About The Savannah weekly news. (Savannah, Ga.) 1868-187? | View Entire Issue (Jan. 29, 1876)
Hannah Wtekin *Uut9 SATIIKUAIf, JAWPAKV *, DHR. SUBSCRIPTIONS. AAfpUljr \c Otic Year OO Weekly New,, j|* Month* I OO W>t>kly News, Three .Mom ha 50 !>lly Vcwa, one year. $lO 00; i x month*, *• ' three month*, $8 no. Tri-Weekly New*, one year, V, 00; aix month*, W 00; three month*, $1 50. All subscription* payable In advance. I‘*per* by mail are stopped at the expiration of the time Paid for without further notice, hubacriber* will please observe the date* on their wrapper*. ADTKRTINEMEKTS. A Hqi AUK i* ten measured line* of Nonpareil of The Weeklt New*. Each insertion, $1 00 per square. Liberal rate* math- With contract adv.-rtlacra, CORRESPONDENCE. Correspondence solicited; but to receive atten tion, letters most be accompanied by a responsi ble name, not for publication, but as a guarantee of good faith. All letters should be addressed to J. H. EHTILL, Savannah, Ga. Dfinund lor an InmUgMion of the Treasury Department. Senator Davis having first examined with evident conscientious care into the J reasury accounts, supplements his reso lution for a committee of investigation by a speech which embraces facts and figures, from which the Senator makes both logical and mathematical deductions of vital interest to the country and not at all complimentary to the Treasury De portment accountants. In justice to Secre tary Uristow,SenatorDavisdisclairas “any intention to reflect on the present efficient head of the Treasury Department,” and in his exhibit shows a difference of $3,271,- ®7O i.'t between two official statements of the-sarne matter in different financial reports. On faith in the result of his in quiries, Senator Davis says : “If lam correct, I do not hesitate to declare that for certain years little confidence can or should be placed in the statements of the Treasury Department.” And again : “I have no suitable words to express my condemnation of anything that lookH like a change in the books and statements of the departments of the government, and there is no escape from the fact that changes in the books and statements of the Treasury Department have been made. The New York Tribune corre spondent says: “Mr. Davis delivered his speech in the Benate to-day on the necessity of having a close scrutiny into the manner of doing business in the Treasury Department, and although Mr. Jloutwell endeavored to break the force of Mr. Davis's remarks by explaining the routine of business— be could not controvert the facts and figures. The Administration party is doubtless so strong in the Senate, and the discipline so severe, that the resolu tion of Mr. Davis will bo defeated. If it does not carry, it is understood it will be taken up in tho House, where it will be sure to puss’” The Menate, says the Washington Cap ital, owes it to itself to prevent investiga tions by the House over its own head, and nothing should be more mortifying to thut body than to have the veil with which they concealed inoouipetency or corruption, torn aside by the House of Representatives. Senator Boutwell’s ex planation of Senator Davis’s statements wore not at all satisfactory. No doubt Secretary Bristow can explain every act of his administration, and will be glad of the opportunity to show in his whole ollicial career the consistency of a pains taking and honorable servant of the country. — Ex-Senator Trumbull oil Republican Corruption. The other day the Democracy of Chi cago mt, in convention, and among *he present w'-a ex- Senator JLyman Trumbull, formerly one of the moat prominent and pronounoed Republicans in tho land. The burden of Mr. Trum - bull's romarks, which wore loudly ap plauded, referred to the profligacy and corruption of tho Republican adminis tration, from top to bottom, 110 started out by saying that the school question, so called, has no business in politics; it has beon dragged in to distract the atten tion of the people from real and grave issues. Taking advantage, he said, of the popular lassitude, the natural reaction from the tremendous strain of tho war, unworthy men had seized a political or ganization and prostituted it to ignoble uses. From Washington, as from a fountain-head, corruption has diffused itself through all the brnnches of the public service. The example sot at tho Capital has been copied only too faith fully throughout the country. The whole head is sick and tho whole heart faint. In short, said Mr. Trumbull: All branches of the public service ap pear to be infected with dishonesty, a disease which seems as contagious among officials as is the suinll-pox among citi zens. If the occupant of the White House has not caught the real disease, he has at least taken it in the milder form of receiving gifts from those who have it. Blind devotion to party, and ability to extort money from subordinate officials and tux payers, with which to corrupt the people and maintain party ascendency, have become the chief recommendations for office. The spoils system, adopted an l adhered to by the Republican organi zation of late years, has debauched the whole civil service, and wo cannot expect honesty and integrity in official life till some other qualification for office is re quired than fealty to the Republican par ty, or being crippled in its service, espe cially if the crippling comes from con nection with Credit Mobilier and other dishonest transactions. The fact that one Chinaman has been naturalized in California, and the report that two or three others have formally declared their iutention to become Ameri can citizens, have excited extraordinary interest and no little apprehension in that State. According to the San Fran cisco Bulletin, if Chinese naturalization is to go on, it is within the political pos sibilities that within five years from date 10,000 Chinamen may be marching up to the polls in San Francisco to vote, and not less than 70,000 in the State of Cali fornia. The Chinamen in that State eligible to naturalization are considerably more in number than one half the white voters, and if all who are now in the State should be naturalized within five years the choice of Governor might depend upon the will Of the heathen Chinee. The great majority of them, as it is well known, retain in California their native customs, barring a weakness for soft hats and cowhide boots. But as out of the immense emigration from China during the past twenty years only one immigrant has as yet developed into a full-blown American citizen, it is not probable that Ah Sin will be elected Governor of the Golden State at an early day. Secretary Robeson being asked, a few days since, what the present naval prep arations mean, replied : ‘‘When the or der was issued last October to put the navy in fighting order there was a rea sonable ground for doing it. Now there is a more reasonable ground, and that is the defense of national honor.” If it is only to defend what Radicalism has left of the national honor, the navy has got a very small job before it. The Boston Advertiser (Republican) says : “The action of the House of Rep resentatives on the question of amnesty is the eveut of the year thus far. So far as the Republicans are concerned, it is a backward step, and is not in sympathy with the spirit and tendency of the J. H. ESTILL, PROPRIETOR, Most Northern readers will be sur prised at the ootfiparison made by Ma. Hill, of Georgia, between the treatment of prisoners on either side during the war, and will hesitate to accept the charges of cruelty that are brought against our government.—i Veto York Tribune. If most Northern readers will read the official records of their own officers, they will get a much fairer view of the horrors of the last war than by listening to the declamations of the bloody-shirt orators or swallowing the ex parte testimony taken before tribunals organized to convict. And if they will dismiss their be setting Phariseeism, and adopt the rational conclusion that the peo pleof the South are just as brave, humane, moral, conscientious and patriotic as themselves, and that in peace or in war are their equals in every respect, they will get rid of much of the preju dice that now blinds their judgments and intensifies their resentment. The war de veloped the sternest attributes of the human character on both sides—it was not favorable to the charities and ameni ties of civi)u*d life, but in proportion to tbeir opportunities and their means the Confederate Government did as much, if not more than the Federal Govern ment to mitigate the horrors of the conflict. With all our available force in the field, our territory overrun and devastated, our ports blockaded, deprived of all external resources, it was not to be expected that our prisoners of war could be sumptu- ously fed or comfortably provided for, when not only our own soldiers, but their families, were suffering for the necessa ries of life. The official records show that the mortality among the Southern prisoners in the North was considerably greater than the mortality among the Northern prisoners in the South. This single fact is an unanswerable refutation of the charges of cruelty that have been made against the South. After all the howling and raving over the “atrocities” of Andersonville, history will place the responsibility where it belongs—on those who refused an exchange of prisoners. That barbarity does not lay at the door of the Confederate Government, nor is it chargeable to the Northern people. But it was the result of a ruthless policy on the part of those who could afford to swap two soldiers for one—who, while they could readily rocruit their .own ranks with fresh levies, knew that every prisoner they held was a loss which tho Confed eracy could not supply. We have said that history will place the blame where it belongs. Mr. Blaine will find that the well-informed, honest, public opinion of the country will not w&it for history to refute the notoriously false accusation which he made the pre tense of his brutal assault upon Mr. Da vis and the Southern people. Since writ ing the above, our eye has fallen on the following extract from the Chicago Times. Commenting on the amnesty debate, the writer says; “ In bi>gpeocb in v reply to Mr. Blaine, ilr. Hill did fan t forget the very import ant point'W strangely overlooked by his antagonist, that but for the savage policy of refusing to exchange prisoners—a pol icy which was hatched between Grant and Stanton, and was made infamous by tho cool atrocity of tho former, who com pared it to the curtailment of cats’ tails — the revolting scenes of the Southern prison pens would have been impossible. This policy, as Mr. Brown, an army cor respondent on the Union side, truly enough said, ‘dug all the unnamed graves’ which skirted the palisades of Andersonville. Orators who take this subject for their theme should make a show of impartiality, at least, and while exhausting the language of invec tive upon the brutal prison-keepers of the Confederates, reserve a few mild but ex pressive phrases wherewith to character ize the men, living and dead, who heard the cry of perishing thousands of brave men, and—coldly calculating that it was better to let them die, because their places could be filled by conscription, than to save their lives by exchanging Confederates for them —mercilessly re fused to say the word *hat would have restored them to life, liberty, and home.” Blaine’s Elimination. —The Spring field (Hass.) Republican thinks Blaine is eliminated from the roll of Presidential candidates, remarking in its pithy way: “The list is getting thinned out. There remain Grant, Bristow and Washburne.” And the Republican, as illustrating this, publishes the following private note from a leading Vermont Republican: “Blaine's speech is a blunder and an offense! I don’t wan’t any man capable of such mean smartness for my candidate for the Presi dency. What a way to begin the cen tennial hearing, this tearing the scabs off the old sores! Foor old Jeff Davis! He bad no standing with his own people. Blaine is setting him on his feet every where. No use! These professional politicians always fail to connect. They are not fit to marshal in the new cen tury!” If that be not strong enough, perhaps the following from the Washington cor respondence of the Chicago Times, is: “Never has a man so fallen in esteem. Never did a man so quickly impair his entire characteristics and standing so completely as James G. Blaine. He played for high stakes, and it is the ver dict that he has lost the game even before it began.” Mks. Woodhull After 8150,000 Dam ages.—Mrs. Victoria Woodhull, who it will be remembered was prosecuted aud imprisoned for first disclosing the Beecher scandal, appeared before the Senate Com mittee on Claims on Wednesday and made a long speech on the damages which herself and Tennie Claflin sustained by the suppression of Woodhull and ClajUn's Weekly in November, 1872, and the ar rest aud thirty days’ imprisonment which the firm endured while awaiting trial on a charge of circulating obscene literature through the United States mail, and also by their subsequent arrest and imprison ment in 1873 on a similar charge. Mrs. Woodhull charges that the prosecution against her was wilful, malicious and illegal, and cited a long history of her many grievances, which the committee listened to with much attention. She claims $50,000, paid as counsel fees and legal expenses in the defense of the firm, and SIIO,OOO as damages sustained by the suppression of IFoodAuM and Cballin's Weekly. Widow Van Cott is a strong-minded revivalist She opened one of her revival meetings in Newark, N. J., last week by saying : “I don’t care at alTwhat people say or think about me ; I’d just as soon you’d think lam a devil as an angel. I am pining for souls.” SPEECH OF HON. BENJAMIN H. HILL, OF GEORGIA, In the House of Representative*, Taeaday, January 11, IS?6. [ From the Congressional Record.] The House having nuder consideration the bill (H. K. No. 814) to remove the disabilities im posed by the third section of me fourteenth article of the amendment of the Constitution of the United States, the pending question being on the motion of Mr. Blaine to rec insider the motion by which the bill was rejected— Mr. Hill said : Mr. Speaker; The House will bear witness that we have not sought this discussion. Nothing can be farther from our desire and purpose tnau to raise such discussion. Mr. Atkina—l rise to a point of order. The whole House desires to hear the gen tleman from Georgia, but it is impossible for them to do so unless gentlemen retain their seats. The Speaker—The point of order is well taken, and gentlemen will retain their seats; and order must be preserved not only within the bar but outside the bar, and the Chair directs the doorkeeper to give especial at tention to the maintenance of order outside the bar. Mr. Hill—l say, Mr. Speaker, that nothing could have been farther from the desires and pur.poaes of those who with me represent immediately the section of country which on yesterday was put opon trial, than to re open this discussion of the events of our un happy psst. We (had well hoped that the country had suffered long enough from feuds, from strife, and from inflamed pas sions, and we came here, sir, with a patriot ic purpose, to remember nothing but the country and the whole country, and, turning our backs upon all the horrors of the past, to look with earnestness to find glories for the future. The gentleman who is the acknowledged leader of the Republican party on this floor, who is the aspiring leader of the Republican party of this country, representing most manifestly the wishes of many of his asso ciates—not all—has willed otherwise. They seem determined that the wounds which were healing shall be reopened, that the passions which were hushing shall be re inilamed. Sir, I wish this House to under stand' that we do not reciprocate either the purpose or the mauifest desire of the gen tlemen on the other side, and while we feel it our imperative duty to vindicate the truth of history as regards the section which we represent, feeling that it is a nortion of this common country, we do not* intend to sav anything calculated to aid the gentlemen in their work of crimination and recrimina tion,and of keeping up the war by politicians after brave men have said the war shall end. The gentleman from Maine on yes terday presented to the country two ques tions which he manifestly intends to be the fundamental principles of the Re publican party, or at least of those who fol low him in that party. The first is what he is pleased to term the magnanimity aod grace of tho Republican party ; tho second is the brutality of those whom lie is pleased to term “the rebels.” Upon the fir-t ques ti*i I do not propose to weary the House to-day. If, with the history of the last fif teen years fresh in the memory of this peo ple, the country is prepared to talk about the grace and magnanimity of can party, argument would be wasted. With ' masters enslaved, intelligence disfranchised society paralyzed, States subverted* '•{legislatures dispersed by the bayuhet, the people can accord to that party the verd ct of grace and magnanimity; may God save the future of our country from graco and magnanimity. I advance directly to that portion of the gentleman’s argument which relates to the question before the House. The gentleman trom Pennsylvania (Mr. Randall) has pre sented to this House, and he asks it to adopt., a bill on the subject of amnesty which is precisely the same as the bill passed in this House by the gentleman’s own party, as I understand it, at the last session of Con gress. The gentleman from Maine has moved a reconsideration of the vote by which it was rejected, avowing hia purpose tQ--.be *o offe- - raffu purpose of that amendment is to except ' from *.t-. wor.viOD of the bill one of the citizens of this country, Mr. Jefferson Da vis. He alleges two distinct reasons why he asks the House to make that exception. I will state those reasons in the gentleman’s own language. First, he says that “Mr. Davis was the author, knowingly, delibe rately, guiltily, aud wilfully, of the gigantic murder and crime at Andersonville.” That is a grave indictment. He then character izes in his second position what he calls the horrors of Andersonville. And he says of them: And I here, before God, measuring my word-, knowing their full extent and import, declare that neither the deejs ot the Duke of Alva in the Low Countries, nor the massacre of Saint Bartholo mew, nor the thumb-s rews and. engines of tor ture of the Spanish Inquisition, begin to com pare in their atrocity with the hideous crimes of Andersonville. Sir, he stands before the country with his very fame In peril if he, having made such charges, shall not sustain them. Now I take up the propositions of the gentleman iu their order. I hope no gentleman imagines that lam here to pass in eulogy upon Mr. Davis. The record upon which his fame must rest has been made up, aud he and his friends have transmitted that record to the only judge who will give him an impartial judgment—an honest, unimpassioned pos terity. la the meantime, no eulogy from me can help him, no censure from the gen tleman can damage him, and no act or reso lution of this House can affect him. But the charge is that he is a mur derer, aud a deliberate, wilful, guilty, scheming murderer of “thousands of our fellow-citizens.” Why, sir, knowing the character of the honorable gentleman from Maine, his high, reputation, when I heard the charge fall from his lips I thought surely the gentleman had made a recent discovery, aud I listened for the evidence to justify that charge. He produced it; and what is it? To my utter amazement, as the gentle man from Pennsylvania (Mr. Kelley) has well stated, it is nothing on earth but a re port of a committee of this Congress, made when passions were at their height, and it was known to the gentleman and to the whole country eight years ago. Now, I say first in relation to that testi mony that it is exclusively ex parte. It was taken when the gentleman who is now put upon trial by it before the country was im prisoned and in chains, without a hearing and without an opportunity to be heard. It was taken by enemies. It was taken in the midst of fury and rage. If there is anything in Angio-Saiton law which ought to be con sidered sacred, it is the high privilege of an Euglishman not to be condemned until he shall be confronted with the witnesses against him. But that is not all. The testimony produced by the gentleman is not only ex parte, not only exclusively the production of enemies, or at least taken by them and in the midst of passion, but the testimony is mutilated, ingeniously muti lated, palpably mutilated, most adroitly mu tilated. Why, sir, one of the main witness es is Dr. Joseph Jones, a very excellent gen tleman, who was called upon to give his tes timony in what is cwtkei the Wirz trill, and which is produced before itis House, and at tention called to it by the gentleman. The ob ject of the gentleman was to prove that Mr. Davis knew of these atrocities at Anderson ville, aud he calls the attention of the House to the report of this committee, and thanks God tjiat it has been taken in time to be put where it can neither be contradicted or gain said, as a perpetual guide to posterity to find out the authors of these crimes. One of the most striking and remarkable pieces of evidence in this whole report is loundin the report made by Dr. Jones, a surgeon of fine character, and sent to Ander sonville by the Confederate authorities to inves'igate the condition of that prison. That gentleman made his report, and it is brought into this House. What is it? The first point is as to the knowledge of this re port going to any of the authorities at Rich mond. Here is what Dr. Jones says : I had just completed the report, which I placed in the hands of the Judge Advocate, under orders from the government, when the Confederacy went to pieces. That report never was delivered to the Surgeon General, and I was unaware that any one knew of its existence until I received orders from the United States Government to bring it and deliver it to this court in testimony. Now, he was ordered by the United States Government, the first time this report ever saw the light, to bring it and deliver it on the trial of Wirz. In accordance with that order he did bring it and deliver it to the Judge Advocate General. And when the re port itselt, or that which purported to be the report, was presented to him while he was a witness he discovered that it was mu tilated. and he asked permission to state that fact. Hear what he says on that subject: I beg leave to make a statement to the court. That portion of my report which has been read is only a small part of the report. The real report contains the excuses which were given by the officers present at Andersonville, which I thought it right to embody with my report. It also con tains documents forwarded to Richmond by Dr. White and Dr. Stevens, and others in charge of the hospitals. Those documents contained im portant facts as to the labors of the medical de partment and their efforts to better the condition of thing*. All that part of the report is suppressed; and with that suppression this magnifi cent receptacle of truth is filed away in the document room for the information of pos terity ! The committee ask him : Question. Are your conclusions correctly stated in this extract ? SAVANNAH, SATURDAY, JANUARY 29, 1876. Answer. Part of my conclusions are stated— not the whole. A portion of my conclusions, and also m3j recommendations are not stated. q. Well, touching the subject of exchange? A. Yes, sir; the g nerai difficulties environing the prisoners and their officers. Q. What became of your original report ? A. This is my original report. . That is, he had there the extract as far as it went. Q. Did you make this extract yourself ? The committee seem to suspect that he was >he man that simply made the extract and brought it before the committee. Now, here is his answer ; I did not. My original report is in the hands of the Judge-Advocate. I delivered it into his hands immediately upon my arrival in Washing ton. And this committee of Congress to which the gentleman refers absolutely tells us that this mutilated report was the one introduced in evidence against this man Wirz, and it is the one incorporated in this book. Now, I want to call attention to another extract from that original report—a part not included in this book. There are a great many such omissions; I have not been able to get all of them. Dr. Jones, in his report, is giving an ac count of the causes of the sickness and mor tality at Andersonville, and he says, among other thmgs : Surrounded by there depressing agents, the postponement of the general exchange of prison ers and the con*tantly receding hopes of deliver ance through the action of .their own government depressed their already desponding spirits and destroyed those mental and moral energies so necessary for a successful straggle against dis ease and its agents. Homesickness and disap pointment, menial depression and distress, at tending the daily longing for an apparently hope less release, are felt to be as patent agencies in the destruction of these prisoners as the physical causes of actual disease. Ah ! why that homesickness, that longing and the distress consequent upon it, and its effect in carrying these poor, brave, unfortu nate heroes to death? X will tell this House before I am done. Now, sir, there is another fact. Wirz was put on trial, but really Mr. Divis was the man intended to be tried through him. Over one hundred and sixty witnesses were intro duced before the military commission. The trial lasted three months. The whole coun try was under military despotism ; citizens labored under duress ; and quite a large number of Confederates were seeking to make favor with the powers of the govern ment. Yet, sir, during those three months, with all the witnesses they could bring to Washington, not one single man ever men tioned the name of Mr. Davis in connection with a single atrocity at Andersonville or elsewhere. The gentleman from Maine, with all his research into all the histories of the Duke of Alva and the massacre of St. Bartholomew and the Spanish Inquisition, has not been able to frighten up such a wit ness yet. Now, sir, there is a witness on this sub ject. Wirz was condemned, found guilty, sentenced to be executed; and I have now before me the written statement of his coun sel, a Northern man and a Union man. He gave this statement to the country, and it has never been contradicted. Hear what this gentleman says : On the night before the execution of the pris oner, Wirz, a telegram was sent to the Northern press from this city stating that Wirz had made important disclosures to General L. C. Baker, tho well kuovvn detective.implicating Jefferson Davis, uud that the confession would probably be given to the public. On the same evening some par ties came to the confessor of Wirz, Kev Father Boyle, and also to me as his counsel, one of them iftfarming me that ahiirfr-Cahinet officer wished to aestffrtr^yjrZ'TnatTt lie .T,TSialicato Jetfer sou Davis with the atrocities committed at'Am” dersonville his sentence would be commuted, file messenger requested me to inform Wirz of tills. In presence of Father Boyle I told Wirz next morning what had happened. Hear the reply: Captain Wirz simply and quietly replied: "Mr. Schade. you know that I have always told yon that I did not know anything about Jefferson Davis. He had no connection with me as to what was done at Andersonville. I would not become a traitor against him, or anybody else, even to save my life.” Sir, what Wirz, within two hours of his execution, would not say for his life, the gentlemau from Maine says to the country to keep himself and his party in power. Christianity is a falsehood, humanity is a lie, civilization is a cheat, or the man who would .not- —-jUfl a lifo vrjis never g of willful murder. He who makes a charge must produce his witnesses. They must be‘informed wit nesses. They must be credible witnesses. The gentleman from Maine makes his charge but produces no witnesses. He says that men sent by Jefferson Da is to Andersonville were his officers, executing his orders, commissioned by him, and he therefore charges Mr. Davis with these atrocities by inference. It was only when the gentleman reached that portion of his argument that I thought I began to dis cover the real purpose of his movement. I will not charge him with it, but a sugges tion came immediately to my mind. What was the proposition which the gen tleman proposes to establish? It is that those high in authofity are to be charged with the sins and treacheries of their agents, commissioned by them and acting under their orders. Is tho gentleman artfully—l beg pardon—under the cover of the preju dice and passion against .Jefferson Davis, seeking to assault President Grant? If Jef ferson Davis sent General Winder to Ander sonville, why did President Grant sent Mc- Donald and Joyce to Bt. Louis. [Laughter.] Nay, more, sir; is not the very secretary of the White House, the private confidential secretary, indicted to-day for complicity in these frauds? Does the gentleman want to establish a rule of construction by which he can authorize the country to arraign Gener al Grant for complicity in the whisky frauds? [Laughter.] Sir, is General Grant responsible for the Credit Mobilier ? Was he a stockholder in the Sanborn contracts? Was he copartner in the frauds upon this district? With all his witnesses, the gentleman never can find a single man who was confidential secretary of Mr. Davis and charged with complicity in crime, t hat Mr. Davis ever indorsed any man as lit fo r office who was even gravely charged with any complicity in fraud. Yet the gen tleman's President, as I understand it, ab solute ly sent to the Senate of the United State-s for confirmation to a high office the very man who stood charged before the country with the grossest peculations and fraud s in this district, and that, too, after these charges were made and while the in vest! gation was pending. Sir , I am neither the author nor the dis ciple of such political logic. Aud I will not, nor would I for any consideration, assume the proposition before this House to punish an e nemy which would implicate the Presi dent of the United States in the gros-est Iran ds. Yet if the gentleman’s proposition bet: rue, General Grant, instead of being en title i to a third Presidential term, is en title and to twenty terms in twenty peni tent iaries. But,'sir, he is not guilty. The argument is false. It is a libel upon the American rule of law and English pre ce dent. You cannot find its precedent any w acre in any civilized country. I acquit G sneral Grant of complicity in the whisky fr auds and revenue frauds, and the facts acquit Mr. Davis of complicity iu any at rocity anywhere. Now, Mr. Speaker, I pass from the con struction of that question to the real facts ah out Andersonville. First, I want to cail the’ attention of the House to the law of the Confederate Government on the subject of the treatment of prisoners. I read from the act of the Confederate Congress on that su bjeet; it was very simple, and directed— The rations furnished prisoners of war shall be tb.e same in quantity and quality as those fur nished to enlisted men in the army of the Con bsderacy. That was the law; that was the law Mr. Davis approved, and that was the law that he, so far as his agency was concerned ex ecuted. The gentleman in his speech has gone so' far as to say that Mr. Davis purposelv sent General Winder to Andersonville to organize a den of horrors and kill Federal soldiers. I do not quote exactly his language, but I know it is “to organize a den of horrors;” but I ant sure I cannot use any language more bitter than the gentleman used him self. Therefore the next thing I will read is tlie order given for the purpose of locat ing this prison at Andersonville, or wher ever it should be located. The official order for the location of the stockade enjoins that it should be in a “healthy locality, with plenty of pure water, with a running stream, and, if possible, with shade trees, and in the immediate neighborhood of grist and saw mills. That does not look like the organi zation of a den of horrors to commit mur- the official order. That was not all. These prisoners at Andersonville were not only allowed the rations measured out to Confederate soldiers both in quantity and quality in every respect, but they were allowed a.so to buy as much outside as they desired; a privilege, I am reliablv informed, which was not extended to many of the Con federate prisoners. Ido not know how that is. I do not wish to charge it if the facts were otherwise. But in the book which the gen tleman from Maine himself produces, we find this testimony, given by a Union sol dier. He says : We never had any difficulty in getting vegeta bies; we Med to buy almost anything that we wanted of the Sergeant who called the roll morn ings and nights. His name was Smith, I think ; “® was Captain Warz's chief Sergeant. We were divided into messes, eight in each mess; my mess used to buy from two to four bushels of sweet potatoes a week, at the rate of sls Confederate money per bushel. Jkl- got S2O of Confederate monev for $1 of greenbacks in those days. Turnips we bought at S2O a bashel. We had to buy our own soap for washing our own per sons ard ciething; we hough; meat and eggs and biscuit. There seemed to be abundance ot those things; they were in the market constantly. That Sergeant used to come down with a wagon load ot potatoes at a time, bringing twenty or twenty-five bushels at a load sometimes. Now, sir, Mr. Davis himself alluded to that privilege which was allowed to the Federal soidiere. The Confederate authorities not only aliowed them to purchase supplies as they pleased outside, in addition to the ra tions allowed them by law—the same rations allowed to Confederate soldiers— but he says: By an indulgence perhaps unprecedented, we have even allowed t e prisoners in our hands to be supplied by their friends at home with com forts not enjoyed by the men who captured them in battle. The Confederate Government gave Fed eral prisoners the same rations that Confed erate soldjam- in the field received. Fed eral prisoners had permission to buy what ever else they pleased, and the Confederates gave their friends at home permission to furnish them the means to do so. And yet, Mr. Speaker it is true that, in spite of ail these advantages enjoyed by these prisoners, there were horrors, and great horrors, at Andersonville. What were the causes of those horrors ? The first was want of medi cine. That is given as a cause by Dr. Jones in his testimony; that is given by this very Father Hamilton, from whom the gentleman from Maine read. In the ei / same tea ti nt my which the gentleman read, Father Hamilton says: I conversed with Dr. White with regard to the condition of the men, and he told me it was not in his power to do anything lor them; that he had no medicine, and could not get auy, and that he was doing everything in his power to help them. Now, how was it that medicines and other essential supplies could not be obtained ? Unfortunately they were not in the Con federacy. Tne Federal Government made medicine contraband of war. And lam not aware that any other nation on the earth ever did such a thing before—not even the Duke of Alva, sir. The Confederate Govern ment, unable to introduce medicines accord ing to its right under the laws of nations, undertook torun the blockade, and whenever possible the Federal Navy captured its ships and took the medicines. Then, when no other resource was left, when it was sus pected that the women of the North—the earth’s angels, God bless them—would carrv quinine and other mediciues of that sort, so much needed by the Federal prisoners in the South, Federal officers were charged to capture the women and examine their petti coats, to keep them from carrying medicines to Confederate soldiers and to Federal pris oners, and they were imprisoned. Surely, sir, the Confederate Government and the Southern people are not to be blamed for a poverty in medicines, food and raiment en forced by the stringent war measures of the Federal Government—a poverty which had its intended effect of immeasurable distress to the Confederate armies, although it inci dentally inflicted unavoidable distress upon the Federal prisoners in the South. The Federal Government made clothing contraband of war. It sent down its armies and they burned up the factories of the South wherever they could find them, for the express purpose of preventing the Con federates from furnishing clothes to their soldiers, and the Federalprisouei s of course shared this deprivation of comfortable clo thing. It was the war policy of the Federal Government to make supplies scarce. Dr. Jones in his testimony and Father Hamilton in his testimony, which I will not stop to read to the House, explained why clothing was so scarce to Federal prisoners. I —si”, whatever horrors existed at Andersonville, hot bud Ofsthem could be at tributed to a single act of loffishlfctUin of the Confederate Go .ernmont or to a siugfiMXCz. dor of the Confederate Government, but every horror of Andersonville grew out of the necessities of the occasion, which neces sities were cast upon the Confederacy by the war policy of the other side. Tho gentle man Irom Maine said that no Confederate prisoner was ever maltreated in the North. And when my friend answered from his seat “ A thousand witnesses to the contrary in Georgia alone,” the gentleman from Maine joined issue, but, as usual, produced no tes timony in support of bis issue. I think the gentleman from Maine is to be excused. For ten years, unfortunately, he and h,s have been reviling the people who wr not allowed to oooio aero to uicSt the reviling. Now, sir, we are face to face, and when yon make a charge yon must bring your proof. The time has passed when the country can accept the impudence of assertion for the force of argument, or recklessness of state ment for the truth of history. * Now, sir, I do not wish to unfold the chap ter on the other side. lam an American. I honor my country, and my whole country, and it could be no pleasure to me to bring forward proof that any portion of my coun trymen have been guilty of willful murder or of cruel treatment to poor manacled prison ers. Nor will I make any such charge. These horrorb are inseparable, many of them and most of them, from a state of war. I hold in my hand a letter written by one who was a surgeon at the prison at Elmira, and he says: The winter of IS6I-5, was an unusually se vere and rigid one, and the prisoners arriving from the Southern States during this seasou were mostly old men and lads, clothed in attire suit able only to the genial climate of the South. I need not state to you that this aioue wts ample cause for an unusual mortlaity among them. The surrouncings were of the following nature, namely : narrow, confined limits, but a few acres in extent— And Andersonville, sir, embraced twenty seven acres— and through which slowly flowed a turbid stream of Water, carrying along with it all the excre meatal filth and debris ot the camp; this stream ot water, horrible to relate, was the only source of supply, for an extended period, that the pris oners could possibly use for the purpose of ablu tion and to slack their thirst from day to day; the tents and other shelter allotted to the camp at Elmira were insufficient and crowded to the utmost extent; hence small-pox and other skin diseases raged through the camp. Here I may note that, owing to a general order trom the government to vaccinate the prisoners, ray opportunities were ample to observe the effects of spurious and diseased matter, and there is no doubt in my mind but that syphilis was en grafted in many instances; ugly and horrible ul cers and eruptions of a characteristic nature were, alas ! too frequent and obvious to be mis taken. Small-pox cases were crowded in such a manner that it was a matter of impossibility for the surgeon to treat his patient individually; they actually laid to adjacent that the simple move ment of one case would cause his neighbor to cry out in an agony of pain. The confluent and malignant type prevailed to such an extenl and of such a nature that the body would frequently be found one continuous scab. The diet and other allowances by the govern ment for the use of the prisoners were ample, yet the poor unfortunates were allowed to starve. Now, sir, the Confederate regulations au thorized ample provision for Federal prison ers, the same that was made for Confederate soldiers, and you charge that Mr. Davis is responsible for not having those allowances honestly supplied. The United States made provision for Confederate prisoners, so far as rations were concerned, for feeding those in Federal hands; and yet, what says the surgeon ? “ They were allowed to starve.” But “ why ?” is a query which I will allow your readers to infer and to draw conclusions there from. Out of the number of prisoners, as before mentioned, over three thousand of them now lay buried in the cemetery located near the camp for that purpose—a mortality equal to, if not greater than, any rrison in the South. At Anderson ville, as I am well informed by brother officers who endured confinement there, as well as by the records at Washington, the mortality was twelve thousand out of, say forty thousand prisoners. Hence it is readily to be seen that the range ol mortality was no less at Elmira than at Anderson ville. Mr. Platt—Will the gentleman allow me to interrupt him a moment to ask him where lie gets that statement ? Mr. Hill—lt is the statement of a Fed eral surgeon published in the New York World. Mr. Platt—l desire to say that I live within thirty-six miles of Elmira, and that those statements are unqualifiedly false. Mr. Hill—Yes, and I suppose if one rose from the dead the gentleman would not be lieve him. Mr. Platt—Does the gentleman say that th use statements are true ? Hill—Certainly I do not say that they are true, but I do say that I believe the state uxent of the surgeon in charge before that of a politician thirty-six miles away. Now Till the gentleman believe testimony from il te dead ? The Bible says, “The tree is knowi tby its fruits.” And, alter all, what is the tes tof suffering of these prisoners North ana’ South? Tne testis the result. Now I ca; 1 the attention of gentlemen to this fact, tL at the report of Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War—you will believe him, will you not ?—on the 19th of July, 1866—send to the Librarv and get it—exhibits the fact that of the Fe ieral prisoners in Confederate hands during be war, only 22,a76 died, while of the Confer ’crate prisoners in Federal hands 26,136 di ed. And Surgeon General Barnes reports in an ofiieial report—l suDpose you v 'll! believe him—that in round numbers tl le Confederate prisoners in Federal hands at uounted to 220,000, while the Federal prison era in Confederate hands amounted to 270,00 0. Out of the 270,000 in Confederate hands 22,000 died, while of the 220,000 Confederated in Federal hands over 26,000 died. The rr .tio is this : More than twelve per cent, of tl le Confederates in Fed eral hand# died, and less than nine per cent, of the Federals in C kmfederate hands died. What is the logic of t hese facts according to the gentleman from M 'aine? I scorn to charge murder upon the offit ials of Northern pris ons, as the gentleman has done upon Con federate prison offi cuds. I labor to demonstrate that stteh miseries are inevitable in prison life, no matter how humane the reg' ilationg. I would scorn, too, to use a news paper article, unless it were signed by one \ vho gave his own name, and whose statei if not true, can be disproved, and I would believe such a one in preference lo any politician over there who was thirty-six miles away from Elmira. That gentleman, so prompt to contradict a surgeon, might perhaps have smelled the small-pox but he could not see it, and I ven ture to say that if he knew the small-pox was there he would have taken very good care to keep thirty-six miles away. He is a wonderful witness. He is not even equal to the mutilated evidence brought in yester day. But, sir, it appears from official record that the Confederates came from Elmira, from Fort Delaware, and from Rock Island’ and other places with their Augers frozen off, with their toes frozen off, ana with their teeth dropped out. But the great question is behind. Every American, North or South, must lament that our country has ever impeached its civiliza tion by such an exhibition of horrors on any side, and I speak of these things with no d&- gree of pleasure. God knows if I could hide them from the view of the world I would gladly do it. But the question is, at last, who was responsible for this state of things? And that is really the only material question with which statesmen now should deal. Sir, it is well known that, when the war opened, at first the authorities of the United States detei mined that they would not exchange prisoners. The first prisoners captured by the Federal forces were the crew of the Savannah, and they were put iu chains and sentenced to be executed. Jefferson Davis, hearing of this, communicated through the lines, and the Confederates having meanwhile also captured prisoners, he threatened retaliation in case thos6 men suffered, and the sentences against the crew of the Savannah were not executed. Subse quently our friends froa* this way—l believe my friend before me from New York (Mr. Cox) was one—insisted that there should be a cartel for the exchange of prisoners. In 1862 that cartel was agreed upon. In sub stance and briefly it was that there should be an exchange of man for man, and officer for officer, and whichever held an excess at the time of exchange should parole the ex cess. This worked very well until 1863. I am going over the facts very briefly. Mr. Starkweather—l do not wish, and none on thu side wishes to interrupt the gentleman. I believe he has spoken over fiis hour. We desire that he shall speak as long as he chooses, but we wish to have a free discussion, and want a little time on this side. The Speaker—The gentleman from Georgia has not exhausted his hour yet. Mr. Hill—l was reciting briefly the facts. Iu 1863 this cartel was interrunted; the Federal authorities refused to continue the exchange. Now commenced a history which the world ought to know, and which I hope the House will grant me the pri vilege of stating, and I shall do it from official records. This, I say frankly to the gentlemen on the other side, was in truth one of the severest blows stricken at the Confederacy, this refusal to ex change prisoners in 1863 and continued through 1864. The Confederates made every effort to renew the cartel. Among other things, on the 2d of July, 1863, the Vice-President of the Confederacy, the gen tleman to whom the gentleman from Maine (.Mr. Blaine) alluded the other day in such complimentary terms, Mr. Alexander H. Stephens, was absolutely commissioned by President Davis to cross the lines and come to Washington to consult with the Federal authorities, with a broad commission to agree upon any cartel satisfactory to the other side for the exchange of prisoners. Mr. Davis said to him, “Your mission is sim ply one of humanity, aud has no political aspect.” Mr. Stephens undertook that work. What was the result ? I wish to be careful, and I will state this exactly cor rect. Here is his letter : CONFEDERATE STATES STEAMER TORPEDO,! In James River, July 4, 1863. | Sir—As er, I am the bear er of a comuiunicwui Uvwrfi'.iig from Jefferson Davis, commaij-ier-in-chie of ■ lib land and naval forces of the Confederate *S afcisf to Abraham Lincoln, c.ommander-in-chie f f the land and naval forces; of -the United State*. He'D. Robert Ouid, Confederate States Agent of Exchange, ac companies me as Secretary, or the purpose of and elivering the communication in person and con ferring upon the subject to wlit:if it relates, i desire to proceed to Washington in the ste&M| Torpedo, commanded bv Lieipenant vidsou, of the Confederate States navy, no son being on board but Hon. Mr. Ould, myssH and tilt' boat officers and crew. * Yours, most respectfully, Alex. H. Stephens. This was directed tdlß. H. Lee, AdmiraJ*- Here is the answer: * Acting Rear-Admiral S. 11. Lee, Hampton Roads: The request of Alexander H. Stephens is inad missible. * * * * * Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy. You will acknowledge that Mr. Stephens’s humane mission failed. The Confederate authorities gave to that mission as much dignity and character as possible. They supposed that, of all men in the South, Mr. Stephens most nearly had your confidence. They selected him to be the bearer of mes sages, for the sake of humanity, in behalf of the brave Federal soldiers who were un fortunately prisoners of war. The Federal Government would not receive him ; the Federal authorities would not hear him. What was the next effort? After Mr. Stephens’s mission failed, and after the commissioner for the exchange of prisoners, Colonel Ould, having exerted all his efforts to get the cartel renewed, on the 24th pf January, 1864, wrote the following letter to Major General E. A. Hitchcock, agent of ex change on the Federal side : Confederate States of America, - ) War Department, > Richmond. Va., January 24, 1564.) Sir : In view o£ the present difficulties attend ing the exchange and release of prisoners, I pro pose that all such on either side shall be attended by a proper number of their own surgeons, who, under rules to be established, shall be permitted to take of their health and comfort. I also propose that these surgeons shall act as com missaries, with power to receive and distribute such contributions of money, food, clothing, and medicines as may be forwarded tor the relief of the prisoners. I further propose that these sur geons shall be selected by their own government and that they shall have full liberty, at any and all times, through the agents of exchange, to make reports not only ot their own acts, but of any matter i relating to the welfare of the pris oners. Respectfully, your obedient servant, Robert Ould, Agent of Exchange. Ma.i-Gen. E. A. Hitchcock, Agent of Exchange. The Speaker—The hour of the gentleman has expired. Mr. Randall—l move the gentleman from Georgia be allowed to proceed. Mr. Blaine—l do not object; but before the gentleman from Georgia passes from the subject upon which he is now speaking, I would be glad to know— The Speaker—lf there be no objection the gentleman from Georgia will have leave to proceed. There was no objection. Mr. Blaine—l believe the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Hill) was a member of the Confederate Senate. I find in a historical book of some authenticity of character that in the Confederate Congress Senator Hill, of Georgia, introduced the following resolution relating to prisoners— Mr. Hill— are putting me on trial now, are you ? Go ahead. Mr. Blaine —This is the resolution : t . That every person pretending to be a soldier or officer of the United States who shall be cap tured on the soil of the Confederate States after the Ist day of January, 1863, shall be presumed to have entered the territory of the Confederate States with the intent to incite insurrection and abet murder; and, unless satisfactory proof be adduced to the contrary before the Military Court before which the trial shall be had, shall suffer death. This section shall continue in force until the proor'ination issued by Abraham Lincoln, dated at Wasiiingt m on the 22d day of Septem ber, 1862, shall be rescinded, and the policy there in announced shall be abandoned, and no longer. Mr. Hill—l will say to the gentleman from Maine very frankly, that I have not the slightest recollection of ever hearing that resolution before. Mr. Blaine—The gentleman does not deny, however, that he was the author of it? Mr. Hill—l do not know. My own impres sion is that I was ffbt the author; but I do not pretend to recollect the circumstances. If the gentleman can give me the circum stances under which the resolution was in troduced, they might recall the matter to my mind. Mr. Blaine—Allow me to read farther: October I,lS62.—The Judiciary Committee of the Confederate Congress made a report and of fered a set of resolutions upon the subject of President Lincoln’s proclamation, from which the following are extracts : 2. Every white person who shall act as a com missioned or non-commissioned officer command ing negroes or mulattoes against the Confederate States, or who shall arm, organize, train, or pre pare negroes or mulattoes for military service, or aid them in any military enterprise against the Confederate States, shall, if captured, suffer death. 3. Every commissioned or non-commissioned officer of the enemy who shall incite slaves to rebellion, or pretend to give them freedom under the aforementioned act of Congress and procla mation, by abducting or causing them to be ab ducted, or inducing them to abscond, shall, if captured, suffer death. Thereupon Senator Hill, of Georgia, is recorded as having offered the resolution I have read. Mr. Hill—l was Chairman of the Judicia ry Committee of the Senate. Mr. Blaine—And this resolution came di rectly from that committee? Mr. Hill—lt is very probable that, like the Chairman'of the Committee on Buies at the last session, I may have consented to that report. [Laughter.] Mr. Blaine—The gentleman then admits that he did make that report ? Mr. Hill—l really do not remember it. I think it very likely. A Member (to Mr. Blaine.)—What is the book? Mr. Blaine—The book from which I have read is entitled “Republicanism in Ameri ca,’ by R. Guy McClellan. It appears to be a book of good credit aud authenticity. I merely waut it settled whether the gentle man from Georgia was or was not the author of that resolution. Mr. Hill—l say to the gentleman frankly that I really do not remember. Mr. Blaine—The gentleman does not say he was not the author. Mr. Hill—l do not. I will sav this : I think I was not the author. Possibly I re ported the resolution. It refers in terms to “pretended,” not real soldiers. Mr. Blaine—l thought that inasmuch as the gentleman’s line of argument was to show the character of the Confederate poli cy, this might aid him a little in calling up the facts pertinent thereto. [Laughter and applause.] Mr. Hill—With all due deference to the gentleman, I reply he did not think any such thing. He thought he would divert me from tho purpose of my argument aud break its force by— Mr. Blaine—Oh no. Mr. Hill—He thought he would get up a discussion about certain measures pre sented iu the Confederate Congress having no relation to the subject now under discus sion, but which grew out of the peculiar re lation ot the Southern States to a population then iu servitude—a populatiou which the Confederate Government feared might be in cited to insurrection—and measures were doubtio* proposed which the Confederate Government might have thought it proper to take to protect helpless women and children in the South from insurrection. But I shall not allow myself to be diverted bv the gen tleman to go either int > the history of slavery or of domestic insurrection, or, as a friend near me suggests, “John Brown’s raid.” I know this, that if lor any other geniDmau on the committee was the* author of that resolution, which I think more tharf probable, our purpose was not to do injus tice to auy mau, woman or child North or South, but to adopt what we deemed stringent measures within the laws of war to protect our wives and children from ser vile insurrection and slaughter while our brave sons were in the front. That is all, sir, But, sir, I have read a from the Confederate Commissioner of Exchange, written in 1864, proposing that each side send surgeons with the prisoners ; that they nurse and treat the prisoners ; that the Fede ral authorities should send as many as they pleased ; that those surgeons be commis sioned also as commissaries to furnish sup plies of clothing aud food, and everything else needed for the comfort of prisoners. Now, sir, how did the Federal Government treat that offer? It broke the cartel for tho exchange of prisoners ; it refused to enter tain a proposition, even when Mr. Stephens headed the commission, to renew it; and then, sir, when the Confederates proposed that their own surgeons should accompany the prisoners of the respective armies, the Federal authorities did not answer the let ter. No reply was ever received. Then, again, in August, 1864, the Con federates made two more nropositions. I will state that the cartel of exchange was broken by the Federal authorities for cer tain alleged reasons. Well, in August, 1864, prisoners accumulating ou both sides to such an extent, the Federal Government having refused every proposition from the Confederate authorities to provido for the comfort and treatment of those prisoners, the Confederates next proposed, m a letter from Colonel Ould, dated the 10th of Au gust, 1864, waiving every objection tho Federal Government had made, to agree to auy and all terms to renew tho exchange of prisoners, man for man aud officer for offi cer, as the Federal Government should pre scribe. Yet, sir, the latter rejected that pro position. It took a second letter to bring an answer to that proposition. Then, again, in that same month of Au gust, 1864, the Confederate authorities did, this: Finding that the Federal Government would not exchange prisoners at all, that it would not lot surgeons go into the Con federacy; finding that it would not let modi ciues b' sent into the Confederacy; mean while tl e ravages of war continuing and de pleting the scan* supplies ofth^SouH^ Angus v?i!g ' 1 aßSßritiiieut authori ties that if they would send steamships or transportation in any form to Savannah, they should have their sick and wounded prisoners without equivalent. That propo sition, communicated to the Federal authori ties in August, 1864, was not answered until December, 1864. In December, 1864, the Federal Government sent ships to Savannah. Now, the records will show that tho chief suffering at Andersonville was between August and December. The Confederate authorities sought to avert it by asking the Federal Government to come and take its prisoners without equivalent, without re turn, and it refused to do that uutil four or five mouths had elapsed. That is not the only appoal which was made to the Federal Government. I now call the attention of the House to another appeal. It was from the Federal prisoners themselves. They knew as well as tho Southern people did the mission of Mr. Stephens. They knew the offer of January 24, for surgeons, for medicine and clothing, for comforts and food, and for provisions of every sort. They knew that the Confederate authorities had offered to let these be sent to them by their own government. They knew that had been rejected. They know of tne offer of August 10, 1864. They knew of the other offer, to return sick and wounded without an equivalent. They knew al! these offers had been rejected. There fore they held a meeting and passed the fol lowing resolutions ; and I call the attention of the gentlemen on the other side to these resolutions. I #sk if they will not believe the surgeons of their hospitals; if they will not believe Mr. Stanton’s report, if they will not believe Surgeon General Barnes’s report, I beg from them to know if they .will not be lieve the earnest, heart-rending appeal of those starving suffering heroes? Here are tho resolutions passed by the Federal pris oners the 28th of September, 1864 : Resolved, That while allowing the Confederate authorities all due praise for the attention paid to our prisoners, numbers of our men are daily consigned to early graves, in the prime of man hood, far from home and kindred, and this is not caused intentionally by the Conlederate Govern ment, but by the force of circumstances. Grave men are always honest, and true soldiers never slander. They say the hor rors they suffered were not intentional, that the Confederate Government had done all it could to avert them. Sir, I believe this testimony of gallant men as being of the highest character, coming irom the sufferers themselves. They further resolved; The prisoner is obliged to go without shelter, and in a great portion of cases without medicine. Resolved, That whereas in the fortune of war it was our lot to become prisoners. We have suffered patiently, and are still willing to suiter, if by so doing we can benefit the country; hut we would most respectfully beg to say that we are not wiling to suiter to further the ends of any party or clique to the aetrijnent of our own honor, our families, and our country. And we would beg this affair be explained to us, that we may conunue to hold the government in the re spect which is necessary to make a good ciliz :n and soldier Was this touching appeal heeded ? Let any gentleman who belonged to the “clique or party” that the resolutions condemn an swer for his party. Now, sir, it was in reference to that state of things exactly that Dr. Jones reported, as I have already read to the H >use, in his re port which was mutilated before that com mittee of Congress and in the trial of Wirz —it was in consequence of that very state of things that Dr. Jones said that depression of mind and despondency, and home-sick ness of these prisoners, carried more to their graves than did physical causes of disease. This was not wonderful at all. But, Mr. Speaker, why were all these ap peals resisted? Why did the Federal au thorities refuse to allow their own surgeons to go with their own soldiers and carry them medicine and clothing, and comfort and treatment? Why? Why did they refuse to exchange man for man and officer for officer? Why did they refuse to stand up to their own solemn engagements, made in 1862, for the exchange of prisoners ? Who is at fauit? There must be a reason tor this. That is the next point to which I wish to call the attention of the House. Sir, listen to the reading. The New York Tri bune, referring to this matter in 1804, said— I suppose you will believe the Triljune in 1864, if you do not believe it now : In August the rebels offered to renew the ex change man for mac. General Grant then tele graphed the following important order : “It is hard on our men held in Southern prisons not to exchange them, bnt it is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles. Every man re leased on parole or otherwi-e becomes an active soldier against us at once, either directly or in directly. If we eminence a system of exchange which liberates all prisoners taken, we will have to fight on till the whole South is exterminated. If we hold those caught they amount to no more than dead men. At this particular time to release all rebel prisoners North would insure Sherman’s defeat and would compromise our safety here.” Mr. Garfield—What date is that? Mr. Hill—Eighteen hundred and sixty four. Mr. Garfield—What date in that year. Mr. Hill—l do not note the day or month I have read the telegram which is taken from the New York Tribune, after August, 1864. Here is General Grant’s testimony before Ithe committee on the exchange of pri soners, February 11, 1860. Yon believe him, do yon not? ESTABLISHED 1850. Question. It hss oecu said that we refused to exchange prisoners because we found ours starv ed, diseased, and unserviceable when we received them, and did not like to exchange sound men for such men. That was the question propounded to him. His answer was: Answer. There never has been any such rea son as that. That has been a reason tor marine exchanges. I will confess that if our men who are prisoners in the South were really well taken care of, (uttering nothin'; except a little privation of liberty, then, in a military point of view i would not be good policy tor us to exchange be cause every man they get back is forced right into the army at once, while that is not the cas; with our prisoners when we receive them ; in fact the half of our returned prisoners will never go into t le army again, and none of them will until after they have had a fnrlough of thirty or sixty days. Still, the fact of their suffering as they do is a reason for making this exchange as rapidly as possible. Q. Aud never has been a reason for not making the exchange? A. It never has. Exchanges having been sus pended by reason of disagreement on the part of agents of exchange on both sides before I came in command of the armies of the United States; aud it then being near the opening of the spring campaign, I did not deem it advisable or just to the men who had to fight our battles to re-intorce the enemy with thirty or forty thwisand disci plined troops at that time. An Uutnediate re sumption of exchanges would have had that effect, without giving us cor responding benefits. The suffering said to exist among our prisouer. f-'puth i,e tonr *^i u ‘ There is no disputing the fact siat, wi'h the knowledge that his 2 >r * 80ue, ' a were suffering in the South, he* insisted that the exchange should uot be renewed, because it would increase tho .military power of the enemy. Now, that nay have been a good military reason. 3do not quote it for the purpose of reflecting upon General Graut in tho slightest. I am giving the facts of history. I insist that tho Confederacy shall not bo hold responsible for the results of the war policy of the Federal Government, especi ally when tho record proves that the Con federate authorities made every possible effort to avert those results. Nor do I allege inhumanity on the part of General Graut or the Federal Government. I give you the facts, and I have given you General Grant’s interpretation of those facts. Let the world judge. Now, sir, we have other authority upon that subject. Here is a letter by Junius Henri Browne. Ido not know the gentle man. He signs bis name to the letter. Ho writes like a scholar. He is a Northern gen tleman, and I am not aware that his state ment lias ever been contradicted. Now, what does he say ? New’ York, August 8,1865. Moreover, General Butler, in his speech at Lowell, Massachusetts, stated positively that he bad beeu ordered by Mr. Stanton to put forward the negro question to complicate aud prevent fhe exchange. * * jt, V cry one is aware that when tlie exchange did take place not the slightest alteration tad occurred in the questiou, aud tiiat our prisoners might as well have beeu released twelve or eighteen months before, as at the resumption of the cartel, which would have saved to the Kepublic at least twelve or fifteen thousand heroic lives. That they were not saved is due alone to Mr. Edwin M. Stanton’s peculiar policy and dogged obstinacy; and, as I have remarked before, he is unquestionably the digger of the unarmed graves that crowd the vicinity of every f ontheru prison with historic and never-to-be forgotten horrors. That is tho testimony of a Northern man against Mr. Stanton. And he goes on: I regret the revival of this painful subject, hut the gratuitous effort of Mr. Dana to relieve the Secretary of War from a responsibility he seems willing to bear, and which merely as a question of policy independent of all considerations of humanity must be regarded as of great weight, lias compelled me to vindicate myeli from the charge of making grave statements without due consideration. , i Once ior all, let me declare that I have never found fault with any one becauee I was detained in prison, for 1 am well aware that that was r matter in which no one hut myself, and possibly a few personal friends, would feel any interest; that my sole motive for impeaching the Secretary of War was that the people of the loyal North might know to whom they were iudebted for the cold blooded and needless sacrifice of their Anthers and brothers, their husbands and their derstand that Mr. Browne is a con- Harper's Monthly, and was then. JT ' ‘ “ —-.vv.vuij, wnu "I*o IUVU. iJyitells you, who was responsi- ? lu m a u i t y; I have proven tnat tney made medicine con traband of war, and thereby left tho South to the dreadful necessity of treating their own prisoners with such medicines as could be improvised in the Confederacy; I have proven that they refused to allow surgeons of their own appointment, of their own army, to accompany tueir prisoners in the South, with full license and liberty to carry food, medicine and raiment, and every comfort that the prisoners might need; I have proven that when the Fed eral Government made the pretext for in terrupting the cartel for the exchange of prisoners, the Confederates yielded every point and proposed to exchange prisoners on the terms of the FeJeral Government, and that tho latter refused it; I have proven that the Confederates then proposed to re turn the Federal sick and wounded without equivalent in August, 1864, and never got a reply until December, 1864 ; I have proven that high Federal officers gave as the reason why they would not exchange prisoners that it would be humanity to the prisoners hut cruelty to the soldiers in tho field, and there fore it was part of the Federal military pol icy to let Federal prisoners suffer rather than that the Confederacy should have an increase of its military force, and the Federal Gov ernment refused it, when by such exchange it would have received more prisoners than it returned to the Confederates. Now, what is the answer to all this ? Against whom does the charge lie, if there aro to be accusations of any, for the horrors of Andersonville ? ‘ Mr. Bright—What was the percentage of deaths in the prisons ? Mr. Hill—l have already given it. I have proved also that, with all the horrors of An dersonville, the gentleman from Maine has so ostentatiously paraded, and for an obvi ously partisan purpose of exciting upon this floor a bftter sectional discussion, from which ins party, and perhaps himself, may he tho beueficiary, greater sufferings occur red in the prisons where Confederate sol diers were confined, and that the percentage of death was three per cent, greater among Confederate troops in Federal hands than among Federal soldiers held by the Con federates. And I need not state the con trast between the needy Confederacy and the abundance of Federal supplies and re sources. Now, sir, when tho gentleman rises again to give breath to that effusion of unmiti gated genius without fact to sustain it, in which he says— And I here, before God, measuring my words, knowing their full extent and import, declare that neither the deeds of the Duke of Alva in the Low Countries, nor the massacre of Saint Bar tholomew nor the thumb-screws and the engines oftoitureof the Spanish Inquisition, begin to compare in atrocity with the hideous crime of Andersonville. Let him add that the mortality at Ander souville and other Confederate prisons failß short by more than three per cent, the mor tality in Federal prisons. Sir, if any man will reflect a moment, he will see that there was reason why the Con federate Government should desire exchange of prisoners. It was scare of food, pinched for clothing, close up with a blockade of its ports ; it needed troops; its rauks were thin ning. INow, Mr. Speaker, it is proper that I should read one or two sentences from the man who has been arraigned as the vilest murderer in history. After the battles around Richmond, in which McClellan was defeated, some ten thousand prisoners fell into the hands of the Confederacy. Victory had perched upon its standard, and the re joicing naturally following victory was heard in the ranks of the Confederate army. Mr. Davis went out to make a congratulatory speech. Now, gentlemen of the House, gen tlemen of the other side, if you are willing to do justice, let me simply call your attention to the words of this man that then fell from his lips in the hour of victory. Speakieg to the soldiers, he said : You are fighting for all that is dearest to man and, though opposed to a foe who disregards many of the usages of civilized war, your human ity to the wounded and tne prisoners was a fit and crowning glory of your valor. Above the victory, above every other con sideration, even that victory which they be lieved insured protection to their homes and families, he tells them that at last their crowning glory was their humanity to the wounded and prisoners who had fallen into their hands. The gentleman from Maine yesterday in troduced the Richmond Examiner as a wit ness iD his beha f. Now, it is a rule of law that a man Cannot impeach his own witness. It is true, the Examiner hated Mr. Davis with a cordial hatred. The gentleman could not have introduced the testimony of per haps a bitterer foe to Mr. Davis. Why did it hate him ? Here are its reasons : “ The chivalry and humanity of Jefferson Davis will inevitably ruin the Confederacy.” This is your witness, and the witness is worthy of your cause. You introduced the witness to prove that Mr. Davis is guiltv of inhu manity, and he tells you that the humanity of Mr. Davis will ruin the Confederacy. That is not all. In the same paper it says : “The enemy have gone from one unmanly crueltv to another.” Recollect, this is your witness. “The enemy have gone from one unmanly cruelty to another. Encouraged by their impunity until they are now and have for some time been inflicting on the H|es was ton ton. Ifoveff? ' kritiWs i people of this poantry the worst horrors Of barbarous and uncivilized war,” Tet, in spite of all this, the Examiner alleged “Mr. Davis, in hie dog Jog with the enemy, wm as gentle as a sucking dove.” Mr. Garfield—What volume is that? 'r. Hill—The same volume, page 531, and is taken from the Richmond Examiner —the paper the gentleman quoted from yesterday. And that is the truth. Thoro - of us who were there at the timeSknow it 1 to be the fact. One of the persistent' charges brought by that paper and some others against Mr. Davis was his humanity. Over and over again Mr. Davis has been heard to say, and I ure h ; s very language, when applied to to retali ate for the horrors inflicted upon our pris oners : “The inhumanity to oar prisoners can be no justification for a disregard by us of the rules of civilized war and of Christi anity.” Therefore he persisted in it, ard this paper cried out against him that it would ruin the Confederacy. I am sure 1 owe this House an apology for having detained it so lpng; I shall detain it but a tew moments longer. After ail, what should men do who really desire the restoration of peace and to prevent the re currence of the horrors of war? How ought they to look at this question? Sir, war ;b always horrible; war always brings hard ships; it brings death, it brings sorrow, it brings ruin, it brings devastation. And be is unworthy to be called a statesman, look* mg to the pacification of this oountry, who will parade the horrors inseparable from war lor the purpose of keeping up the strife that produced the war. I do not doubt that I am the bearer of ÜB wt leomo messages to the gentleman from Maine and his party. He says that there are Confederates in this body, and that thevare ?;oiug to combine with a few from the North or the purpose of controlling this govern nunt. If one were to listen to the gentle men on the other side, he would be indoubt whether they rejoiced more when the South left the Union, or regretted most when the South came back to the Union that the’r fathers helped to form, aud to which they will forever herealter contribute as muoh of patriotic ardor, of noble devotion, aud of willing sacrifice as the constituents of U e gentleman from Maine. O, Mr. Speaker, why oanuot gentlemen on tho other sr.de rise to the height of 'mgutueut of patriotism ? Is tho of tho oountry always to be torn wiki this miserable sectional debate whenever aj Presidential election is pending ? To. theta great debato of half a century before sece sion there were left no adjourned questions. The victory of the North was absolute, and God kuows the submission of the South was complete. But, sir, we have recovered from the humiliation of defeat, and we come here among you and we ask you to give us the greetings accorded to brothers by brother*. We propose to join you in overy patriotic endeavor, aud to unite with you in every patriotic aspiration that looks to the benefit, the advancement, and the honor of every part of our common country. Let us. gen tlemen of all parties, in this centennial yezr indeed have a jubilee of freedom. We divide with you the glories of the revolution nud of the succeeding years of our national life before that unhappy division—that four years’ night of gloom and despair—and so wo shall divide with you the glories of the future. Sir, my mossage is this : There aro no Coiiioderates in this House; there are no'* Confederates anywhere ; there are no Con federate schemes, ambitions, hopes, desires , or purposes here. But the South is here, and here she intends to remain. (Enthusi astic applause.) Go on and pass your qual ifying acts, tramplo upon the constituiioi you have sworn to support, abnegate tho pledges of your fathers, incite rage up or our people," and multiply your infidelities until they shall bo like the stars of heaven or tho sands of the seashore, without num - ber ; but know this, for all your iniquities the South will never again see a remedy iu the madness of another secession. (Con tinued applauso.) We are here ; wo aro in the house of our fathers, our brothers aro our companions, and we aro at homo to stay, thank God. (Much applause.) We come to gratify no revenge, to rotap ate no wrongs, to resent no past insults, t r e-open no strife. We come with a patriot) purpose to do whatever in our political power shall lie to restore au honest, ecouotr ical, and constitutional administration <; ) tb government. We come charging upon :) o Union no wrongs to us. Tho Union novr wronged us. The Union has bee n an uu mixed blessiug to every Bectioil, to every State, to every man of every color in Ante: ica. We charge all our wrongs upon tha “higher law” fanaticism, that never kept a pledge nor obeyed a law. Tho South did see) toffeare the association of those who, she be lieved, would keep fidelity to their cove nants; the South sought to go to horse)' but, so far from having lost our fidelity fc tho constitution which our fathers madejj when we sought to go we hugged 1 hat c i - to our bosoms and carried it wit! ÜB. * A Brave Union men of the North, followei^ of Webster and Fillmore, of Clay and and Douglass—you know who fought itj Union for the sake of tho Union; yoi ceased to fight when the b&ttlo endel the bword was sheathed —we have nol | rol with you. whethe’-JJenubHcunß or 1 [crate. We felt vour heavy arm in tbj ■sire of battle; "bot t -*Esi “SS-Tbr -vo Lor.rd-your VOieMl calling, “Brothers, come *uj3 bear witness to you this day that That m of kindness did more to thin the rate rauks and weaken the Confederate arntJ than did all the artilh ry employed in tmfl struggle. We aro bore to co-operate witH ya*u; to do whatever we can, in spito of a!P out sorrows, to rebuild tho Union, to restore peace, to boa blessing to the country, and tii make tho American Union what our fath ers intended it to be—the glory of AmericK* and a blessing to humanity. But to you, gentlemen, who seek still t" continue strife, and wno, not satisfied witi the sufferings already endured, the blood already shed, the waste already committed insist that we shall be treated as and oppressed as victims, only hecaq defended our convictions —to you we no concession. To you who followed up thoi war after the brave soldiers that fought i had made peace and gone to their homes— to yon wo have no concessions to offer. Mar tyrs owe no apologies to tyrants. And wlnl we are ready to make every sacrifice for tho Unrju, oven secession, however defeatei and humbled, will confess no sin to fanatic ism, however bigoted and exacting. Vet, while we make to you no concession, wo come eveu to you in no spirit of revenge Wo would multiply blessings in common foi you and for us. Wo have one ambition, am that is to add our political power to the pa triotic Union men of tho North in order to compel fanaticism to obey the law and live in the Union according to the con stitution. We do not propose to compe you by oaths, for you who breed strife oni; to got office and power will*inot keep oaths •Sir, wo did the Union one great wrong. Tho Union never harmed the South ; In we of the South did tho Union odo greew wrong; and we come, as far as we can, tc repair it. We wronged the Union grievousl when we left it to be seized and rent ant! torn by the men who had denounced it a “a covenant with hell and a league with Ur devil.” We ask you, gentlemen of the !.■ publican party, to rise above all your ani mosities. Forget your own sins Let ut unite to repair’tho evils that distract am oppress the country. Letusturn th upon the past, and let it be said in the fu ture that he shall be the greatest patriot the truest patriot, the noblest patriot who shall do most to repair the wrong ’ U.-> past and promote the glories of the future. [Applause on the floor and in the galleries. J The Nuvy Department in Trouble. A Washington special to tho Baltimore Gazette says: The Navy Department in a quandary. The great naval pre >r ■ tions continue as far as the means i t hand will allow, but money is absolo -iy needed to carry forward the work, ai.r the Secretary knows that this Cov • ss will not condone his violation of the tv, which forbids him making a larg--.iT'- ciency bill, as the lastL Congr<- when four millions wuAxjn ’ 1 ing the Virginia The e maud is urgent. letu ready to comm Congress sb* reason for theie pro, re tions. Some idea of the embarra, can be formed when it is stated t la', the officers and crew of the f T.ited States steamer Worcester, at Nor‘oik. ordered out of commission several weeks ago, are still in commission because there are no funds to pay off the crew, The monitors are to be provided with fifteen-inch instead of nine-inch e-ms which will require an enlargement of the port holes, and the order to store ter. thousand tons of coal at Pott Royi- s h abeyance for lack of funds. The adi -in - istration knows that not one dolla v.-L'- be appropriated except for good fully explained, and the State Di rt ment cannot just now reveal its ecrets to the world. One thing in this dilemma has been suggested, and the'. is that the President communi cate to the House confidentially his message, which shall be read in es executive session, an event that has no i transpired in years, and a right wV very few probably know is given the rules of the House. In that event, the House would be put in posses- on of the facts, and if ihe reasons are sufficient., in open session the Appropriatioi com mittee could report a bill, have 'or mally considered in committee 1 the whole, and pafl&ed without reveal) any of the secrets of the administrate - 80 as Secretary Robeson has been enabled all the vessels in commission have been fully supplied with munitions of v or. AU that is looking is seamen, and no . -‘i could be shipped at this season in thirty days to man every vessel afloat. They have dug up a petrified woman in Arkansas. Her eye had such a ston glare that the workmen who resurrected her took her for a mother in-law, regard less of the fact that mothers -in-law never die.
