from Edwards and Bolton arrived at Clin ton this evening, to protect the town. The negroes are reported arriving and threatening another town. SHOOTING DOWN THE WIND. St. Louis, September 5. —Major John A. Edwards, of the St. Louis Times, and Colonel Emory S. Foster, editor of the Evening Journal, exchanged one harm less shot in Winnebago county, whither they had gone to settle a difficulty grow ing out of a newspaper article concern ing the refusal of the people of Winne bago to hear Mr. Davis at the county fair. Major Edwards demanded a second shot, but iho seconds, having decided that there should be but one unless demanded by both, and Colonel Foster considering that he had given sufficient satisfaction de clined, and the matter was settled with out further difficulty. THE NOBTH CAROLINA CONVENTION. Raleigh, September 6.—The' State Convention met; 119 members present. One vacancy is created by the death of ex-Gov. Graham. Two ballots for Presi dent resulted in Ransom, Independent Democrat, receiving 59 votes, and Dock ery, Republican, 58. The two candidates voting scattering, leaving the result un decided. The convention then adjourned until 10 a. m. to-morrow morning. In tense interest is felt in the result. Large crowds are in the city. No one knows the final result. THE maid’s BEST TIME. Hartford, September 3.—Goldsmith Maid trotted two heats with a running mate, to beat her best record for a purse of $2,000. In the first heat Doble did not send her, evidently only caring only to put her in trim for the second trial. The time was she was sent, and made a mile without a skip in 2:14£, creating great enthusiasm. Turfmen regard this as better time than 2:14 on Mystic Park, and really her greater achievement, all things consid ered. A FIGHT. Denver, Col., September •.—Particu lars have been received of an engage ment on the 15th of August between Gardner and Gennet’s party of Hayden’s survey and a band of Sierra la Salutes, near the line between Colorado and Utah and near the line of New Mexico. The fight lasted twenty-one hours and resulted in a loss to the Gardner and Gennet party of all their baggage and nearly all their provisions. They all escaped without injury, Ralston’s defalcation. San Francisco, September 4.— Mr. S. Q. Mills authorizes the statement that the defalcation of the late President of the Bank of California will amount to be tween three and four millions of dollars, and that an over issue of stock has been discovered. It is supposed that this will in any way prejudice the arrangements nowjbeihg made to rehabilitate the bank. TSE MISSISSIPPI RIOTS. Vicksburg, Miss., September 6.—An extra edition of the Herald gives the fol lowing account of the disturbance at Clinton : “The origin and particulars of the riot at Clinton on Saturday afternoon have been variously stated. After nearing all the statements, we think the following about correct: There is a law prohibiting the sale of liquor in Clinton. Some young men from Raymond brought a bot tle with them, and, while the speaking was going on, Martin Siveley and some of his friends went off a short distance to take adrink. The colored Marshal for the occa sion approached them and forbade their drinking. This order was not regarded,and when the Marshal attempted to take'the bottle out of Siveley’s hand Sivele struck him over the head with it. Sena tor Caldwell, colored, started to settle the difficulty, and was followed by some twenty- negrees, whom he ordered back but about one hundred more CRnio rush! ing on. Someone fired a shot, which was followed by a general firing and a stampede. Siveley fired all the barrels of bis pistol, and the negroes then de mauded his surrender. He surrendered and gave up his pistol, after which he was shot and his brains knocked out. He was then robbed of his clothing and his finger was cut off in order to get bis ring. The infuriated mob found Charles Chilton in his yard and shot aud killed him in the presence of his family. Frank Thomas, the son of a promising young lawyer, was shot from his horse a mile and a half from the scene of the conflict, aud, after fall ing, the savages drove their knives in his body in many places. John Neal was fatally shot in the left lung, in town, and Waddy Rice seriously in the hand. Four negroes were found dead on the field and two mortally wounded. Six additional negroes have been found dead about Clin ton since. The white men of Clinton were organized at once, for self-protec tion, under Col. Harding, aud telegrams sent here for assistance. Fifteen min - utes after the* receipt of the first dispatch one hundred and fifty-men were ready; to inarch, and took a special train,' which reached Clinton at 7 o’clock. About 10 o’clock more reinforcements came from Jackson. The roads were picketed during the night, but all danger being apparently over, most of the citizens re turned to their homes at Vicksburg, leav ing thirty men on guard under Captain W. H. Andrews. Captain Audrows re turned with bis men this morning, and reports all now quiet at Clinton and Ed wards. The train from Jackson, on Sat urday night, with reinforcements for Clinton, was fired into from the side of the road, aud obstructions were also placed on the track. THE FOREIGN CORN MARKET. London, September 6.—The Mark Lane Express, in the weekly- reviow of the corn trade, says: The bulk of the harvest has been generally gathered in good order. Another ten days of propi tious weather will about complete the work. The new samples of wheat show a great variety. The quality is much in ferior aud the crop is short as a whole, and a large importation will be necessary. Prices generally have only been firmer in Paris and in the home market, while in the provincial markets of France thoy have further declined one shilling per quarter, aud in some places two shillings. In Gormany har vesting has gono on well, and'prices were generally easier, although for future de livery most are above the present rates. In Belgium prices have varied, but mostly downward. In Holland the movement has been decidedly downward. At St. Petersburg prices are lowering. The harvest in the neighborhood of Dantzig has been completed under the most fa vorable circumstances. The new product is of fine quality and good weight, al though the total yield is below that of tli preceding year. THE CODE. St. Louis, September 4.—Major John N. Edwards, ono of the editors the St, Louis Times, and Colonel Emery ’ oster editor of the Evening Journal, left here last night for Winnebago county , to fight a duel. Major Edwards was acci i .aniol by Colonel H, B. Branch, and i oionel Foster by D. W. Barnard, as seconds. The affair grew out of an editorial in the Times of August 24, on the action of the citizens of Winnebago county in refusing to allow Jefferson Davis to speak at their fair and a rejoinder by Foster in the Journal of the next day, in which ho cast very severe strictures on the writer of the Times article. The point at which the duel was to have been fought is not known here, as that was left to be so leeted by the seconds after entering Win nebago county. Nothing has been beard as to the result, and it is thought a hos tile meeting has been prevented. KENTUCKY RACES. Lexington, Ky., September (;. The fdl meeting ovor the Kentucky Associa tion course commenced to-day with lino weather, a good track, a good attendance, and good sport. The first race, mile heats for three-year olds, was won by Grinstead’s ch. f. (by Gilroy), Cadwalla der’s b. f. (by Enquirer), second, and Mc- Gibben’s b. f. (by Leamington) third Time, l:43i{ and 1:50. The second race, one mile aud a furlong, was won by Bob Wolley; King Alfonso second and Katie Pease third. Time 1:54. This is the fastest race over run in America by seconds. The first furlong was run in 13 seconds, aud the mile, from string to string, in 1:41; the whole distance at the rate of l:4l£. LETTER FROM SANDERS ViLLE. Trial ol tlic NcKro lumirrei:tioiiiilH. [Special Correspondence of the Morning News.] Gilmore House, September 3, 1875. The trial of Rev. Corday Harris having resulted in a verdict of “ not guilty ” in his case, I do not feel willing to give your readers a hastily written report of the proceedings, as by so doing I should not fairly represent the condition of things here. I have listened attentively to all the testimony and arguments of the prose cution and tho defense, and although Harris escaped conviction, I am not pre pared to change any of the views or .statements put forth-in my first report of this insurrectionary movement. No testimony was offered or given to the court which disproves my theory of the affair. I propose, therefore, to take suitable time to write up the events of the trial, and shall give .your readers a thoroughly reliable and impa rtial statement of facts The failure to conv ;t Harris does not of itself weaken the conspiracy, as the just and impartial ruling of the court excluded testimony that plainly showed many of his acts and utterances to have be lone or spoken in other counties. The' ido also acted with great fairness, and way “clamored” for the conviction .u :t l accused. They cheerfully accorded him every advantage that the lav/ alio him to avail himself of for his defen. Sidney Heebeui The Seri veil County CanartL Sylvania, Ga., September 3,187. * Editor Morning New*: In looking over this morning’s paper I notice an article headed “Trouble in Scriven County,” and giving an account of a demonstration made by the negroes J which ended in a fight and discomfiture of the colored troops, who fled to South Carolina, all of which occurred during the latter part of last week near this place. As I live near this place, and have been in the village frequently for the past two weeks, and hearing nothing of this fight or demonstration, I incline to the opinion that there is some mistake in the matter. The colored people about here have manifested no dis position to fight, or in any way encour age strife, being very peaceable and" disposed to friendship with the white people. Our entire county I believe to be as peaceful as any community in tho State. There was some excitement last week and week before, and rumors of a fight in that portion of our county ad joining the Savannah river, and near Brown’s Ferry; hut the fight has been contradicted and the excitement has. sub sided. My object for writing this is to set this matter in its true fight before you, to the end that you may contradict the same before the public, which I know you will take pleasure in doing. _ R. D. Sharpe.