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GARDNER, JR.j^ TERMS. Daily, per annum S 8 00 Trir Weekly, per annum ......6 00 If paid in advance 5 00 Weekly, per annum, if paid in advance.... 2 00 These terms are offered to new subscribers and all eld subscribers who pay up all arrearages. In no case will the weekly paper be sent at #2, unless the money accompanies the order. In no case will it be sent at $2,00 to an old sub scriber in arrears. JJ*When the year paid for at #2,00 expires, the nper, if not discontinued, or paid for in advance, ill be sent on the old terms, #2,50 if paid at the dice within the year, or #3,00 if paid after the expiration of the year. [fTTostage must be paid on all communications and letters of business. POLITICAL. MR, CALHOUN’S SPEECH. IN THE SENATE, ON TUESDAY, JUNE 27th, On the bill to establish a territorial government in Oregon, in reply to the speech of Mr. Dix, of New York. [concluded.] The case of our recently acquired territory from Mexico, is, if possible, more marked. The events connected with the acquisition are too well known to require a long narrative. It was won by arms, and a great sacrifice of men and money. The South, in the contest, per formed her full share of military duty, and earned a full share of military honor; has poured out her full share of blood freely, and has and will bear a full share of the expense ; has evinced a full share of skill* and bravery, and if I were to say even more than her full share of both, I would not go beyond the truth; to be attributed, however, to no supe riority, in either respect, but to accidental cir cumstances, which gave both its officers and soldiers more favorable opportunities for their display. All have done their duty nobly, and high courage and gallantry are but common attributes of our people. Would it be right and just to close a territory thus won against the South, and leave it open exoit*oiwty to tub Norti. ? would it deserve the name of free soil, if one-half of the Union should be exclu ded and the other half should monopolize it, when it was won by the joint expense and joint efforts of all ? Is the great law to be re versed—that which is won by all should be equally enjoyed by all ? These are questions which address themselves more to the heart than to the head. Feeble must be the intel lect which does not see what is right and just, and bad must be the heart, unless unconscious ly under the control of deep and abiding pre judice, which hesitates in pronouncing on which side they are to be found. Now, I put the question to the Senators from the North, what are you prepared to do? Are you pre pared to prostrate the barriers of the constitu tion, and in open defiance of the dictates of equity and justice, to exclude the South from the territories and monopolize them for the North ? If so, vote against the amendment offered by the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. Davis,] and if that should fail, vote against striking out the 12th section. We shall then know what to expect. If not, place us on some ground where we can stand as equals in rights and dignity, and where we shall not be excluded from what has been acquired at the common expense, and won by common skill and gallantry. All we demand is to stand on the same level with yourselves, and to partici pate equally in what belongs to all. Less we cannot take. I turn now to my friends of the South, and ask, what are you prepared to do ? If neither the barriers of the constitution nor the high sense of right and justice should prove suffi cient to protect you, arc you prepared to sink down into a state of acknowledged inferiori ty; to be stripped of your dignity of equals among equals, and be deprived of your equal ity of rights in this federal partnership of States. If so, you are wofully degenerated from your sires, and well deserve to change condition with your slaves ; but if not, pre pare to meet the issue. The time is at hand, if the question should not be speedily settled, when the South must rise up, and bravely de fend herself, or sink down into base and ac knowledged inferiority; and it is because I clearly perceive that this period is favorable for settling it, it it is ever to be settled, that I am in favor of pressing the question now to a decision —not because I have any desire what ever to embarrass cither party in reference to the Presidential election. At no other period could the two great parties into which the country is divided, be made to see and feel so clearly and intensely the embarrassment and danger caused by the question. Indeed, they must be blind not to perceive that there is a ■po-wov i«. action that must burst asunder the ties that bind them together, etrong as tht;y are, unless it should be speedily settled. Now is tho time, if ever. Cast your eyes to the North, and mark what is going on'there; re flect on the tendency of events for the last three years in reference to this the most vital of all questions, and you must see that no time should be lost. I ain thus brought to the question, how can the question be settled ? It can, in my opinion, be finally and permanently adjusted but one way, and that is on the high principles of justice and the constitution. Pear not to leave it to them. The less you do the better. If the North and South cannot stand together on their broad and solid foun dation, there is none other on which they can. If the obligations of the constitution and jus tice be too feeble to command the respect of the North, how can the South expect that she will regard the far more* feeble obligations of an act of Congress. Nor should the North fear, by leaving it where justice and the con- \ stitution leave it, she would be excluded from j her full share of the territories. In my opin- ! ion, if it be left there, climate, soil, and other circumstances would fix the line between the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States in about 36.30. It may zigzag a little, to accom modate itself to circumstances— sometimes passing to the North and at others passing to the South of it; but that would matter little, and would be more satisfactory to all, and tend less to alienation between the two great sections than a rigid, straight, artificial line, prescribed by an act of Congress. And here, let me say to Senators from the North, you make a great mistake in supposing that the portion which might fall to the South of whatever lino might be drawn, if left to ! soil and climate, and circumstances to deter- ! mine, would be closed to the white labor of the North, because it could not mingle with slave labor without degradation. The fact is not so. i There is no part of tho world where agricul tural, mechanical, and other descriptions of labor are more respected than in the South, with the exception of two descriptions of em ployment—that of menial and body servants. No Southern man—not the poorest or the lowest—will, under any circumstances, sub- ! mit to perform either of them. lie has too much pride for that, and I rejoice that he has. They are unsuited to the spirit of a free man. But the man who would spurn them feels not the least degradation to work in the same field with his slaves; or to be employed to work with them in the same field, or in any mechani cal operation; and when so employed, they claim the right and are admitted, in the coun try portion of the South, of sitting at the table of their employers. Can as much, on the score of equality, be said for the North ? I With us the two great divisions of society arc | not the rich and poor, but white and black; and all the former, the poor as well as the rich, belong to tho upper class, and are respected and treated as equals, if honest and industri- i ous; and hence have a position and pride of! character, of which neither poverty nor mis fortune deprive them. But I go further, and hold that justice and ' the constitution are the easiest and safest guard on which the question can be settled, regard ed in reference to party. It may be settled on that ground simply by non-action—by leaving the territories free and open to the emigration of all the world, as long as they continue so, and when they become States, to adopt what ever constitution they please, with the single restriction, to he republican, in order to their admission into the Union. If a party cannot maintain itself by an appeal to the great prin ciples of justice, the constitution, and self government, to what other, sufficiently strong to uphold them in public opinion, can they appeal ? I greatly mistake the character of j the people of this Union if such an appeal | would not prove successful, if either party i should have the magnanimity to step forward and boldly make it. It would, in my opinion, j be received with shouts of approbation by tho j patriotic and intelligent in every quarter.— ; There is a deep feeling pervading the country that the Union and our political institutions are in danger, which such a course would dis pel, and spread joy over the land. Now is the time to take the step, and bring ( about a result so devoutly wished. I have believed from the beginning that this was the j the only question sufficiently potent to dis solve the Union, and subvert our system of government; and that the sooner it was met and settled, the safer for all. I have never doubted but that if permitted to progress be yond a certain point, its settlement would be come impossible, and am under deep convic tion that it is now rapidly approaching it, and that if it is ever to be averted, it must be done speedily. In uttering these opinions, I look to the whole. If I speak earnestly, it is to save and protect all. As deep as is the stake of the South in the Union and our political institutions, it is not deeper than that of the North. We shall be as well prepared, and as capable of meeting whatever may come, as you, Nov.-, let tne-; say, Senators if our Union r and system “<pf ' are doomed to c perish, and we to share the fate of so many c great people whohave gone before us, the his- g torian, in sonjfc future day, may record the f events ending in y 0 calamitous a result, will , devote his first chapter to the ordinance of < ’B7, as lauded as it and its authors have been, f as the first in ft&t series which led to it.— i His next chapteTwill be devoted to the Mis souri compromise, and the next to the pre sent agitation. "Whether there will be another beyond, I know not. It will depend on what we may do. If he should possess a philosophical turn of mind, and be disposed to look to more remote and recondite causes, he will trace it to a pro position which originates in a hypothetical truism,"but which, as now expressed and now understood, is the most false and dangerous all of political error. The proposition to which I allude, has become an axiom in the minds of a vast on both sides of the Atlantic, and is repeated daily from tongue to tongue, as an established and incontroverti ble truth ; and is, that “ all men are born free and equal.” lam not afraid to attack error, 1 however deeply it may be entrenched, or how ever, widely extended, whenever it becomes my duty to do so, as I believe it to be on this subject and occasion. , Taking the proposition literally, (it is.dn t that sense it is understood) there is not a wbrd r of truth in it. It begins with “ all men are born” which is utterly untrue. Men arc not bom. Infants are born. They grow to be men. And concludes with asserting r that they are bom “ free and equal,” which is not less false. They are not born free.— 2 While infants they arc incapable of freedom, £ being destitute alike of the capacity of think -1 ing and acting, without which there can be ■ no freedom. Besides, they are necessarily 1 born subjects to their parents, and remain so s among all people, savage and civilized, until 1 the development of their intellect and physi > cal capacity enable them to of them > selves. They grow to all of 1 which the condition in were born e permits, by growing to is it less - false that born They are • not so irfyiriy sense in which it can be re -1 garded ; and thus, as I asserted, there is r not a word of truth in the whole proposition, i as expressed and generally understood. a If wc trace it back, we shall find the pro t position differently expressed in the declara t of independence. That asserts that “ all men 3 are created equal.” The form of expression, 3 though less dangerous, is not less erroneous. ■ All men are not created. According to the > Bible, only two, a man and a woman, ever 1 were, and of these one was pronounced sub ■ ordinate to the other. All others have come 2 into the world by being born, and in no sense, j as I have shown, either free and equal. But t this form of expression being less striking and ■ popular, has given way to the present, and > under the authority of a document put forth ■ on so great an occasion, and leading to such ■ important consequences, has spread far and 1 wide, and fixed itself deeply in the public mind. £ It was inserted in our declaration of indepen -1 dence without any necessity. It made no necessary part of our justification in separa ting from the parent country, and declaring £ ourselves independent. Breaches of our charter ed privileges, aqd lawless encroachment on our 2 acknowledged and well established rights by 1 the parent country, were the real causes and • of themselves sufficient, without resorting to £ any other, to justify the step. Nor had it any 1 weight in constructing the governments which 1 wore submitted in the places of the colonial. 1 They were formed of the old materials and on 2 practical and well established principles, bor -2 rowed tor the most part from our own experi -1 ence and that of the country from which we 1 sprang. If the proposition be traced still further 2 back, it will be found to have been adopted from certain writers on government who had 1 attained much celebrity in the early settlement r j of these States, and with whose writings all i j the prominent actors in our revolution were . | familiar. Among these, Locke and Sidney : ! were prominent. But they expressed it very • j differently. According to their expression j j “all men in the state of nature were free and . j equal.” From this the others were derived; t | and it was this to which I referred when I . | called it a hypothetical truism. To understand ! i why, will require some explanation. Man, for the purpose of reasoning, may be | regarded in three different States; in a state of individuality; that is living by himself apart from the rest of his species. In the social; that is living in society, associated with others of his species. And in the political; that is, living under government. We may reason as to what would be his rights and duties in either, without taking into consideration whether he could exist in it or not. It is certain, that in the first, the very supposition that he lived apart and separated from all others, would make him free and equal. No one in such a state could have the right to command or con trol another. Every man would be his own j master, and might do just as he pleased. But it is equally clear, that man cannot exist in I such a state that he is by nature social, and 1 that eooiotj- is necessary, not only to the proper i development of all his "faculties, moral and i!n --: i tellectual, but to the very existence of his race., I Such being the case, i 3 a purely hypothetical 1 one; and when we say all men are free and equal in it, we announce a mere hypothetical truism; that is, a truism resting on a mere sup j position that cannot exist, and of course one of ! little or no practical value. But to call it a state of nature was -a great misnomer, and litis led to dangerous errors: for that cannot justly bo called a state of nature, which is so opposed to the constitution of man, as to be inconsistent with the existence of his r.ace, and the development of the hig faculties, mental and moral, with which he is endowed by his Creator. Nor is the social state ot itself his national state, for society can no more exist without government, in one form or another, than man without society. It is the political, then which includes the social, that is his natural state. It is the one for which his Creator formed him, into which he is impelled irresistibly, and in which only his race can exist and all his fac ulties be fully developed. Such being the case, it follows that any, the worst form of government, is better than anarchy; and that individual liberty, or free dom, must be subordinate to whatever power may be necessary to protect society against anarchy within or destruction without; for the safety and wellbeing ot society are us para mount to individual liberty as the safety and well-being of the race is to that of individuals; a.id in the same proportion the power necessa ry for the safety of society is paramount to in dividual liberty. On the contrary, govern ment has no right to control individval liberty beyond what is necessary to the safety and well-being of society. Such is the boundary which separates the power of government and the liberty of the citizens or subjects in the political state, which, as I have shown, in the natural state of man—the only one in which his race can exist, and the one in which he is born, lives and dies. It follows from this that the quantum of power on the part of the government, and of .liberty on that of individuals, instead of being equal in all cases, must necessarily be very unequal among different people, according to their different conditions. For just in propor tion as a people are ignorant, stupid, debased corrupt, exposed to violence, within and dan ger from without, the power necessary for government to possess in order to preserve so ciety against anarchy and destruction, be comes greater and greater, and individual lib erty less and less, until the lowest condition is reached, when absolute and despotic powers become necessary on the part of the govern ment, and individual liberty extinct. So on the contrary, just as a people rise in the scale of intelligence, virtue and patriotism, and the more perfectly they become acquainted with the nature of government, the ends for which it was ordered, and how it ought to be admin istered, and the less the tendency to violence and disorder within, and danger from abroad the power necessary for government becomes less and less, and individual liberty greater and greater. Instead then of men having the same right to liberty and equality, as is claim ed by those who hold that they are all born free and equal, liberty is the noble and highest reward bestowed on mental and moral devel opment, combined with favorable circum stances. Instead then of liberty and equality being born with man ; instead of all men and all classes and descriptions being equally en titled to them, they are high prizes to be won, and are in their most perfect state not only the highest reward that can be bestowed on our race, but the most difficult to be won, and when won, the most difficult to be preserved They have been made vastly more so, by the dangerous errors I have attempted to expose, that all men are born free and equal, as if those high qualities belonged to man without effort to acquire them and to all equally alike, regardless of their intellectual and moral con dition. The attempt to carry into practice this, the most dangerous of all political error, and to bestow on all, without regard to their fitness, either to acquire or maintain liberty— that unbounded and individual liberty sup posed to belong to man in the hypothetical and misnamed state of nature, has done more to retard the cause of liberty and civilization, and is doing more at present than all other causes combined. While it is powerful to pull down governments, it is still more pow erful to prevent their construction on proper principles. It is the leading cause among those which have placed Europe in its present anarchical condition, and which mainly stands in the way of re-constructing good government, in the place of those which have been overthrown threatening thereby the quarter of the globe most advanced in progress and civilization, with hopeless anarchy, to be followed by mil itary despotism. Nor are we exempt from its disorganizing effects. We now begin to expe rience the danger of admitting so great an er or to havein the palace the declaration if ur independence. For along time it remain- j id dormant; but in the process of time it be -un to germinate, and produce its poisonous ruits. It had strong hold on the mind of Mr. refferson, the author of that document, which saused him to take an utterly false view of the lubordinate relation of the black to the white race in the South; and to hold, in consequence, that the latter, though utterly unqualified to possess liberty, were as fully entitled to both liberty and equality as the former ; and that to deprive them of it, was unjust and immor al. To this error, his proposition to excluae slavery from the territory northwest of the Ohio may be traced, and to that the ordinance | of ’B7, and through it the deep and danger- | ous agitation which now threatens to engulph, and will certainly engulph, if not speedily set tled, our political institutions, and involve the country in countless woes. (From the Charleston Mercury, Ist inst.) The Compromise Bill- As was predicted by our correspondent, the Compromise bill has been lost in the House, and that by the action of men representing Southern constituencies. Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, moved to lay the bill on the table,and | seven other Southern Whigs voted for the j motion, and by their votes carried it. On reference to the yeas and nays on the question, as given by our correspondent, it*! will be perceived that Stephens, of Ga., and Giddings, Boydon, of N. C., and Palfrey, Crozier, of Tenn., and Tuck, figures together in the operation, no doubt for reasons per fectly satisfactory to themselves, but so far as the Southern men are concerned, imperative ly demanded by the public. W e annex an analysis of the vote by States and Parties on the motion to lay on the table, and shall re serve further comment until our next. Yeas. Nays. Dem. Whig. ' Dem. Whig. Maine 3 1 2 N. Hampshire 11 0 Massachusetts 0 9 0 0 Vermont • 1 3 0 0 Conneticut 0 4 0 0 Rhode Island 11 0 0 New York 8 21 10 New Jersey' 0 4 0 Pennsylvania 3 14 4 0 Ohio 4 11 J. f- 0^ Indiana 1 4 o Illinois 2 1 4 0 Wisconsin 2 0 0 lowa 0 0 0 Delaware 0 0 0 1 Maryland 0 0 2 3 Virginia 0 1 9 5 North Carolina 0 2 3 4 South Carolina 0 0 7 0 Georgia 0 1 4 3 Alabama 0 0.5 2 Florida 0 0 0 1 Mississippi 0 0 3 1 Louisiana 0 0 11 Arkansas 0 0 2 0 Missouri 0 0 4 0 Tennessee 0 1 5 3 Kentucky 0 3 4 1 Texas 0 0 2 0 29 83 72 25 [Correspondeiire of the Charleston Mercury.] Washington, July 28, 1818. My anticipations are realized, and the Com promise Bill is defeated in the House. The vote, you will see, is 112 yeas to 97 nays, be ing a majority against tlio bill of 15. The following is a list of the yeas and nays—the names of the Whigs are in italics : Ykas—Messrs. Abbott, Adams, Ashmun, Belcher, Bingham, Blanchard, Buydon, Buckner, Butler, Canhy, Clapp, Col/amer, Collins, Conger, Cranston, Crowell. Crozier, Darling, Dickey, Dixon, Donnell, Duer, D. Duncan, Dunn, Eckert, Edwards, Embree, N. Evans, Farran, Earrelly, Fisher, Freedley, Fries. Giddin.gs, Colt, Gregory, Grinnell, Hale, N. K. Ilait, Hammond, James G. Hampton, Moses Hamp ton, Henley, Henry, Elias 11. IlotHies .Hubbard, Hud son, J. 11. lngersotl, Irvin, Jenkins, Kellogg, D. P. King, Lahm, IV. T. Lawrence, S. Lawrence, Lin coln, Lord, Lynde, Maclay, R. McClelland, Mcll vaine, llorace\Mann, Marsh, Fan-in, Morris, Mullin, Nelson, Ness, Newell, INicoll, Palfrey, Peaslee, Feck, Ptndlelon, Petrie, Pollock, Putnam, Reynolds, Julius Rockwell, John A. Rockwell,Rose, Ramsey, jr., St. John, Sclienck, Sherrill, Silvester, SUngerlund, Smart, C. B. Smith, Robert Smith, Truman Smith, Starkweather, STEPHENS, Andrew Stuart, Charles K. Stuart, Strolun. Strong. TaUtnadge, Tay lor, James Thompson, li. W. Thompson, J. it. Thompson, W. Thompson, Thurston, Tuck, Van lhjke,.Vinton, Warren, Wentworth, White, Wiley, Wiimot —112. NaVS —Messrs. Atkinson, Barringer, Barrow, Bayly, Beale, Bedinger, Birdsall, Bocoek, Bolls, Bowdou, Bowlin, Boyd, Brodhead, Wm. G. Brown, Charles Brown, A. G. Brown, Burt, Cabell, Cath cart, Chapman, Franklin Clark, Beverly L. Clark, Cling man, Howell Cobb, W. R. W. Cobb. Cocke, Cris/teld, Daniel. Dickinson, Alex. Evans, Feather ston, Ficklin, Flournoy, French, Fulton, Gale, Gen try, Goggin, Green, Willard P. Hall, Haralson, II armanson .Harris, Hill, Hilliard, lsaacE. Holmes, George S. ■iuston, John IF. Houston, luge,Chas. J. Ingersol^lverson, Jamieson, Andrew Johnson, R. W. Johnson, G. W. Jones. John W. Jones, Kauf man, Kennon, T. llutler King, La Sere, Ligon, Lumpkin, McClernand, McDowell, McKay, Me t.ane, J. unnn, mcano. mimr, iweminw, r*mtuw Pettit, Peyton, Pillshury, Preston, Rhctt, Richard son, Richey, Robinson, Rockhill, Sawyer, Sltep perd, Simpson, Sims, Stanton, Thibodeaux, Thomas, Jacob Thompson, Robert A. Thompson, Tompkins, Toombs, Turner, Venable, Wallace, Wick, Wil liams, Woodward-—97. The motion to lay the bill on the table was made by Mr. STEPHENS, of Geo., who with several other Southern Whigs voted in favor of it. Had they voted against the motion to lay it on the table, it would not have prevailed; and if this vote is a fair exponent of those in favor of or against the bill, then eight Southern Whigs could have passed the bill. Every Southern Democrat, you will perceive, voted against the motion to lay the bill on the table, and every Northern and Western Whig voted for it, whilst twenty-one Democrats from the non-slave-holding States voted with the Southern Democrats. But the vote by no means shows the opposition to the bill on the part of Southern Whigs. Mr. Hillard de clared, on last Monday, that he was opposed to the bill. Mr. Toombs of Georgia, Mr. Gen try, of Tennessee, Mr. Preston, of Virginia, and many other Southern Whigs had declared their determination not to vote for the bill, yet they voted against the motion to lay on the table. Still with all their jockeying, the responsibility of the defeat of the bill must rest on the eight Southern Whigs who voted to lay it on the table. But I think there is yet another chance for the settlement of this question. The Sen ate has amended the resolution of the House fixing a day for the adjournment, by substi tuting the 14th of August. This will give time for action in the House on the Oregon bill now under discussion, and when it is sent to the Senate, they will amend it by striking it all out, and substituting the Compromise hill. So the bill may come up again in the House, and should this be so, you will find some eight or ten additional Democrats from the North and West who will vote for the bill, and thus throw the whole responsibility of defeating the measure on the Southern Whigs. I think, however, that they will be unwilling to take this responsibility, and that it is yet possible the Compromise of the Senate may be adopted. ' [Correspondenceof the Washington Union.] Baltimore, July 27—5 P. M. Adjournment of,the Independents—Arri val of the Eurofa. —The Independent Tay lor Convention continued several hours in se cret session to-day, and then adjourned sine die. They dissolved the party, but decided not to publish the General's letter until they deem proper. to a point of order—not heard—but which was sustained by the Chair. , „ The question was then taken on the motion for a call of the House, and decided in the af firmative. The roll being accordingly called, 209 members answered to their names—a large quorum—2l only being absent. The House proceeded with the consideration of the bill, further proceedings under the rule being dis pensed with. Mr. STEPHENS withdrew his motion to lay on the table, and after a few remarks renewed the motion, and on this motion the yeas and nays were ordered, and the question was de cided in the affirmative—ll 2 to 97. Mr. Pollock moved a reconsideration of this vote, and then also moved to lay his own mo tion on the table. The yeas and nays were again ordered, and resulted—yeas 114, nays 9(5. So the “motion to reconsider is decided in the negative, and the bill is rejected by tlye House— KILLED. On motion, the House, then in committee of the "whole, resumed the consideration of the Oregon Territorial bill, reported sometime since, from the committee on territories, and Messrs. Green, Adams, Collins, Dunn, and Hale, of Missouri, addressed the committtec. Adjourned. The North Alabamian illustrates the prin ciples and measures of the whig party very well by the publication of the following: “ Sound the liewgag, strike the tonjon, Beat the Fuzguzzy, wake the gonquong; Let the loud hozanna ring, Bum turn fuzzlegum dingo him.’’ The Nomination—2d District- The Columbus Democrat of the 27tli inst. says—Through the polite attention of Wiley Williams and Geo. J. Pitts, Esqrs., two of the Delegates to the Americus Convention, who returned last evening, we are enabled to an nounce the gratifying intelligence that the Hon. Marshall J. Wellborn has been unani mously nominated as the Democratic candidate for Congress for the 2d District, and that Tim othy Furlow, Esq., of Houston, has been ap pfj,uted Alternate Elector in room of Dr. Mer c«jr, transferred.to the Electoral Ticket. 2 U 1848- The Vice President ]«£“■& communication from HM re lore !“ e senate n with the informatioa^Bß^^^® nr f tJopartment, dy John,onVWhiWß|»2t>y Mf.Kever -offiCerscftheßaltimi** ^ refcren ce to the The general appro|^B'*^®] I . Bt ® , ®. , > OUße> twice and referred. tall was read On motion of Mr. tion of the bill to establish theH» eonsidera ernments of Oregon, a^^HJ,7 ntor ] lal .g ov ' Mexico, was taken up, and 111111 Aew Mr. Hale moved to of the sth section the words T? stla . ln ß out Mr. Clarke, of Rhode white. ’ the Committee,) then address^®v,( a member of The bill was reported * he senate.— two members of the consent of Underwood,) who did not ‘ and Mr. the provisions of the bill. WK*l “ eir ™ scn }. to of the clause which provides ®* ce P tlo . n torial legislature in Oregon . 11 the the law of the provisien^ ei^Hjl~“~* tl ' e *® ffirm 1 hibiting slavery in the teal „B^B pro- 1 months after the assemblif W1 “i“ three torial legislature, that lrf* 6 ®"' * em ; void, the bill would have , 7 U /v? d , Clarke’s) entire assent. g nu (Mr. iTlie provision is not cont^^^H,. copy of the bill wlnch the prin- Clayton having subsequer you > *f r accidental omission, and it le^B Te^ rre “ to its ed accordingly, as oeen a mend- He disclaimed any intentio^^^^y c committee, j strumental in producing a |^^R a 7. e ecn be distasteful to the north would accepted the appointment south, lie i with a full knowledge of, committee, the sentiment of his ' c3n»^j^^^B I °’?rrence in, J tion of slavery into territor. It was the uiulerstanding tlii- i I'li-mi'lc. 1 that the to be unequivocally and pojlhjj ; ritorv. And it was bill would make uncquivuOrtU effect. But in the sixth section a to Congress, a^^^^^B;pp rovo( I, be null and void. provi sion, the question is left was be fore. To remedy this evil,' an a- mendment to the sixth sectnJR n the shape of a proviso, that no law territorial le gislature.repealing the prohißbiti.icf slavery by | the provisional government, hall be valid, until such repeal shall havlt sanctioned' by Congress. ’ When the Republic of Texa came into the Union, it was the understandi; in Congress that Oregon, when it came in, , lould come in as a free State ; and it was the lore important that this understanding shoul low be carried out, as the boundaries of Texa scad since been greatly increased, if her claim Ao* the line of the Rio Grande, &c., be reßnised. With I this amendment he thought tfl bill would be | more satisfactory to all. Fur«e r , the mem j bers of the committee from tlieKorth conceiv j ed that by the laws of the ReAlie of Mexico ; slavery is abolished in New MSo and Califor j nia, and that its introduction K 0 those ter j ritories could not take place wßout the sanc | tion of Congress. Lest any doubt should exisakthe subject, he had proposed an amendmfii to the 26th | section of the bill, (eleventh su e ) after the ! word slavery, that it being uniVtood and de • elared that at the time of thefsMion of Cali fornia and New Mexico to thdlTnited States, i slavery and involuntary sanlude had been prohibited .and did not exist tjrein, the laws in existence there when so ceJd, shall remain in force until changed by of the United States. lie sent also® the Secretary's | table the decree in 1829, by Blpsidenti Guerra , ro, abolishing slavery in the Biublic <of Mexi co ; also, an act, passed by Se Cokigress of : Mexico in 1837, declaring t it slavery is and shall forever remain abolishec n the J &c. Os the fact that these 'vs were in exis- 1 ' tence and in force at the tin of the cession. | he had satisfied himself beyo 1 doubt. In regard to the question : personal liber ty, where slaves were carried do California or j New Mexico, as doubt exist i as to whether i the constitutional power of ile United States overrides the laws in force at-he time of the i cession, he proposed to add, | the end of the 1 28th line, in section 24th, aniinendment pro- j viding that in all cases involfig the personal liberty of any persons goin* to or residing I therein, an appeal shall be alfwed directly by | i the individual to the Supreme Court of the United States. In the ianguege of the ay, •• he should shrink from no responsibility and with the I lights before him, he would it, if the objec- I ; tionable features were retain!, give it his sup- I port. lie had reserved to hiself’ the right of j dissenting here to any provii ins of the bill i which did not meet liis appr ati®. And he j handed to the Senator from I liaia a paper to ■ that effect, which he desired ligitbe^ead. Mr. Berrien had no wish sire on the subject, of the per would be adopted, would be calculated to ibarrJMw ’ action of committees. After some remarks by MessWSright and Foote, on this point, Mr. Clarke oceeded to further explanations in regard to e proceed- : ings in committee. Neither he nctlie Sena- ! tor from Kentucky had objected tche report ing of the bill, but he (Mr. Clari) had dis- 1 tinctly reserved to himself the rights express- ; I i n K> in the Senate, his objections t till, i j and had subsequently committed tlit.reser- ; : vations to paper, which he handed to a Sen ator from Indiana. He did not i«,imself i bound, by his course in the cominitttto vote either for or against the bill, but fre®vote ' in accordance with the instructions qjpeon- j j stituents. Mr. Miller, of New Jersey, nexf.dressed the Senate, and in opposition to tbtll, Mr. Miller proceeded, and in replc a ques tion by Mr. Foote, as to whether lnould vote for “ any compromise,” said that h. as in fa vor of the compromise which nllowtlavery to exist where it now exists, apd proiitsd it in territory now f rec . He insisted this was the duty of Congress, if the prosperity the new territories was to be best keeping them free, it was its duty so to dire, with out regard to the peculiar inters of the North or the South. Mr. Phelps, of Vermont, (of themmittee) followed, chiefly in reference to Mlale’s pro posed amendment, striking oat thirds ‘‘free white.” He regretted to perceifpposition to the bill from tha»North. Mr. Fitzgerald next took the i r, and re ferred to the impression which i supposed to exist, that his (Mr. FitzgeraltjWte would be considered as reflecting thaiy* of Gen. Cass, whose successor he was. jh had never received from Gen. Cass a wjbta line on the subject not to be found in »tter to the Baltimore Convention. He hzfen ieft bv the State of Michigan to act ojs-pwn judg ment’s dictates. He had vovagainsr. the proposition to raise this he desired to vote directly on the jAjr bill he considered it an act of j Uß^*^^^|j)C oPle 0 Ple But when the committee | upon, he voted for every i mittce. In the report of had looked for the “ he had voted for the that part which did not M ould vote for the bill, if ' surance that it would though to many of its pn»viJßS^r^.ir>n posed, he would vote for it should be his political fttesKH believed it M ould not— M trvflLjfl existing in the free l .s.TuM increased, lie fear«o f '■ « inch thi> bill woultrirf ... la y- Mr. 1 'orM'in did net , cid argument -.f *H<, t Mr. Phelps,) it Mas neccM|| debate. Hut he state very forcibly tile lice him in voting not behove the passage of mm- call uluted to create d e ■ a disruption of tire U^K -••*j.|,..-e such a d.-: uj ,n t W ' ] he -hould eobsi(9^B m , 1 thy ot a seat on The Wilmot the "Kan Head and had been described to beTBI** 1 ** ed the declaration of IndjW Jefferson—drafted alsoraH which had been changeflftMSj ll of “The Wilmot I’rovigjjH^i gentleman whose nanfl|S|jP| wright to tlie homflgM author of the lie then proceeded to rfw I marks of Mr. l’helps of the press to the hifl' [ A. telegraphic deap# J ) l *P*fd(ijr Corwin s]>oke until £JLi- jvHBmMMBKI djourned.] ' house of Ti®; '%> ] A message was wnjß in answer to the rcsoifl the 10th inst., latum to the ('alifornia, and tile autiH| governments were esl^| The President Secretary of State, thifti the Secretary of ■.ire These reporta j furnish the infarruati<^S*~® a ®"* r ®* a lp°’ I *f 8 of inquiry cmbra cedjW!®*2j®* ions • Thej President refers Jo |V vii'M.t, ,Hai ex- j am i n ati^H^h^HPs* 66 **, E snlen Os do adjourn theifl ■d Auguat—l2 A debate if" 1 ess age j °f tic PrcsiJ receive*, i-dey, After tie- ! ! bate, the subject was made the order of the day for Thursday next. Adjourned. SENATE. „ . Washington, July 25,1848. Mr Atckison, from the Indian Committee, re ported a bill providing for the payment of the Creeks under the treaty of Indian Spring. Mr Breese introduced a resolution of inquiry which was adopted, in reference to the unex- Ba an ? e for fiurve y s on the public lands. • • r " )? reese mtroduced a joint resolutions, aatho nsing the appointment of a paymaster to adjust and pay mileage of officers of the army J Mr. Underwood presented a paper from Dr r h,Ch WaS referred t 0 the committee on the Ltbrarj', requesting the purchase of a suffi- j cient number of his work „n the operation of the *° defra >' the expose ot publication. Ihe Committee on the Indian Appropriation bill made a report, which was concurred in. Mr. Yulee, from the Naval Committee, reported a recommendation that the Senate non-concur in , the House amendments to the bill renewing cer- ■ :cco^,r nßlonS ’ andthe Seuate “on-concurred \ Cla > ton ' ‘ he consideration of 1 the rerritoralbil was resumed, and Mr. Under- < wood (of the Committee) addressed the Senate l in explanation of the motives which governed him i in opposition to the bill as reported. \ The Senate was also addressed by Messrs. But- ♦ ler, Foote, Wescott and Johnson. At a quarter past 7 o clock, the Senate adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. I he amendment ot the Senate to the Naval An propnation Bill was taken up, and the llouse XJ d p£. p “‘' d, “ e '" J «S". -11.233 The Committee of Conference on the Indian Appropnation B,ll,madea report, (similar to that *A *? e b ,t na iu’) and * he re P° rt w “s concurred in.— And so the bill stands passed. The committee were called on for reports and a number, generally unimportant, were made ~ A J° lnt resolution was reported, in reference to the tobacco trade with Europe, read twice and re ferred to the committee of the whole. I u h r Be J CCt committee on rules reported in favor laid on the table, 107 to G 2. He same committee reported also a new joint Hjrovuliiig lor the taking up ot the unfinished second session of any Congress in Win which it was left at tl.e lirst session of ■■■■■■feress. Adopted. tl" , Cmnmittee the Whole, took up tltt bill reported some time since,from the House committee on Ferri ories, to “establish the territorial government of Oregon.-’ rimilar in Us provisions to that which recently engaged the at- '■ tentiou ol the Senate, but further including in the i twelfth section the proviso of the ordinance of 1 Mr. Harris, of Alabama, addressed the committee at length on the question of slavery in the terri tories, sustaining generally the Southern doctrine on that subject. Mr. Conger followed in favor of the prohibition of slavery in Oregon and in advocacy of the power ot Congress to control all legislation for the terri tories. Mr. Wallace obtained the floor, when the com mittee rose, and the House adjourned. Washington, July 26, 1848 SENATE. After the disposal of some unimportant pe titions, memorials and reports, 1 Mr. Hale submitted a resolution, which lies over, calling for information from one of the departments, and asking why this information was not embraced in the annual report. Mr. King introduced a bill, which had its second reading and was referred, "ranting to the State of Alabama the right of way and portions of the pubile lands, for a rail road from Mobile to the mouth of the Ohio river A resolution offered last evening by Mr! Hannegan, providing for a recess from 4 to half-past 5 to-day, and for an evening session | was taken up and debated, when Mr. Ilanne ’ gan withdrew it, to avoid further discussion. ! On motion of Mr. Clayton, the considera tion of the lemtorial bill was then resumed amendments were proposed by Messrs. Bald j Wln and Walker—by the first two additional ; sections, m reference to proceedings in cases of appeal, and by the latter, striking out part of the 7 th, 8 th, and 9th lines of the sixth sec ; tion. Mr. Reverdy Johnson then proposed to in sert in that part of the bill which relates to ; Aew Mexico, the same amendments proposed by him last evening, [sent you by telegraph and published this morning] to that part which relates to California. He then proceeded with his argument, which had not been concluded when the Senate adjourned last evening. The bill was further debated by Messrs. Cor win, Baldwin, Berrien, Badger, and Dix. The latter gentleman was speaking when the cars left 5. P. M. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES The House was occupied for about an hour and a half in calling the yeas and nays on a resolution to terminate the debate on the ■ Oregon lerritorial Bill. I Senate bill providing for the payment of liquidated claims ” under the late' Mexican i treaty, was taken up and passed, with an a n" 1 to tb * r d section, (unimportant ) j r . he or egon Territorial Bill was then taken ! up.m committee of the whole, and Mr. Wallace addressed the committee on ® e tion of slavery—taking the Southern the subject. WJ- 1 idl'u,., ami in WMRUu L, h n lve Jy. ■ w Mr. Iverson clo&d the debate to-day,'in ; support of the rights and institutions of the ! South. “ ! Mr - Green Adams obtained the floor for to | morrow, and the committee rose. Adjourned. Washington, July 27th, 1848. j 6 o’clock, A. M. \ SENATE. ! The Senate continued its session until a j late | early] hour after my letter of yesterday i afternoon was closed and despatched by the afternoon train. And the debate has become so interesting and important as it progresses —so necessary to a proper understanding of the whole subject—that I have continued my sketches up to the hour of adjournment— hastily, it is true, but reliable, nevertheless. Mr. Dix had concluded before I had re turned from the cars, but his remarks had : evidently produced a profound impression. I ; found Mr. Butler replying, and referred partic : ularly to a decision of the governor of New 1 York, which he characterised as one of the most flagrant violations of the compact be tween the North and the South which he had ever known of any where. Whether that act had been sanctioned by the New York Le-ds ' lature, he should not take the trouble to°as ; certain—he should take the word of the Sena j tor bom New- York. To all that the Sena i tor had Baid in regard to the gallant conduct of the sons of the two States at Cliurubusco, he nothing to reply, for it had a response in 1 mis own bosom—it had touched his feelings. 1 (Mr. speech was in opposition to tlie : bill.) , Mr. Payton obtained the floor, but at the request of Mr. Manguin, gave way for a motion by Mr. Mangum to adjourn, though opposed to the motion. It u*as decided by yeas and nays, 17 to 30, in the negative, and Mr. Day ton proceeded. He desired, he said, that the question should be taken before the risin" of another sun. The bill had been reported as a “ compromise.” He had no sympathy with I those who denounce it as a fair effort of the | committee at compromise. His friend from I il. York (Mr. Dix) seemed to think that thev I had yielded to the south all that they had [ askedfor— they asked for more than they had ? “kk erto claimed— the constitutional right to ’ fake their slaves into territories where slavery had nevep existed. In this there had been no skulking—their course had been straight fwrway—-Tor one he was disposed to acquit jtoilthern men of any imputation of skulking. | TB*r« l hatPbeen no dodging, either bv the Vermont, (Mr. Phelps,) if there ?, n 6^°ll *° ■i uscif . v t* le introduction fbis bill, but he must vote against it. shews us, he said, that all these ggjgMuisitions on slavery in the abstract, ecTm leaking down that feeling which between members of the same the opin ’mCongress hud the A.ud he had | Vliifil-r- 1 * f i * <1 i t - by * asked the ' P/i.™-’ JP® 011 this law, ' top • territorial Icgi-i , zX * X slavery, cuines ■hSCpwllfe it. ‘ iHed', eflurhatmiliTr after t he r^ 83 ' and ITiis Mr T> cTi.u, g twl ’l* ' » ' c ihe.fioM-. 1 :; ritorY|. KpiOjKm-tructiua thus j ie- .m rag supposedly "v>* -r-.i :: gKJato one of meiSptpedien aid never get into ..Oregon— : f California— a few might r vf 6 ’ U rei. e never fix here agiiyltiire,.'wa» principally : doout by a nice bor^ wholly |6 rta VL , S , p or XOtmtm, he boheved neither "Oregon nor 1 ' \VVI . eVW l >CCOmi ‘ S*aj» St I’e-. m>«iputh haa wenvnpting mon :r '*«• by “ North } o>it> n - Tem ' llU^ oa HP rßt * J,^Bsi ,t ‘ l: ■' P lO , r »«j ■w- •^V’ 11 111 ' ilj? 0 i U,F a ,ril * u ’ l ' “*WPK*»#®oPn4eft.for the South t I 3 gffnpromises, Texas f would ® tut »d that lie i would stonth T lf n p| ti>Crn lr ‘ un^8 f what u a jV j re—aylad then said, ttstlnfflifc i rtSo^iutor 6 ‘ soou Vt ‘ r titied, I walk hSdln'haud'wTh h h ° t<M %s. ready .to A r JSfT” he was P ,accd in a position which' tO . v ° te on the of slave ry, he could votosfcut one way. WOUldire™ nde< ? thEt the nUmber sIftVCS affordedTn th Se m P r °P° rtiou to the facilities ritorv T« W ? y otan ‘“crease of slave ter insisted that G f ard l ° the temtor y acquired, he now slaver y-which did not exist there 25 act ld 'Fh! § therc without some muni f\P ‘ c domestic slavery now existing ouonce of Jh slaver y which exists in conse ovar dti?/ the P°wcr exercised by the creditor nlfd l thr°rr lqUldat e d 80 800,1 * s the debt is paid-the claim ceases so far as the lien on the debtor has been worked out. No such person al HV. n constltut ,c ß slaver ‘J in the eye of the law. hT u " wdlm 8 to vote for the compro misebill, as before stated, because he did not wish to go upon the record as seeming to fa vor shivery, because he might be mistaken as to the law on the subject, for other radical ob jections to the bill, because of the difficulties in carrying out the law, and further fr6m an unwillingness to throw upon the Supreme Court the settlement of this question. He did not wish to make that Court—the sheet anchor of our hopes—the organ through which to throw off our political steam—to drapin'* that “ anchor ’’ into the political arena. °° ° Rut he had other objections—the instruc- tions of Legislature of New Jersey—though he would not obey instructions, when tliey did not coincide with his opinions—but he considered such instructions entitled to res pectful consideration. He fell shocked at the assertion of a south ern Senator, a few days since, that if the k? 1 /®. t ie southern slaves were at the throats of their masters, their would expect no assistance called upon to repudiate without the shadow of founcl Mr. Upham of VermontT followeaMr. Day- , ton. He insisted that slavery was not hevond the control of Congress, and if Senators were prepared to make such declaration, they were ! prepared to disregard the intentions and opin ion.! of the framers of the constitution. lie argued that Congress had the power to prohibit slavery in the territories— that Con gress, if they did not pass such a law, would disregard the wishes of tho people of the ter-’ " tor,eß . Evolved by the question-and ' that this bill was not such a law as would car- ■ ry out the wishes of the people of the States and territories. He denied that the bill should be passed, even on the ground of expediency. If the power of Congress to exercise this power was ever to be exerted, now was the wmfi i°i GXert Ihe introdu ction of slavery VNOuld be an element of danger, and opposed to the prosperity of these territories. Then 1 " hy , ,,ot ex ercise this power, why allow slavery to obtain a foothold, where it will necessarily I remain through all time, and exert an influence ; for wea! or woe on the destinies of that coun- | It had become their duty to decide upon the constitutional question. No one ever thought tt -? a rS. g the question of the tariff and of a I mted States Bank—both constitutional ques tions—to the Supreme Court! 1 lie regretted that there was any difference of opinion between himself and his colleague —but he was happy to know that there was , no difference of principle—it was only as to the mode of carrying out that principle. He i had listened to his speech with pleasure, and ' with pnde, as a sound, unanswerable, logical argument on this question, so far as the prin ciple was involved. 1 Mr. Bell next addressed the Senate, first in reply to some of the remarks of the Senator from New York, and then at length is opposi tion to the bill. lie had so far, heard nothing to influence his mind in favor of its passage. , nor had he been able, from all the investiga- 1 tion which he had given to the subject, to find any thing to satisfy him that the bill would be calcuiated to give peace and harmony to the different portions ot the Union. It was a novel mode—a great mode it had been argued—but 1 he confessed that he had been unable to dis cover wherein its greatness consisted. It there had been any disposition to settle the question by compromise, it would have been supposed that the Missouri compromise line would have been submitted, either in the form suggested by the Senator from Indiana or by the Senator from Kentucky. And yet what ' is really the nature of the “compromise” pro- 1 posed r It the proposition of the gentleman from Kentucky was not acceptable, why was the proposition of the gentleman from Indiana rejected. Ana is it expedient to adopt the 1 compromise agreed upon by the committee ? ! 1 \\ ha. is the nature ot this compromise ? ] In iof erring it to the Supreme Court, upon ; a question which we are told is convulsing the union upon the different and contradic'torv I opinions here expressed. And the Supreme 1 Court is the weakest department of the Cov j eminent—denounced as the aristocratic branch of the Government—it is upon the shoulders i of th!s weakest tnbuna l that you propose to ! sh , lft , tbe responsibility. We have it already I j asked from the North : do you propose to re ter this question to a packed court—a packed j J ur V ■ to use a term which will be better <>cne- 1 rally understood. D 1 For he should have little fear of the de- i 1 should tlfcvW, onj 1 a gieat .funcrtional (Question, 1 are divided, but not by ries should they leave such a question to the 1 Supreme court, at a time not propitious, when 1 ' reason cannot have its sway at the North, 1 j when political interests are at stake, founded 1 | upon cold and calculating considerations, com bined with the ordinary fanaticisms of the times. The single fact that the distinguished Senator from South Carolina is in favor of the bill will be enough at the North to induce the throwing aside of this bill as something mon strous. They should take the burden of the settlement of this question, instead of referring it to the Supreme Court, on their own should ers, and bear it manfully. Would this bill, if passed, give quiet to the country ? They had nothing but bold asser tion on this floor, that sucli M ould be the ef fect. And M-as any honorable Senator ready to rise in his seat, and say that this bill will ‘ allay the excitement at the North, or at the South either ? Already had the cry of repeal been raised, and new combinations were being formed—agitation increasing even at the pros pect of the passage of this bill. After a temp est is raised, who can control it ? Even if the decision of the Supreme Court were reached in six or twelve months, are gentlemen from the North or South prepared to say, if that de cision be adverse to their section, the people of 1 that section will be willing to acquiesce in that decision? No honorable Senator here would | be willing to give such an assurance. Such was not the experience in reference to excitements of this character—excitements which even a single individual may control for evil—in re ference to which, may keep the flame burning, and with increased violence. He doubted very much that the people would be prepared to submit; and the Supreme Court would be made the victim. Could any honorable Senator go 1 . home, when this bill is passed, and conscien tiously say, we have settled-this great ques tion on principles perfectly satisfactory, and got it placed on grounds of perfect security.— Nothing but mischief could come from such double interpretations, and could lead to noth ing but disrupturc, and dissolution of the I Union. He inquired of Mr. Berrien, whether, with , out reference to this bill, he believed this Com- ! mittee would vote for the Missouri Compro mise ? Mr. Berrien replied, that so far as he was concerned, and he only spoke for himself, he would vote for that Compromise, so desirous was he to settle this question, but not without the express recognition of slavery south of that line. Mr. Bell inquired, then why not adopt that line ? Why postpone it to a" future time ? I , until, in the language of the North, it shall be j ascertained what sort of a country that is ? ! ’ i And he proceeded to argue that a greater pop , ulation cannot be supported south of 3 fj 30, ; than now exists in New Mexico and Califor , n * a > north of that line. The refusal to settle 1 this question on this bnsis w&b* & mere qutir -1 reling about a barren policy. And why r oi i *?‘ e y “‘arming themselves about ‘the disarm- ; ! ‘ lo “ *£“■ UlllOll ?He wanted some guitru^ tj that there was not to be an increase of excitement by the of this bill before : h « could vote Jority before he could consent 1 to refer this to tljg Supreme The great party at the NortW. had not been formed with a to “free soil” and the 'fjg. “free tjyrti^ ■. '!! . A movements of oneaH > t h e’^^T another who had tHw/’o honor which could be tier the government. It was tiT^BSlsr?.' la ' ■ Htical power—of political ”jji> P aL - ed the more poignant in’fbelhiinllKV IRM . ascendancy of the Virginia ascendancy TfT regretted it, and that there had nSSLnJ more equal uistribution of this powerTuwe,'* the North and the South. JJutthe SoW® not to blame for this, though he did not* I And if they were to pass the viso to-night, they could not pass a •wmSH fliction upon these gentlemen at the”North!^ moc ucTiv, W a ' S their .. d ? sire ' and sterile and un suhtrflf Cahforn ». it was a fruitful S“ ]( f “Station for them. For himself, , 1W * PrefCl ' thc P™? 01 *»>« Wilmot 1 roviso toany measure which they would sh« « t K^ 0 ’ mB^ t, A O allay th “ excitement, defeat < the objects of these men,'em! let cool reason resume its proper sway. This was the only I , ay ’ ortsdte tben * mto the Union at once. , lie would even prefer that, to this proposition. I Kather than Oregon, California and New Mex- W i*, ld bucomc subjecti of discord, lie P»efer jhat they should declare them- dpe independent— geographically us-- give them a pew : and glorious Republic on the shores of the Pv' cific. Rather than they should become sources oi discord and contention, he would nfrefor that they should bo free and independent States. If it would repress disturbance, he would give his vote to make independent every acre of that sterile country, and throw a little of Texas into the bargain. Tor by the com bination of abolition and political parties a the North, the power to agitate and control the South, may be kept up and succeed. He expressed the opinion that Congress has the power to establish or prohibit slavery in these territories. „ Mr. Berrien rose with great regret after this protracted and laborious session, [it now being a quarter past ten,] to address the Senate, even for the brieftest period. He did so, more in accordance with the wishes of others than from the promptings of his own judgment, and for the purpose of repelling an allegation which had been so oft repeated here, that the South had been the originators of this discussion. It had come from the North, and not from the South, in the assertion of the unqualified power of CongMss to prohibit slavery in the territories. And when it was further declared that slavery could not exist in these territories without legislative protection, the South again said, then omit all enactments on the subject, and they would be satisfied. But they were now met by the ISorth with the declavation that the agitation of this question shaU never cease until the positive enactment, injpcgnrd to these territories, of the ordinance oFWB7 ! He pro ceeded to argue the constitutional question involved, and to answer the objections which had been raised to the bill. He confessed that his hope of pacification in the passage of this bill had been shaken in the course of this debate, 4 b . ut he consoled himself with the belief that Inhere is a redeeming spirit of the people. He i did not conclude until near twelve o’clock, and his argument embraced nearly all the points which have so often already been dis ! cussed, without apparently affording any new light upon the subject. He was satisfied, with i a single objection, with this bill, and willing to submit the question to the Supreme Court ol the United States, as >* oe irom , those influences and prejudices which Kovern i men elsewhere. Mr. Bradbui y made a few remarks directly to the point, when, shortly after one o’clock, an ineffectual effort was made to adjourn. Mr. Bradbury appeared to think, and very proper ly, that where the South supposed the North had gained every thing, and the North that the South had gained everything, there was danger that one party would be disappointed. And he did not believe that the passage of the bill would be calculated to allay excitement. He pointed out one or two defects in the bill, in reference to the habeas corpus, which he deemed it necessary to remedy. lie denied that the N orth had manifested an aggressive spirit toward the South, or a disposition to j pursue an aggressive policy, and replied at some length to the positions assumed by sev- I eral Senators. The impression drawn from j I his remarks was, that he intends to vote against [ \ the bill, though not for sectional reasons, for he deprecated all sectional organization. Mr. Borland followed, and denied the power I °f Congress to legislate at all on the question ;of slavery. He regarded the institution of ; slavery as one of the best which existed 1 throughout our whole land, socially and po ■ liticallv. j Mr. Baldwin took the floor at a quarter past | one, and read a speech, which had been pre pared, at considerable length, for the occasion, and in which he also argued the whole ques tion, and expressed his intention to offer some amendments, as no case of appeal could now be brought up as the bill stands. He conclud ed at 2 A. M., when Mr. Niles moved an ad journment, upon which the yeas and nays were demanded and ordered, and it was de cided in the negative—ayes 11, nays 32. Mr. Niles obtained the floor at a quarter past two, and said the Senate appeared to be Gov erned very much by the spirit of the Com promise Committee who reported the bill. He did not intend at this early hour of the day, but he thought it his duty, to occupy the at tention of the Senate, or ti e attention of the Chair, for Senators appeared to have other employment, for a short time, perhaps not more than a couple of hours. He had no idea of hurrying this great ques tion, this bill, this miserable contrivance. This bill was not only negatively bad, but in regard to two of these territories, he felt it his duty, in j the face of this Senate—there was not much of a Senate here, but in the face of the American i people—to denounce this bill as aflagrant viola- j tion of the rights which we had guaranteed to ; them the light to be taken into the Union as citizens, whenever we could do so constitu- j tionally. But instead of this, we were send- j ing to them pro-consuls and Ciceros to exercise ' the powers of government over a people two ! thousand miles oft. And in reference to Oregon, 1 which had declared its will upon the subject' we have given her three months grace, before : abrogating her law prohibiting slavery. There was something significant about this. lie con- | sidered the laws of Oregon as coming here with binding foiGe. Gentlemen here seemed to think that the constitution is a law, and if it only goes, thenjit regulates everythin"-. But The constitution only defines legislation—therestrictions applicable to*’ prP» vate rights. When organizing these territories we should leave them as we find them, to make such regulutons and pass such hvas, not inconsistent with the constitution, as they may j desire. He expressed the belief tliafsome sort of trick had been resorted to—an intention to hold this bill out to the community as some -1 thing, when it was really nothing. If there was an honest intention that this question should be carried up to the Supreme Court, then Senators ought to be gratified at amend ments intended to facilitate the so carrying of it up. He spoke until 3A. M., when he gave way tor the yeas and nays to be again called on a motion to adjourn, and the motion was again decided in the negative—ayes 4, nays 39. lie accordingly proceeded with his re marks, as he said, with renewed vigor, after the slioi t respite which had been given him. Irom the arguments here, he said, he suppos ed it was the natural right of men to be born ! *daves. Others had supposed that all men had been born, or created, as the Senator from South Carolina had it, free and equal. 13 ut this from the able arguments made here, was evi dently a mistake, &c. He concluded aboMt 4 A. M., when Mr. Atchison took the floor, and continued i the debate until 5, when Mr. Bright addressed , the Senate at length on the same subject He ! thanked heaven that while the corrupt and corroded spirit of demagogueism was at work ! in New York, Indiana was safe. Mr. Dickinson replied with severity to the ! remarks of Mr. Niles, which he declared to be j unworthy the American Senate. And he also ' referred with equal severity to the movements in New York. Messrs. Clayton, Underwood, and Davis of Massachusetts, declared their intention to ad dress the Senate hereafter in reference to this subject. And then the vote was taken on the first amendment, (by Mr. Hale,) to strike out the sth section, the words “free white,” and de cided in the negative, by yeas and nays, 7 to 44. Mr. Benton addressed the Senate briefly, in explanation of his views. Mr. Johnson’s amendments, already given, were opposed by Messrs. Calhoun. Butler, and Mason, and supported by Messrs. Clayton, Johnson, Itusk, and Walker, and agreed' to— -31 to 19. Mr. Walker’s amendment, to strike out of the sixth section that portion of the 6th, 7th, and Bth lines which relate to the taxation of residents and non-residents, was rejected without a division. Mr. Baldwin’s amendment, adding two sec tions defining the mode of proceeding in Cali fornia and New Mexico on questons of appeali in slave cases, was rejected—ls to 31. Mr. Hale’s amendment, to strike out of the twelfth section the words “three months” os the period within which the law of the Oregon “provisional” government prohibiting s&vcry must be re-affirmed by the “territorial” leg islature, to continue it in force,waAoiccted by 21 to 33.. Am amendment chusetts; to Strike thevtwelfth sec- , tion arid insert iu lieu thereof the Sixth sec tion of the ordinance of 178?, —the “Wilmot ! Proviso”—was rejected by a vote of 21 to 33. Clarke’s amendments, before referred to, were rejected without a division, except tfcat resembling Mr. Johnson’s, which was with ■rawn. % *lB ' An by Mr. Bald win. and also a division, u, territorialg^Mpi^^^Califonn^jfr .ul, iViscoJlTln Legislature*, against flTe extension of slavery Jnd expressed* his intention to obey* those infftimctionsjttbut from duty and inclination. ILAated h* ob-* | jectioJfe to the bill in nVi» | could not consider ▼Jne in other light than a repudiation of the doc*, ■fees of Lewis Cass, tlie dcijfccratic candidate* TiVTho Presidency, whom lie intended to sud* port. * j Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, moved to amend the twenty-fifth section, so as to include within the limits of New Mexico, all territory acquired by the late treaty with Mexico, ex cept Upper California. « '* a }' tou objected to the amendment. 1 here was a portion of territory on the left bank of the Itio Bravo, for which no provision had been made m the bill. I„ regard to it a la<l ar . l . B f n ’ whloh committee had found it impossible to overcome, and they had therefore confined themselves to three territo- Mr, Davis said the Senator was quite right in saying there was a portion of \ provided for a very large portion, coverC 1 some 50 to 80,000 square miles. It 1 cessary that some sort of a govern .rent should 1 be provided for this territory, and h ; amendment. 13 Mr. Rusk trusted that the 1 , would be rejected. He was well in ' 1 this question of Texas boundary h-irli rc . t^ ] a J ,■ in reserve for political pu,p„ s03 } h “ d bcen held * Mr. Davis denied that his A any way interfered with the bou„dary m ofTcx n as-it simply provided for territory acquired Mr. Houston considered it „ n „ croaching upon the just claims of “ e '‘* Ihe amendment was rejected, 7 t 044 wfs stsare* -—** Mr. Sebastia addressed the s tlll . rd tllno of the bill and a few Jemai ,cnato 111 B W rt Messrs. Hale and Foote "’T rando . by , V q„ u v vnnQ , 100te » when the question live 33 r Ud ¥*■• decidcd in the afflrma rime hv its ; ;, and tile bill "-as read the third time, b> its title, and passed without a divi da^ OUrnoC * tull °’ cloclt to-morrow (Fri- HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, r. rulton introduced a bill to authorise le paj ment of individual pensions in certain cases , was read twice and referred. re3 °lution °f inquiry was adopted, as to the necessity of another building for the dif ferent public Departments—and as to the fit ness ol such purpose of the building recently ereced by Mr. Winder, near the War Depart* ment, and the terms upon which it can be purchased. On motion of Kauffman, the House pro ceeded to the consideration of the special or der—being the message of the President, in reply to the resolution of the House calling for information in regard to the true bounds” ties of California, New Mexico, &c., and in re ference to the establishment of civil govern ments in conquered territory. A debate ensued, in which Messrs. Kauffman, Collamer, Stanton, and Lincoln each spoke* a their hour, relating cliiully to the Presidential question, and tffjjjdens of General Taylor, - Jv argued at some lengtlufl Upon the rights and just boundaries of TcxuilHH Adjourned. Washington, July °8 SENATE. ilie Vice President laid before the Senate a message from the President communicating the information called for by Mr. BreeseWs 8 olution, relative to unexpended balances foi surveys of the public lands. 1 Also, a communication from the Xavv De- Mr HalcVre d ‘f® in V mation called L by m!r r ;^ t !r' ton ' { ? m tho naval committee, reported the amendments of the House to tho Senate amendments to the navy appropriation bill, with a recommendation that the Senate g ee to the two first, and insist on the rest of their own amendments, as originally adopted. On motion of Mr. Hannegan, the Senate took up the House resolution to provide for of Congress on the 7tli Au 14Ui August. mOVCdt ° ame “ d ’ by substit u'ing After some discussion, in which a number t bc n ato rs participated, the question was . tuen taken on this amendment, and it was de cided in the affirmative, 30 to 18. And the I j resolution, so amended, was passed. . ] . The Senate then went into Executive ses ■ j sion, and shortly after adjourned. •ri IO <F‘ SE I OF ttE PKESENTATIVEB. The Speaker laid before the House a com- I juumcation from the War Department, cover- I ln K arc Port from the Adjutant General, with | a statement showing the number of tho differ ent corpse of the army after tho discharges , provided tor at the close of the war with I "* exico > called lor by a resolution of the 1 T.’frwnt?’ tt com, uunication from the I ost-Office Department, showing the annual ; cost of mail transportation during the last ten years. . Also > a communication from the Comniis- I sioner ot the General Land Office. !*i ,^ ous ? insisted upon its amendments to i the bill providing for certain Naval pensions, i and a committee ot conference was ordered j On motion, the bill from the Senate “to cs- I tlle territorial Government of Oregon California, and New Mexico,” was and 19 j Mr. Boyd, of Ivy., moved that it be referred ; to tho committee of the Whole. yil '; ST EI'HEXS, of Georgia, moved to fay j I the bill on the table . | Houston, of Alabama, moved a call of '] ! the House. ! Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, said that though tiS? ' ' J majority of the House may be opposed to bill, such was the importance of the lie hoped t\£t the bill would not be laicicST the table, but that the House would to the adoption ol some other measure, the settlement at the present .session of this S vexed question. tfT-jVH S Mr. McClernand, of 111., contended fruits ol the war should not thrown uwifty34* |J jjH lAw.-jj to or e.'btalhi.-^JinuNi t the mill lie was t posed to laying the bill on the table. A Mr. Smith, of la., deemed that this bill held out even the prospect of a settlement of the question involved—that it contained nnv com promise whatever. He had asked leave this i morning to report bills for the governments of California and New Mexico, and gentlemen ! 011 the other side had objected. A bill for the ; Government of Oregon was already before j them. And he hoped he should be permitted j to make his report, and that the bills would j be referred to the committee of the whole. I Mr. Houston, of Del, could not vote for this ! bill one way or the other, without an opportu | nity to express his views. Amidst; great confusion, Mr. McLanc rose FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. | (From the Baltimore Sun, 20th inst.) ARRIVAL 0F THE STEAMER EUROPA! FOUR DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE! AFFAIRS OF FRANCE. ANOTHER REVOLUTION ATTEMPTED. A CRISIS IN IRELAND. Arrest of Meagher and other Leaders. the chartist anniversary. Progress of the Cholera. advaxce in cotton. &c. &c. &c. lhe steamer Europa left Liverpool 15th in stant, at (i P. M., via Halifax, 25th, where she arrived at SP. M., and left at 8. She arrived at Boston at 64 P. M. on Thursday morning; uas detained off Halifax nine hours by fog. Her passage was made in less than twelve days. She brings four days later news from : Englatid and two days later from Paris than the United States. The following tele graphic account of her news reached us vos terday, m the New York papers, and was im mediately issued in an “ extra Sun : ** The intelligence from Ireland indicates in creasing turbulence on the part of the people, and a corresponding energy in the repressive action of the Government. Mr. Measlier who vvas expected to come to the United States m this steamer, had been arrested at Waterford and was to be forthwith tried for sedition. ’ •i-’lie state of siege still contilTinfthatifms** and the vigilance of government had <fl!eeted a plot for another insurrection to iako place X| on the 16th. -Measures were adopted adequate J ,tp the exigency, amino violence would be at- A eorrflH. TUrfSaw ||«C U v'° ■ t>, rniikd * ' M ‘JhMI ■■ ongi q ■irnffllraißM v,us It is n” 9 .K- »U'r.-ly apn text for get "W* ease luah , ino-t ot w h .in vfl Vt under their blouses, ■ to huve° tI IR|HRHVK Llle ! ' rSt 6 *° llal onfhreak ammunition, whin were to have been y I Kx.^ tnatlc * u thofcqurter three or four days Wnat a l l httendeu meeting. It is said, now, 3" (H have n, 1 , l ho projectors of this plot that®."’' in the ?*- for the part they VB been *' U^ e ’ l ' u t last ME ho headquarters of ■Place de Males rr L \ was to have ■ mentis in | '-io n goV^ri'. the plot, and many oftheiJwL e ’ been arrested. We eantssM therefore, as to theveasjHß the interior. M. ,