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the constitutionalist OFFICE IH McIUTOSH-STHBET. from the North-West corner of Broad-Street. Sale* of LAND by Administrators, Executors or Gun •linns, nve required, by law, to be bold on the first Tues day in the month, between the hours of ten in the fore noon and three in the afternoon, at the Court Mouse in which the property is situate. Notice of these sales '"ust be given in a public Gazette SIXTY DAYS pre vious to the day of sale. Sales of NEGROES must he at Public Auction, on the lirst Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale at t lie place of public sales in the county where the Letters Testamentary, or Administration or Guardian ship, may have been granted, first giving SIXTY DAYS’ notice thereof, in one of the public Gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court House where such sale are to be held. Notice for the sales of Personal Property must be given in like manner FORTY DAYS previous to day of sale Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published for FORTY DAYS. Notice that application will be made to tlie Court of Or dinary for leave to sell LAND, must be published for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute can be given by the Court. - 'r r., SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 29 Pay U? Your Subscriptions- We are forwarding by mail the accounts of many subscribers who are in arrears. * Some of them are behaving badly to us. They owe ns small sums, which each one could pay with little or no inconvenience; yet they take ad vantage of our indulgence and treat applica tions i-,r payment with indifference. If they v/ >uld show a proper regard for their obliga- V t‘°ns to us, we wotylj lit, easy, notwithstanding \ the hart, times, -i with more chcerf'd- Viess discharge our ciBHHLns to our su’nscii err-, by furnishing tirc3rairufreiejUitg piper.. To all such subscribers to whom these re marks are applicable, we would say, the mails are open for the remittance of money, and the omittances are at our risk. The Mails- We have had move complaints recently of the irregularity with which our paper is received, than we ever had before. For some time past we have been endeavoring to find out where the fault lies, but so far have been unable to do so. \\ e can assure our subssribers that their papers are regularly-mailed and sent from the post oflice in this city. There must be culpa ble negUenco somewhere, when four weeks elapse without the receipt of a paper, as one of our subscribers writes from Alpine l’ost Office, in this State. Mi . Calhoun’s Speech After some weeks of delay, we have it in our power to lay before our readers an authen tic copy of Mr. Calhoun’s masterly speech in the United States Senate on the subject of Slavery in the Territories. We therefore com mence its publication to-day. Few of our readers will omit reading this able exposition of the rights of the Southern in common with the other States of the Union under the fede ral compact. The positions assumed and the arguments brought forward to sustain them, we conceive to be unanswerable. Mr. C. de monstrates the perfect equality of rights to territory acquired by conquest or treaty among the several States, and that while Congress lias governmental power over the territories, it has not absolute and unrestricted power, but is limited by the terms of the federal compact, and by the very nature of the trust powers delegated to it for the common benefit of all the States. He then makes the following re marks in reply to the position assumed by those who claim for the inhabitants and their territorial legislatures exclusive jurisdiction oY the question of slavery in the territories. I have now shown, I trust, beyond contro versy, that Congress has no power whatever to exclude the citizens of the Southern States from emigrating with their property into the territories of the United States, or to give an exclusive monopoly of them to the North. I now propose to go one step farther, and show that neither the inhabitants of Jhe territories nor tlieir legislatures have any such right. A very few words will be sufficient for the pur l -pose ; for of all the positions ever taken, I | hold that which claims the power for them to be the most absurd. If the territories belong •to the United States—if the ownership, do _ minion and sovereignty o.ver-them ,nJnT territories, nor their can exercise any power but what nate to them; but if the contrary could be shown, which I hold to be impossible, it would be subject to all the restrictions, to which I have shown the power of Congress is, and for the same reason whatever power they might hold, would in the case supposed, be subordi nate to the constitution, and controlled by the nature and character of our political institu tions. But if the reverse be true ; if the do minion and sovereignty over the territories be in their inhabitants, instead of the U. States, they would indeed,in that case, have the exclu sive and absolute power of governing them, and might exclude whom they pleased or what they pleased. But in that ease they would cease to bo the territories of the U. States, the moment we acquired them and permit them to be inha bited. The first hull' dozen of squatters would become the sovereigns, with full dominion and sovereignty over them; and the conquered people of New Mexico and California would become the sovereigns of the country as soon as they become the territory of the United States, vested with the full right of excluding their conquerors. There is no escaping from the alternative, but by resorting to the great est of all absurdities, that of a divided sove reignty—a sovereignty, a part of which would reside in the United States, and apart in the inhabitants of the territory. How can sove reignty —the ultimate and supreme power of a f^tate —be divided r The exercise of the pow ers of a sovereignty may be divided, but how can there be two supreme powers ? There is another position which he combats, and which we think deserves to be reprobated as destructive to every principle of law, of justice, and of common sense. We call spe cial attention to this point, because there are presses, even in the South, having great influ ence upon public opinion, which assume that position. It is, that as the laws of Mexico prohibit slavery, therefore no slaveholder can move with his slaves and hold them as such upon the territory acquired by treaty from j Mexico until Congress passes an act repealing the Mexican laws to this effect. This doctrine, which would place territory acquired from Mexico, out of the reach of the citizens of the slaveholding States, as effectually as the Wil- j mot Proviso itself, is maintained in our very \ midst. It is the doctrine of the Chronicle % \ Sentinel, and we believe of some other Whig ! presses in the South. It is a doctrine that \ cannot too closely be watched—too strongly be condemned .and frowned down. Were it to | •obtain the sanction of the South, and become the recognized doctrine of the country, it closes these new territories against the slavc forever, and at “ one fell ac complishes the work of the Wilniot Proviso. Mr. Calhoun thus speaks of it: We are next told of Mexgia preclude slavery ; and wry, I -m. ■"that until t • ingvess their ro ot emigrate " oin-d n ivi-i-y, V. in it The ffl i ■dav.-- and |H Bml 1 of As soon as the Jit? comes extinct and thU offtheurn t) « substitute Its control^*? S'the laws and institutions of Mexico X.J Stent with it. It is coi- ' of the territory, ijot h ®JJg ;■ dition and the i would, aecordiJttEMKvs on nations, rein ain-luril ch^talJ- JITt ofriaht, but merely of tween the inhabitant* territory, in orders 1 ~ „ n r jfarchy, before they, cam he brought under our laws. This is the utmjff limit to which sufferance goes. Under it, the neon system would continue; but not to the exclusion of such of our citizens as may choose to emigrate with their slaves or other property, that may be excluded by the laws of Mexico. The humane provisions of the laws of nations go no farther than to protect the inhabitants in their property and civil rights, under their former laws, until others can be substituted. To extend them farther, and give them the force of excluding _ emigrants from the United States, because tlieir property pr religion are BUeh as are prohibited from be ing introduced by the laws of Mexico, would not only exclude a great-majority of the peo ple of the Unite J States from emigrating into CEOBtrIA WEEKLY iMfemi TlllVti IST BY JAMES GARDNER, Jr.] ——— the acquired territory, but would be to give a j higher authority to the extinct authority of Mexico over the territory than our actual w”! 1 ov * r **• . 1 Ba y the great majority, for the laws of Mexico not only prohibit the introduction of slaves, but of many other de scnptions of property, and also the protestant religion, which Congress itself cannot prohi lcad * ° absurdit y would the supposition After concluding his argument upon the question of the power of Congress—of the territorial legislatures, and of the people there- 1 of over the Question, Mr. Calhoun makes a so lemn and appeal to the Senate against the exercise, by Congress, of jurisdic tion over it. He puts the question emphati cally, admitting for argument sake, that Con gress has the power, “ Cam it be ands< justly exercised under the circumstances He adds, “ it is not until that too is deV. iiM in the affirmative, that the question of the ex- | pediency of exercising it is presented for con- i si deration.” As we read with great interest the whole of this, very abie.pmamition from the mind of one of t.iC-very illsf statcaTwm of the age. we cx- JJCjpi that it would contain, at the close of’ the argument on the constitutional points, some practical suggestion or proposition for , the amicable adj ustment which might promise ' peace and safety to the Union, and a final set- • tlement of this vexed question. But the prop osition which he does submit, is nothing more nor less than an invitation to tlie perpetual 1 agitation of tlie subject, and throws wide open the doors for the continued movements of Wil mot Provisoists, Abolitionists, and the whole of tlie kindred clans that have reveled and rioted in the excitement they have succeeded in creating. Mr. Calhoun submits tlie following plan, if it may be so called, for the adjustment of the | difficulty: ' I am thus brought to the question, How can the question be .settled ? It can, in my opin ion, be finally and permanently adjusted but one way, and that is on the high principles of justice and the constitution. Fear not to leave it to them. The less you do the better. If the North and South cannot stand together on their broad and solid foundation, there is none on which they can. If the obligations of the constitution and justice be too feeble to com | mand the respect of the North, how can the South expect that she will regard the far more feeble obligation of an act of Congress. Nor should the North fear, that, leaving it where justice and the constitution leave it, she would be excluded from her full share of the territo ries. In my opinion, if it be left there, climate, soil, and other circumstances would fix the line between the slaveholding and non-slavc holding States in about 36.30. It may zigzag a little, to accommodate itself to circumstances —sometimes passing to the North and at others passing to the South of it; but that would matter little, and would be more satisfactory 1 to all, and tend less to alienation between the j two great sections than a rigid, straight, artifi- j cial line, prescribed by an act of Congress. The plan is—to do nothing—to leave the question in its present unsettled state. Mr. Calhoun does not hero seem to use the lan guage of a wise, observant, and practical statesman, who has watched and carefully j noted the signs of the times, and seen the I fierce and desperate disregard of all constitu tional and social obligations that such a l uge i mass of our Northern population is exhibiting and has for years exhibited on this subject. “The high principles of justice and the con stitution ” has heretofore failed to settle the question, or quell the excitement. The ex citement has gone on increasing, notwithstand ing that those high principles have been all along before the country to appeal to the pa triotism, prudence and judgment of the North ern people. Yet tlie appeal has been, and is evidently s£jll be hr vain. H visionary or re-'’ "antic patriotism, to expect that the North will leave this question “ ffhere justice and the constitution leave it,” unless she can be bound down by a solemn compact on the sub ject. „ It is for this reason wc have advocated tlie ! extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific. Let this be done by act of Con- ! gross as the result of an honorable understand ing and distinct agreement between the North I and the South, and we might reasonably l.cpe that the dispute about slavery and its exten- | sion into new territory would be forever settled. Mr. Callioun apprehends that the North would not long recognize the binding obligation of such an act of Congress, and would renew the agitation. Tlie reply is, if j she would not regard sueh an act, passed un- I dor so solemn a sanction, she would, regard j nothing. She would laugh to scorn the feeble j “obligation of the constitution and of justice,” i which had not that additional sanction.— ! When this crowning evidence of her faithless- i ness should be given, the next and only reme dy for the South is a dissolution of the Union. The Southern States would be dishonored and degraded if they remained one hour in the Union, after it ceased to protect their rights, and tlieir confederates in the national compact proved themselves so dead to “ the principles of the constitution and of justice,” and to their plighted faith. But we should strive to have a hopeful confidence in the fidelity of our Northern fellow-citizens to their contract, if they should so solemnly pledge themselves in the manner suggested. Consistency in Politics It is amusing to witness the tragico-comiv airs assumed by Whig politicians in Georgia ! at the bare mention of the name of Gen. Cass, ; in connection with any supposed inconxisten cy in politics, or any change of opinion. Du- ; ring a long and conspicuous life, during which his opinions have been fully exhibited and ably advocated by him before the country, upon all the leading questions which have in terested it, there has been a degree of consis- j tent adherence to political principles which j would put to the blush any Southern Whig j whose course should be compared to his. Tlie | contempt ible story that the Whigs in their drea- ! ry scarcity of plausible clap-traps, have ex humed from the grave of the last century, that Ggn. Cass was a Black Cockade Federalist, is i not worth refutarion. Were it true that Get*. • Cass, age of seventeen, wojq a** and held opinions in Hamilton, it .docs not effect of his fitness, at the present days Tor the Presidency. To all j cordial haters of Federalism it may be a ; consolatory reflection that Gen. Cuss, a- cor- I dially and as thoroughly repu ii ites fcdefalilfiM and federal doctrinesaas they do. N>t gle federal trine docs Gen. I have we yoiemmr vthe since he^iy,/^ "oinig and coirJHßHEican and Democrat. When Amsui in l-he®^| *te for finds tht* iWProTdorJJns who has bfjSh.a Democrat for more than fortyEl -sfcirs of service, ho will not trouble* •himself the question of what ‘might date when-Rj boy of seventeen or years of age. % But it is rather absurd for Southern Whigs to attempt getting up a tempest in a tea pot about a matter of this sort, when they thern selvesJiavc all trfrned complete summersets wJthin a very few years upon almost every question of national politics that now di -1 vides the country. They are now support ! ing for the Yice-Presidency a man who (framed the tariff bill—the odious black tariff bill of 1842, and was one of its leading cham pions, as he has long been of the whole scheme of iniquity known as the protective system. Yet, what Whig i u Georgia supported tha «* jT — ’ t tariff bill in 1842 r All will remember that I the Whig members of Congress, among them Judge Berrien, voted against that bill. This honorable Senator considered himself greatly aggrieved that in 1845 he was represented (and his speeches published to show it) as having in 1844 apologised for.and approved that act. So with every other leading Whig in Georgia. They were the nullifiers and secessionists of former times. They were ready to plunge the ; country i n civil war, if need be, rather than i submit to the swindling exactions of a protec i tivc tariff. Behold them now. “ Presto — change,” They are all now protective tariff men, lauding the doctrine to the skies, and ityi for the Vice Presi- Taylor lias got no opin -ever to he knows no thing about it, it is not on the same ground that the Whigs support him. But we pre sume tlie calculation, is that the Fillmore ists of the party will take him, if elected, duly under their tuition. So on the subject of tlie Bankrupt law, Fillmore was its strong and fervent champion, and voted against its repeal, when the Whigs, Saturn like, devoured their offspring, being ' driven into its repeal by the voice of public j indignation. Yet Fillmore is the candidate of the Whigs of Georgia, who, if they ever ad vocated the law, would now be ashamed to own it. So on the subject of a National Bank, there is scarcely a distinguished Whig in Georgia who has not completely turned a summerset twice—once from opposition to advocacy of such a fiscal monster, and next back to tlie po sition of the Bank being useless, and “an ob seletc idea.” Yet Fillmore has ever been a zealous advocate of a National Bank, end a railer against the Independent Treasury. So on the questions of Internal Improvements and of the distribution of the proceeds of tlie sales of the public lands. This comprises tlie catalogue of leading inconsistencies. But there are others not wholly unworthy of notice. We will barely allude to their po sition now, and what it would have been ten —yes, live years ago, had it then been propo sed to them to support for the Vice Presiden cy a man holding such opinions as Fillmore does on the question of slavery. It will not be forgotten, too, how the Whigs of the country, and of Georgia among the rest, used to echo the cry raised by Henry Clay against Gen. Jackson, and to proclaim that the election of a military chieftain to the Presidency was more to be deprecated than ‘ WAll, PESTILENCE AND FAMINE.” Yet tllC candidate of those \V lags is a military chief tain. He is known to the country as a milita ry chieftain. The only services he has render ed liis country, have been as a military chief tain.. The only knowledge he has exhibited lias been a knowledge of military pursuits. His life —his tastes —his associations have all been with the camp—a school not very well adapted to teach civil duties, and to acquire respect for those civil rights which arc the vime for the highest and for the humblest, and tvhich recognize perfect legal equality between the high dignitary and the lowly citizen. The camp is certainly not the most republi can school. The habit of command has an al most inevitable tendency to make men self willed and despotic. The Whigs may yet find ; this illustrated in Gen. Taylor, if lie should ever attain high civil station. Wonderful! According to the Savannah ltcpublican, they have a locomotive on the Central Hail lload i called “Gen. Taylor,” and believe j JI Asff*ig ! It was tried and ac- ; off twice in a distance of five miles! Prodigious ! J ust about the distance (the Re publican remarks) that Gen. Taylor fell back from Agua Nueva! Most remarkable !! 'Who will now undertake to say that Gen. Taylor will not be our next President, when even a locomotive named after him, will not run backwards ! Os course the thing is settled— Gen. Taylor will not accept the Whig nomi nation—he said he would not accept a party nomination, and he neVer goes backwards— save the distance of about five miles! The Mass Meeting 1 at Stone Mountain. August lorn, 1848. The Democracy of the State (says the Mil lodgevillc Federal Union) should not forget this great assembly of their unterrified hosts. The place is easy of access. The various Hail i Hoad Companies will, without doubt, greatly I reduce their rates of passage to those who attend. Arrangements to this end are now in progress. The Democracy of DeKalb and Gwinnett, who were requested by the Con vention to make the necessary arrangements, will unquestionably do all in their power to promote the comfort of all who may be present. And here we would respectfully suggest to the Democracy of contiguous counties that they lend their aid. From this place a pledge has already been forwarded of a respectable sum as tlie quota of Baldwin county. The Central Corresponding Committee, we ; understand, have addressed letters of invita tion to a large number of gentlemen in other States; among others, to Gen. Wm. O. But ler, the lion. P. Soule, of N. O.; Messrs. Lewis and King, of Ala.; Messrs. Houston and Husk, of Texas ; Ex-Governor Brown, of Tennessee, &c., &c. If his duties in Congress do not de tain him, Gen. Houston may certainly be ex pected at the meeting. The Democratic can didates for Electors will of course be there, and j so will a host of others, to whose voices the I people ever listen with delight. It is the great Democratic quadrennial ju bilee. Let all who can, participate in its fes- j tivities. Iu 1844, the great Mass Meeting at Macon imparted confidence to the party, and j was greatly instrumental in the glorious tri umph that followed. Let the Democracy then assemble on the 15th of August, and as their principles arc unchanged, with wisdom in ; counsel and prudence and energy in action, they may confidently expect that those prin ciples will be as enduring in Georgia as is granite rock on whose summit they may listen to their able, faithful and eloquent ex position. Democrats of merely in platoons and be at the jubilee. Federal Union says—“ U reported here and clsu . VtfMi'd. ’.L‘L ad election. WV arc gentlemen, to say i of truth in these are both what they ever have Ireen—Democrats, and -will do all they can for Butfer.” , Emory College. PfWie GMumbus'Enquirer of the 25th inst. tays —“ We are pleased to learn that the Rev. xeorge at present the stationed of tnc Methodist Episcopal Church ■nßis city, has been elected President oi I Emory College. No man is more compe ' tent to discharge the high duties of the re sponsible station, and none could assume the office with more of the public confidence. The institution over which he has been called to preside, has, under its formor nble head, stead ily advanced in its onward course, and we feel that its prosperity will be accelerated and sus tained by tho zeal and ability with which the Presidential chair will in future be filled.— We feel, we trust, a becoming pride in all the literary institutions qf our State; and hence we rejoice when men are pUced over them of heart and mind to make them respectable, and keep them #o.” AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING*AUGUST 2, 1848. The Late Charleston Taylor DXee ting. No one should seriously quarrel with those good people of Charleston who may have ta ken it into their heads that they oould accom plish any thing desirable for their city and State—for the country and for themselves, by the support of Gen. Taylor for the Presidency, for having held a meeting and pledged them selves to that cause. But they eertainly are deserving of rebuke, and will no doubt re ceive it, at all hands, for the faise colors they have assumed before the world. This congre gation of odds and ends of all parties—of the sore heads of the great democratic party from which they have now withdrawn, and of the va rious cliques and factions that have vainly sought to control public opinion under the old | organization, Whigs, Native Americans, Anti- j Native Americans, and anythingarians and no- { thingarians; all, all met together to agree | upon a plan for the creution of a new They have chosen to avail i "i-i . i tu.-ii- ; t:....king th.il*^li gregutiou of circumstances, now i“ri*tß^B them a better chance than has long time, or may soon again, to ■■■■■ thorn a local asoendtmey. Wko»W» iiig VVIIIQ j Taylorism or Independent Taylorism they [ I aim to rally under, we cannot yet telL But i Independent Taylorism is everywhere else po litically defunct, having been made a peace offering to Whiggery in the high Whig church, Judge Saunders, of Louisiana, being the high I priest of the occasion. The Independent Tay- J lor party has no where else a separate exis- j tence. It lias becn_voraeiously swallowed up ' at one meal, and is now buried in the capacious maw of the Whig party. Its organization has j been formally dissolved in Maryland where it ; fust sprung into life—its paper, the Buena | Vista, the organ of Independent Taylorism, is stopped and forever silenced. Not a vestige j now remains of the party that, though feeble j in numbers, was respectable in motive, though 1 its views seemed something Quixotic, unless this sort of posthumous flash up in Charleston j may be considered as the ghost of Indepen- : dent Taylorism. After the surrender of himself by Gen. Tay lor to tlie Whigs, and his open abandonment of his solemn and oft repeated pledges to his “ no-party Taylor” friends, Independent Tay lorism becomes in this country a harmless and , a ridiculous thing. llow can such a thing as i an Independent Taylor party be otherwise ] than a solicism in terms and a rank absurdity, j when Gen. Taylor himself is no longer an in- j dependent Taylor man r He is either the i leader or the tool of a party. lie is the dc- 1 j dared and willing candidate of a party, hav- j | ing ratified the act and made it his own, of j Judge Saunders, by means of which he got the nomination of that party. Those Chaileston Taylorites may continue j to call themselves, and fancy that they are In | dependent Taylorites, but they will, after all, 1 be only playing second fiddle to Whiggery. ; As two-thirds of them are no doubt Whigs | anyhow, this may be very agreeable to them. To the Democrats participating with tlieir : : movement, it may not be so palatable, but j they have deliberately agreed to take this sub ordinate position for the sake of ulterior ad vantages which are as yet in nubibus. But this Charleston meeting has planted j false colors, of which it should be stripped at once. It pompously arrogated to itself to , speak for “ the democracy of Charleston Dis trict, who favor the election of Gen. Zachary j Taylor”—in other words, to be composed of j the Democracy of Charleston District in favor ! of his election, thus endeavoring to create thei impression that this movement was tli^n^H the District. not so, and supposes that there is’ a formidable j of the Deifficratic party proper in favor of Gen. Taylor, will be mistaken in the result, j A considerable number of the Vice-Presidents j of tlie meeting, we noticed, were Whigs, and j all the elements of opposition to tlie adminis- 1 tration and to the Democratic party were ac tively at work to give the meeting as impo- [ ! sing an appearance as possible. The friends | and supporters of Isaac E. Holmes, who, in a 1 weak or evil hour, aided to elect Wintlirop Speaker of the House, and thu9 sealed his doom with Southern Democrats, were no doubt in full strength at tlie meeting. Mr. Holmes htniself has, in a fit of despair, gone ! over to the Whigs by es pousing the cause of Taylor. These facts go to show that this j voice from Charleston is not so potential, or 1 | alarming to the friends of Gen. Cass and to ! the Democratic party, as might at first appear. Tlie leading and influential Democrats of Charleston do not appear on the face of the proceedings, and take no part in them. We have no fears that Charleston District will ; 1 falter in the hour of need, in support of the National Democratic ticket, which is identified with those cardinal principles of Democracy ] so dear to her people. ™ But let us view for a moment the attitude in which these qnandam Democrats, who have 1 now Whiyyed themselves by the adoption of the Whig candidate, have placed themselves, j They subscribe to a long string of objections 1 to Gen. Cass, all of which seem to have been conjured up by Whig prejudices against him, and to be a rehash of their vague and general terms of denunciation and fault-finding. They ( object to him because they think “ his admin- ; j istration would be marked by that disregard of j our peaceful relations with the world, in the maintenance of which has hitherto been found the elements of our success and the keystone of oui* greatness.” The specifications on which this ascription of belligerent propensi- ! ties to Gen. Cass is based, are his course on i j the Oregon controversy with Great Britain, and his course on the Mexican War. We will | not stop to defend Gen. Cass for uly pa- I triotic and statesmanlike views he has put ' forth to the country on botlf these questions. ; He ably sustained the present administration, , and that administration has covered itself and j the American »J|- '< • - 1 M’ 1 But another objectiotiGirgwWß^B equally whiggisli, is tliar there was to believe that General Cass once was the eaiM est ajKoeatc of the Wilmot Proviso, and only recenW'declared his opinion to be that it was Then it is also objected to “ficieri£i^ ss * ba t bis Nicholson letter is not suf our contains no guaranty that this, b * e preserved”— that so far from Proviso" of the territoi x *mana_ot the^ N<Sv i SJffli.red some ingenuity to find fault* of General Cass, so as to show t thenffo be inimical to Southern rights, yet no | ingerftiity has been invoked in this case. Th&‘ report to the Charleston meeting arc broad as sertions of how tjje Nicholson letter may construed to the injury of the South. Yet this Nicholson letter lays down one leading plain proposition which is the same that is taken by Mr. Calhoun, the great exponent of Southern rights. That position is—that Congress cannot pass a law restricting tho rights of Southern men in moving into new territory with their slaves. Beyond this, it was not practically important 1 that any declaration should be made; for tlie question of what power the territorial legis- j latures would have over the subject, is a judi- j cial, and not a political question. It is one that would have to be decided by tho Courts ! of the country, with an appeal to the Supreme [ Court iu the last resort.' | But adm:tt^t^i hat the viewß of Gen. Lass, though tbo ilmot Proviso as unconstititicj^fc* 1 ’ do not coil >cide with those of the seceSngß democra * s of s °uth Carolina the barnburrifiB 8 ° f the Soutburn wing of de mocracy, dvi* follow thilt he is therefore in imical toß4j^Kr7r rn _i? tcrests ? Is not noto rious, and ° rC known to these gen tlemen of Q^B‘ leston - that the South is itself divided the P osltion 'aid down in the Alabama pl^» rm \ and that “turned by Gen. Cass ? g : vh*, Unsdlctlon over the question to thet e rttii*| Slslatuies? But howthH^f! 6 sece ders mend the matter by joining the whig candi date for fear from fency of a whig adminis tration, than from a demo cratic aud democratic coun i gels : t 0 P° iut to the past his- votes in Congress, to sulc ’ arc the most rea-onab!c elunswer. so is Henry Ch,v.— Iff f* Ra" that they •• are satisfied witli and IVloi etween position— nioderax?^^^B ;or y j ull( j a f[ er Jnuc i l s ] low oJ nrmiiess i<«fning to his no-candidate of a party” att* finally throwing himself into i the open lof expectant whiggery, and : thus abandon* hj 8 confiding admirers—who had crated 'muy of independent Taylorites in full forth ht his solemn pledges, looks but | little like fir illness or political integrity. It is ! not such as tic South can rely upon on a ques j t' on °f su ch Ifital importance as the slavery question. I | Morcovf j*? General Taylor is a man of ; firm ness, ajj-Kfa be depended on to abide by j pledge ß ° r jjßgations of a political character, he cannot Iwxpected to come to the rescue of the South Aji Executive veto on the slave ; ry question*. * lie is p'eßcjf in black and white against the exercise of ■/tVeto Power on all questions of : domestic p/vy. In concU.i on, we have to say, that however plausible *1 ht be made to appear the South i ern giounß m which these Charleston demo crats woii efuse to support General Cass, they have| aally failed to give satisfactory : reasons wf he election of the whig candi date to tbtpesidency would give security to the ScJuth. j ,et them look at the men who woula be cfc .ed into power on the same tide J th(A c k ar W>’r of the whig influences that would swaj|ie country, the political elements constituting he whig party, more especially 1 tho grefet pfttominance of Northern anti-sla very influeite wliich it would secure, as well i as tbe geneff tendency it would have to re store the refci, so disastrous to the South, of whig legislat'n. Had they viewed the case unblinded tr a puerile admiration for milita ry renown-wnbiassed by personal prejudices, j uninfluencojby motives of a sinister cbarac ter, nvc arc4re that they would have hesi- i tated and Jubted, and finally abandoned a • position whli renders them conspicuous for inconsistcnor and can accomplish in the end ! I no practicalysult. For it is utterly impossi- ble that thidj aylor faction in Charleston can j control the fte of South Carolina. The voice of her true emocracy is speaking loudly in favor of dang her vote to the democratic nominees, |ss and Butler. Taylor’s Letter b - v yesterday’s mail a copy of ;• J i ! ■ - r ■■r. Tiiors letter in answer to that of Gov. Morehc, the President of the 'Whig Con i vention Several Whig perused it yesterday at our dee and seemed highly delighted with it. ,It ay suit a Whigs, but such a docu ment, genuine, would not suit a Democrat. Whfctt genuine or not, we give it as wc re cciwd. Here it is. j hi ' w'I'’ 1 '’ -V. O. Commercial Bulletin Extra.] Gen- Taylor’s Acceptance- of the delay which attended receipt of Gov. Moreheau’s letter, and the gsral anxiety that is felt on the subject, the %ving correspondence is laid before the pal, in anticipation of its official publica tioi 1 letter to Gov. Morehead, went for wany the mail of the 18th, and will there fort obably appear at the North, before this ’ there. | £*■ Philadelphia, June 10, 1848. GeneUf-achary Taylor, Dmliii— At a Convention of the Whigs of the Jted States, held in this city on the j 7th inland continued from day to day un til thei, you were nominated as a candi date fcLp Presidency of the United States, at the Bing Presidental election. By |#>luSion of said Convention, it Mils made.SJluty of the President to communi cate tewu the result of their deliberations, and tojlpst your acceptance, of the nomi nation. * In oHtnce to said resolve, I, as the or gan the* designated, have the honor to make to yOhe foregoing communication, and to j ask y acceptance of the nomination. Is. me, dear sir, to indulge the hope that||rho never shrinks from any responsi bilit&r fails to discharge any duty assigned himjhe Government, will not now refuse thoent-istic call of his countryman. 1 • WrSwuments of very high regard, your most obedient servant, J. M. MOREHEAD, Presidittfche Whig National Convention. imßouoE, La, July loth, 1848. Sir: to had the honor to receive your I communifefti of June 10th, announcing that the WhiiUnvention, which assembled at Philadeivon the 7tli of that month, and of were the presiding officer, has , nomitia me. for the office of President of the i United JM i composition of the Conven tion,, and patriotic constitu enC*£Kt'Vatcful * or the honor be i Aind for the distinguished in my nomination by >*• Uhin she tb oi (hat nmr.m.itmn. bill "ill. t. f in i. d'-mand- lor it- cxer- abilities ami patriotism, ell 1 ■s ' H»n our history, lint should ■|BtV Whig Conveiiti m t)e nu -1 shail eii ii aor to di j then devolving upon ex, preserve ' of our common coun pror.jjgp. J try t to remain, I havcfWnvith the highest respect, Z. TAYLOR. T ft, inJ' Mobekead, Co., North Carolina. in advance of its I 2. a 1 Letter from Gen. T.vy- ! C -'rs in the Cincinnati Atlas,the ■ folloWmg^ U W Gen. Taylor, heretofore ! inquiries by 13. M. * -of which cr ie veto an act of Con- to acknowledge the ' dJJPUymnication of the 3d inst. . vou that I 1 have t 0 inform ! to give my i-M itdown a » “Principle, not way, the va»P? n> or P re m any issue botZm ° f H POl V7u UOW ilt try, nor to proSlM KSSIaL 0 /' the COUI }- not do, were I MWr,' w,,,11d the United elu ot sented in your th “ c ? Be * pre reason for to add, 1 see no With myirSIIP this principle. , the for j you haye b e^leaset|w WB * d 8 1,6 wdudl [VOL. XXVII.—NEW SERIES;— VOL. 11l— NO. 25 I ser™,r inSir ’ WUh re y 3C m’. Y? np b t Mr. B. M. McCoxkev, Cincinnati n* r v Pillxnoro ' s ** e «er of Acceptance. ie of Tuesday, contains a letter from Governor Morehead, of North Caro >n», the President of the National Whig Conven- I fion m which he slates that he addressed letter* to both Gen. 1 aylor and Mr. Fillmore, ou file next day alter the adjournment of the Convention, ap prising them of their nomination. Havingreceiv edno reply from either on the last of June, he enclosed to each of them duplicate copies. On the 3d met. he received Mr. Fillmore’s reply, hut I r "f, een ~‘ dal, y expectation of the receipt of 1 Gen. I aylor s reply, he had withheld Mr. Fill- I of being able to lay them before the public together. Having ascer tamed that Gen. Taylor had not received his letter ' he on the Jstli inst. addressed three other com mun.cations to Gen Taylor, containing copies o bis letter of the 10th of June, from Philadelphia one directed to himself, and the other two through h., friedds. Hoping that some one may reach him, he states that he shall avail himself of the earliest «*portuuity to lay before the put lie am" communication he may receive from him. Governor Morchcad s letter to Mr. Fillmore is a mere announcement of the fact of his nomination as a candidate for the Vice Presidency, to which he replies as follows: Albany, N. Y.,June 17,1848. | mr n fc-ave the honor to acknowledge the re- I ceipt of y> ,,r le “er of the 10th inst., by which I am notiiiedM^jthe late Whig Convention, held ; at Philadelphia7W£lk." ac “ i>r y Taylor was nomina i ted tor President, Vice-President, and requesting my acceptance Wj lllC flginination. The honor of being thus presented lyfirtKdis tmguished representatives of the Whig party of the Lniouforthe second office in the gift of the people—an honor as unexpected as it was unsolici ted—could not tail to awaken in a grateful heart emotions which, while they cannot be suppressed, hud no appropriate language for utterance. 1- uliy persuaded that the cause in which wc are enlisted is the cause of our country : that our chief object is to secure its peace, preserve its honor, and advance its prosper4y; and feeling, moreover, a confident assurance that, in General 1 aylor (whose name is presented for the first office) l shall always find a firm and consistent Whig, a sate guide, and an honest man. I cannot hesitate to assume any position which my friends may as sign me. J Distrusting, as I well may, mv ability to dis charge satisfactorily the duties of that office, but ieeling that, in case of my election, i may with satety repose upon the friendly aid of my fellow \\ Ings.aml that efforts guided by honest intentions will always be charitably judged, I accent the nomination so generously tendered ; and I do this the more cheerfully, as 1 am willing, for such a cause, and with such a man, to take my chances of snccess or defeat as the electors, the final arbiters ot our late, shall, in tlieir wisdom, judge best for the interest of our common country. Please accept the assurance of my hight regard and esteem, and permit me to subscribe myself your trieml and fellow citizen 3 n, I M a, WIZARD FILLMORE. lion. J. M. Morehead. Congress. In the Senate, on Saturday, a long debate took place on the territorial bill. Mr. Baldwin moved to strike out all after the 20tn section, thus making the bill apply only to Oregon. The motion was rejected—yeas 17, nays 37. A motion of Mr. Bell, to adjourn, was carried —yeas 29, nays 22. In the House, Mr. Cobb’s motion to recon sider the engrossment of the Civil Diplomatic Bill was laid on the table, 99 to 88 ; and the Bill was passed, 108 to 76, including the Sa vannah river appropriation. Mr. Vinton moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed, and pending debate on his'motion, the House adjourned. __ Tme August Elections.— On Monday, the 7th of August, elections will be held in five states of our Union, as follows: ! Kentucky—Governor, Lieut., and Legisla- J ture. -usU Indiana—Legisl aturc only.'/* Illinois—Governor, Members of Congress, j nad Legislature. Mljipuu,* ■auturnor, BlcinDurs OI'CWIj}Ha>S and Le gislaure. i lowa—Members of Congress and Legisln | tu re. Alabama holds her state election on the same clay, but biennially—none this year. North Carolina elects Government and Legislature on the first Thursday (2d) of August. General Cass’s Personal Character.— Abbott Lawrence, the great Massachusetts Whig, iu a speech at a Taylor meeting at Burlington, last week, made this remark of the Democratic candi date tor the Presidency: “ I know him well. I have brpken bread with him in his own house, and he with me in mine. He is a gentleman—a man of unblemished personal character, against which nothing can he justly said.” Shortest Passage to England. —The last passage of the steamer Hermann, from New York for Southampton, is claimed as the shortest ever made across the Atlantic. Her running time was j 11 days and 20 hours, which, allowing the differ- I ence in space between New York and Soutliamp- j ton to he 169 miles farther than to Liverpool, i beats, by some hours, the tamous passage made a few weeks since by the America. The passage { of the America was performed in something over ! 10 days from Boston to Liverpool. The English ! papers are forced to acknowledge the beat. Death ok an Editor.— Weston R. Gales, Esq., editor of the Raleigh (N. C ) Register, and brother of the distinguished Jos. R. Gales, of the National Intelligencer, died at Petersburg, Va., on Sunday morning last. He was on liis return home | from Old Point Comfort at the time, extremely ill- 1 [From the Detroit Free Press.] ZA n Gen-, Cass in Prance- Un Gen. Cass return home, the citizens of Boston, comprising some of the most promi nent and distinguished of both parties, tender- I ud him a public dinner as an evidence of then approbation of his public conduct while our ; minister there. The following is the letter of invitation addressed to him : Boston, December 7, 1842. Sir—The undersigned, citizens of New England, M ould congratulate your excellency on your safe return to your native country after ; YOUR FAITHFUL SERVICES ANI) ENERGETIC FRO ( ceedings at an important crisis in your distin ; guished mission ; and respectfully request that you M-ill give them and tlieir fellow citizens j an opportunity of expressing personally the higli respect which your public career and PRIVATE virtues have uniformly Inspired. ( Returning n.s you do with tlio approbation j ofehat gonorous people, who werofirat, alia for for a lon# time, the only friends of OUI* fathers, i we would prefer that the meeting should be j at such time as Mould suit you convenience, j in Faneuil Hall, the spot associated most near- I ly with the dangers in which both nations participated, and the place in which of all others, Americans would desire to welcome I j HER deserving sons. We are, with sentiments of the highest con l your excellency’s most obedient l servants, Samuel T. Armstrong, S. Austin, Jr., David Ilenshaw, F. Ilavan, Robert G. Shaw, John B. Jones, Bradford Summer, Nathaniel Greene, Abbott Lawrence, Samuel F.Coolid<'e N. Appleton, A. E. Belknap, ° ’ Charles, S. Green, Isaac Livermore * lotle y» George Parkman, William Sturgis, Samuel Dana, Josiah Quincy, Jr., John Dawson, Joseph Tilden, Robert Hooper, Daniel P. Parker, Charles Ilenshaw. Peter O. Timelier, Thaddeus Nichols, Josiah Bradlee, Geo. B. Thacher, Thomas B. Wells, David Sears. ’ To his Excellency Lewis Cass. Here we find among the most distinguished democrats and whigs of Boston, several whin members of Congress from Massaehu setts, the ; ? a,n « °Kr- m °L L V7 cnce — ;x whig candidate I \ ol ' the v ice Presidency, and who received I trom the Whig Convention 109 votes as a can didate for that office. These gentleman, it will j bo seen, welcomed Gen. Cass as a “ deservin'* 1 j son,” for whose “ public career ” and “ pri ! vate virtues ” they have a “ high respect,” j and they boar testimony to liis “faithful ser vices” and “energetic proceedings” at an I “ important” crisis in his “distinguished mis sion”—alluding to his efforts against tho fa mous Quintuple Treaty. Mississippi. —This gallant State is alive with enthusiasm for Cass and Butler. The largest meeting ever held in Natchez, convened in that city some days ago, and the speeohes and nominees were hailed with a perfect WTOrlwind of ardor. Mr. Claiborne’s speech was a mas terpiece in all respects. t [From the &iliinZe~^< 2m inst ] - SEVEN DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE! INTELLIGENCE THK STEAMER HIBERNIA. j qlietinParis 7 . 10,000 prisoners on hand. Investigations Concerning Revolt. LAMARnra Boiiw^ HE KAS T DEATH OF CHATEAUBRIAND MORE CONVICTION^jreIanp. INACTION IN NORTHERN ITALY. Insurrection of Galley Slaves in Sicily. 1 he Arc, *' nuke John Lieutenant Gene of Germany. Denmark & Germany- JL» KIISSTi TR A VING. A SUGHX ADVANCE IN COTTON, Ac. TU „ n.. , non/arrived/t ’•^ /apt '.‘ tdlau ' half-past eight o'clock, having iS/fafi?* sfve thl f n i| he afte ™ 00u of the Bth inst. We » l y e „ hc following details of the latest foreion intelligence, from the European Times for t 0 ,hc “p --Ihe nows is extremely favorable. Paris eon. ami wei manj— England was mediating be tween Austria and Italy. ng Ue * In consequence of these o»»nh 1 pectodly favorable mu°„» of U. .T“' venuofov the quarto, e„dL n °‘ Z SZttsig** «■ “* generally m an improving state. A 111 All (T tit A O. spfiffifi: Yori/and 4P f ® t0 T - Halifax - 8 «»ence to New * oik, and 40 from Liverpool to New York nofl ie f ne 'n SteamerEuropa was t 0 huve Liver p°ol for Boston on the 16th instant. The Canada took the place of the Europa at the dock in Liverpool, where she is already afloat to receive her engines, and finishes the com pliment of four new steamers, namely the America, Niagara, Europa and Canada/ left New Vn‘l Can scamer5 camer Hermann, which cfZ,/ \ kon the - ot h of June, arrived at Southampton on the 3d of July, after a run of little more than twelve days. She was to »" -Jruin. of ,r*“ tho Sf.t’S/jl K“ U ““H flom York on the -Ist, and Halifax on the 24th of June ar rived in the Mersey on the sth July, alter a passage of little more than thirteen days The failure of Mr. G. T. Braine, in the East India trade, was announced in London on Monday, and for the first time caused some SffST % hiS I j abilitics stated to*be aato/hv / waa * howev f. found on investi gation b> lus creditors, that his affairs were not m a bad state, and it was agreed that his affairs should be carried on, under inspection. TTm, larg r ?. Umber of l Jeers and members of the I n Commons have memoralized the British Government in favor of the sunpres -81011 ol the ltepeal clubs of Ireland. 11 j France- Condition of the Government. —The re- I volution of France lias assumed a more pro- ' uusuig aspect. The late insurrection bavin- i been completely quelled, and tranquility an- I parently restored, Gen. Cavaignac, as the al- j most irresponsible Dictator of France, seems to bo zealously occupied in consolidating the ! \ 1 5 of the monarchy, the hope is raised that France 1 f will secure for herself, after all her bloodshed j and sacrifices, and effective, just, and mode- I rate Executive. ! It is said that M. Dupin, intends to propose ! that the Presidency of the Republic shall be given to General Cavaignac for fifteen months. It was agreed without discussion, on the 3d inst., to allow 10,000 francs a month to the President of the Council, Gen. Cavaignac. Gen. Cavaignac, lias given to the Assembly, agreeably to Ins promise, an account of the sit uation of the national workshops. These estab isliments.he said presented a formidable organi zation. The idea of their institution was ” ood and equitable; but, in course of time.thev I i —— i » —»» wuiov ui uiut) limy I liad become menacing to liberty and the lie public. Gen. Cavaignac had paid the most serious attention to the matter, and came to the resolution of suppressing them altogether. Since the late insurrection he had interrogated several persons respecting the number of in dividuals who participated in it, and the high est number he had heard mentioned by the most competent to know the truth, did not exceed 50,000. Now, the effective number j of operatives inscribed on the registers of the j national work-shops amounted to between ! 105,000, 100,000, so that the combatants be ! longing to them were in a great minority.— This fact was proved by the arrests subsequent ! ly made. Presont State of Paris | The rigor usually attendant on the state of siege, is now considerably relaxed, and such of the trades-people of Paris as are not bankrupts, have re-opened their shops and bureaux. A notice has been sent to the . theatres and places of public amusement by ihe police, that they are authorised to re-open. I The theatres, however, show no intention of I | responding to this. | The committee of inquiry into the insur- j ' rection, having represented that they would * j not conclude the inquiry for a fortnight, the I i city is to remain in a state of siege till the 25tli , inst. The issue of the late insurrection, the pre ' sence of a strong garrison, and the expulsion of its peccant members from the government, , had re-assured the Assembly, and given it a | freedom of action which it had not ventured to exercise at any time since its convocation | of the 4th May. It now dares manifest its true sentimenss in favor of a strong and firm Government, and against the perilous utopian isms of the democratic and social republican ists. The greatest embarrassment is produced by the enormous number of prisoners arising out of the late insurrection, which now exceeds • I 10,000. It is said that of those who have been I examined, already grounds have been elicited I for prosecuting 2,000. It has been ascertain ' lhat at least 10,000 persons either con , structed barricades, fought against the defend - i ers ot order, or committed assassinations. One of the French papers proposes to ma cadenuze the principal streets of Paris, so as to get rid of the paving-stones, which are so con- I venient for making barricades. The Provinces' j The Provinces are represented to be in a ve l ry excited state; bodies of workmen are pil laging the diffeient country houses andarrest i ing travellers on the highroad. The rebels | are said to be raising their heads, and prome j nade about Lyons and Villefranca in bands, ; crying ‘‘\ engeancc ! we will revenge the death I ol our brethren !” j letter from Lyons, dated in the afternoon j of luesday, the 27tli ult., says—“We are not j yet without disquietude as to the disposition of the workmen. The Voraces have still 7 pieces of cannon at the Croix liousse, and will not give them up. Gen. Gemeau has given them till this evening. It is feared that this disarming will cost dear. The general has re ceived unlimited powers. Ho believes that he can count sufficiently on the army not to have need of the National Guard. The aspect of the city is tranquil at present.” Actors in the Late Insurrection- Count de I ouchicourt and his son, a voung man 24 years of age, both residing at No. 7 Kuo St Anastase, near the Rue St. Louis, dis tinguished themselves for their resistance in the barricades, of which they were the chiefs, in their quarters. The count planted a white flag on the barricades at which he fought. He was recognized byM. Isambert, Lieutenant in the 6th Legion, and that gentleman, assisted by sonic comrades aiui mobiles, arrested him at his own house on th!P2d inst. “It is true,” said M. de Fouchicourt, “that I fought at the barricade, and I did so in the name of order, for, in my opinion, order cannot be re-estab lished in I ranee without the restoration of legitimate royalty.” More than 100,000 muskets have already been returned to the arsenals of the State. In some quarters several persons gave up their muskets and swords with great alacrity, but search having been made in their houses, arms ammunition were found secreted. On the 27th ult, os some National Guards were searching a house in the Rue du Fau bourg St. Antoine, they found in a cellar thirty seven armed men, with 167 loaded muskets, and instruments for casting balls, in their possession. The men surrendered without resistance. General Officers Killed. •the following is the latest report of the superior officers killed and wounded in the insurrection: Gen Ncgrier, killed; Gen. Brea, assassinated; Gen. Francois, killed; Gen. Reg s, a .' Rilled; Gen. Bourgou received a ball In tne thigh, since dead; Gen. Corte, wounded in tile leg his state satisfactory; Gen. Damesme # his leg has been amputated; Gen. Duvivier, wounded in the foot—more serious than first supposed; Gen. Fourcher, wounded in attack ing a barricade in the Faubourg du Temple; Gen. Lafontaine, since dead. Thus ten gen eral offices have been killed or wounded. Iho number of colonels and superior officers put horse du combat is immense. Caussidiero the Chief—Discoveries In the best informed quarters, the general opinion prevails that the real chief of the last insurrection was Caussidiere. It is said that t.ungs were not unknown to Louis Blanc, but that he shrunk from any active share. I he evidence already obtained by the Com mittee of Inquiry ns to the insurrection, goes to show that on the day before the insurree tion, (on Thursday,) during the whole day, the e.nefs of each of the principal sections of the insurgents examined the places that each ot their sections was to occupy; and that those who were to command received their instruc tions. The organization of sections and brig ades were already made, for it corresponded with that of the ateliera nationawc ; there were lieutenants, brigadiers, and cniefs of detach ments. Independently of these arrangements, the chiefs all met on Thursday evening, to confer and encourage each other for the meet ing of the follpwing day. Important discoveries appear to have been made by the magistrates on the events of the insurrection. Documents of the highest im portance have been seized, which will show whence proceeded the money distributed, and who were really the chiefs of the insurrection. Ihe committee has already heard numerous witnesses, and collected a great quantity of documents. The inquiry has for it* object to ascertain what information the Executive Commission had, or should have had, as to a conspiracy that every one know existed, and what motive to neglect such measures or pre cautions as were required for the public- safety. The number of troops of the line in Paris was onlv 10,000 on t.he 22d June. There are now 60,000. Hundreds of respectable persons, literary men, artists, gentlemen, educated persons, are missing, who were not killed in the ranks of the National Guard. They were among the insurgents, whose organization has already re commenced. Signals were exchanged contin ually from house to house, and the extempore telegraphs were at work. During the whole ot the insurrection the chiefs learnt what was pasing iroin the telegraphs erected on the sum mits of loity houses, and corresponding with houses within the circle of insurrection. Lamartine going to the East- A circumstance has transpired which has created no little surprise. M. de Lamartine is about to quit France. The pretext is, that he intends to travel in the East, and that he is to be accompanied by Madume de Lamar tine. His departure must be very near at hand, as it is said that stJlTie of his luggage has already been despatched for Marseilles. * The Money Market The Money market has inipioi ed under the effect of the announcement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 30th ult., that the Government had succeeded in effecting sav ings in the public expenditure, and obtaining a revenue from unexpected quarters to the ex tent of a million and a half. From our re port below, it will be observed that both Con sols for money and account have considerably advanced during tho week. Reduced Threes are 86 J a 87{; 3.J percents 87f to 87ft; Ex chequer Bills 38 to 41s. premium ; and Bank stock 191 to 193.— Ear op. Times, Bth. Foreign Markets [From the European Times, July 8. | Liverpool Cotton Market— Report for tho week ending July 7—The recent heavy import, and tho disturbance on the Continent, have now had their effect upon our market, bring ing us to a pause for a moment, as well as j causing a.farther reduction in prices—as set forth in the brokers’ circulars of Friday last. | These powerfully operating causes, however, i came upon a market already unprecedentedly | depressed, so that middling quality of Am , erican only gave way ft per lb, and the fair and | good not at all. This week, with only a little : better accounts from the Continent, our pro | ceedings have materially changed their cliar i actcr. Ihe demand both for home consump | tion and export has been uniformly steady, and rather animated, and prices have conse | qucntly recovered the whole of the depression j which they hod suitcred in the ptavioiui fort. * msht, V.iir Upli-ndu now stand 4id., and fair ; Orleans 4Jd., and wo should sav 5d., with a good demand, for that description for export. 3,300 American have been taken on specula tion, and 6,340 American, 760 Pernams, and 100 Surat for export. Sales for the week, 39 - 240 bales.— Georye Holt % Co. Liverpool Corn Market, July B.— Tho trade to-day is steady and pretty firm'. For Indian corn and Indian meal there is a good demand and sales to a fair extent at full rates of yesterday. In barrel flour, or American wheat, there is hardly anything passing. Liverpool Cotton Market, Julv B.—Euro pean Times Office, 2 o’clock.—Still steady de mand for most descriptions of cotton. Sales to-day estimated to about 5,000. BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH. Very Latest Intelligence from the Con tinent. The New York Express and other papers publish a lengthy despatch containing tele graphic news from the Continent, received up to the moment of the departure of the steam er, from which we select the following : Liverpool, July 8- 3°P. M. Our special express from London has this moment arrived, and by it we are in posses sion of later advices from Paris and Madrid, a brief synopsis of which we append : In Paris we find that it was considered ne cessary on the day of the funeral procession, to disarm a large portion of the Faubourg St. Antoine, in consequence of a plot made to assassinate Generals Cavaignac and Lamerieiere. Notwithstanding the con tradiction given, such a plot seems to have been in existence. M. Thiers has made another speech in the discussion on the constitution. He is an ad vocate for a Senate as well as a House of Re presentatives. He argued that a republican goverment, with only one chamber, would have all the harshness and rudeness of a des potic government. Under a feeble president there would be that worst of despotisms, the despotism of a single assembly. Under an energetic president, supported by popular fa vor, there would be the despotism of a favo rite of the multitude ; and if neither was dis posed to yield, there would be a death duel between the president and the assembly, with out an intermediate body to soften and con ciliate the contest. A second assembly dis cussing, and even opposing the decisions of the first, would be liberty itself, for it would be examination, reflection and discussion. He would therefore propose that the new sovereign power —that the people—should bo obliged to i-cUeet, and not allowed to execute it« Wishes, or follow its onantasies, at the mo ment of their conception, M. Thiers dwelt much upon the example of the United States whore the Senate had done so much good’ and he declared that ho had been urged bv several eminent Americans, his personal friends, to come forward and urge the absolute necessity of two Chambers, if they would really form an enduring republic. M. de Lamartine has addressed a letter to the Constitutionnel,giving an indignant denial to all the insinuations dealt out against him in complicity with the insurgents. Vice Admiral Trchouart is to bo second in command of the Mediterranean fleet. Paris generally continued tranquil. Seve ral arrests and seizures of arms were made on Thursday in the Faubourg St. Antoine, and it is said that it was this circumstance that gave rise to the rumor of an infernal machine having been discovered. An army of 30,000 men will bo encamped near Pans, probably at St. Mayr, near Vin cennes. By Express from London London, July 8, 1848. In the llouso of Commons yesterday, th sugar duty question was ths subject of dis cussion, but before the House rose, it was ad journed over to Monday, 10th. The sugar duties bill has not vet passed the Commons. Last night, July 7th, a very ani mated discussion took place on the motion of Lord Geo. Bentiek, to adjourn the debate, which was ultimately agreed upon. The subject is to bo taken up on Monday next Ju ly 10th. J ’ The firm of Shaw & Caftray have agreed to pay a composition of Cs. Bd, on the £, by in stallments as follows; 3s. in October, 2s. in April, and Is. Bd, in July, 1849. The debts are 49,000, and the assets, of which 12,000 are dubious, amount to £26,000. London Money and Share Market- July Bth—The money market is not so buoyant to-day—prices have rather receded from the closing prices of yesterday at 10 o’- clock. The following were the quotations. Consols for account 87f a 861 ex dir., do for money 87* 87« a 86$, ex div. Three and a quarter per cents 873 a 87*. Exchange bills, large 32 a 3o; do., small 33 a 40. The share market is not so active, and prices luvye a declining tendency, ’