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Cnitstitutmnalist fc jßqrahlir. btjamb s ~sardnsrT OFFICE ON Me IN TOSH-STREET, TRIAD DOOR KXOM THH north-west corner of BROAD-STREET . TERMS: Dailyp&per (if paid in advance) ....per annum. .$8 00 Tri-Weekly (if paid in advance) per annum.. 5 00 Weekly (if paid in advance) peranmim.. 2 00 AUGUSTA, GA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 28. FOR GOVERNOR, HON. 11. V. JOHNSON, Os Baldwin County. dist. for congress. 1— JAMES L. SEWARD, of Thcmfas. 2A. H. COLQUITT, of Baker. 3 DAVID J. BAILEY, of Butts. 4 W. B. W. DENT, of Coweta. 6E. W. CHASTAIN, of Gilmer. 7 THOMAS P. SAFFOLD, of Madison. 8— JOHN J. JONES, of Burke. Attention Democrats! There will be a meeting ol the Democracy at the City Hall, on Wednesday Evening, at half past seven o’clock, for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of nominating a full ticket to represent Richmond county, in the next Legislature. It is to be hoped there will be a full attend inco. See first page Daily this morning. Chiding a Friend—lnteresting to Foreign ers, Catholics, and Jews. A writer in the Chronide and Sentinel , assum ing, with ridiculous gravity, the character of a friend to Gen. Pierce, addresses him in rather more than a column, in censure of his adminis tration. We do not know the writer, bat the article has some of the ear marks of Mr. Toombs, as a few extracts will show. Our readers doubtless recollect his denunciations of “Red Republicans, infidel Scotch, and German Jews,” in bis convention speech at Milledgeville. At least the fact of this language being used was brought to public attention at the time Now we find in this phillipic, signed Examiner, an amplification of that spirit of animosity and contempt for those portions of our population then anathematised by the honorable gentleman. Here is one extract: “To insult the pride of native Americans, you search for foreigners to fill the offices. In utter contempt of the comity which should exist be tween nations, you have insulted Spain by send ing to her punctilious court as Minister, pending a delicate question, a French emigre, whose greatest merit is that he is more than charged with Jacohitism and fillibusterism.” Here is the intolerant spirit of native Ameri canism peeping out from behind this insidious mask. One might know, from this one passage, that no democrat, no true friend of Gen. Pierce, penned it. The Democratic Party have never had any sympathy with that hostility to fo reigners which has aimed to or great ly curtail them of the rights of suffrage and of holding office. It is among the Whigs alone that native Americanism has received countenance and sympathy. It was from the old Federal, now Whig party, the Alien and Sedition laws took their origin, and this antipathy to foreigners holding office in our Republican Government, is in a kindred spirit. Whigs may feel their dignity insulted by the President bestowing office upon citizens of fo reign birth : but Democrats welcome the votary of Republicanism as a friend and a brother, and feel it no insult that men of intellect, of virtue, and of patriotism, should hold office among us, though Providence may have cast their lot, in early life, amidst the despotic institutions of the Old World. Democrats do not forget that LaFayette was a foreigner. So was Kosciusko. So were Pulaski and Steuben. So was the gallant Montgomery, one of old Ireland’s most chivalric sons. They fought lor the cause of America—for freedom and popular rights. They aided to lay the foundations of a Republic which was des tined to be, and has become, the home of the exile, and the asylum of the oppressed of all countries—a Republic which has been proud to honor such men as Albert Gallatin with high positions in her seivice. But the wrath of this chiding friend of the President is especially excited because the latter has entrusted to a Frenchman—the intellectual and accomplished Soule—the delicate mission to Spain. He is more than charged, says this wri ter, with Jackobitism. This implies that he ha 3 been proved a Jacobite. This is not true. Such proof has never been, and cannot now be, pro duced. He was driven fiom France by a des potic Bourbon dynasty because of his Republi can principles as expressed through the public ► press. Since he has been a citizen of this coun try he has been a pure and patriotic citizen—an eminent lawyer, who stood second to no man at the brilliant Louisiana bar. He was sent by that gallant State to represent her sovereignty and interests in the United States Senate. There he shone distinguished among the ablest men of the Union. As to his fillibusterism, if sympathy for the oppressed Cubans, and a spirit of manly indig nation at the cold blooded massacre of Critten den ami his martyr band of enthusiasts for liber ty, a spirit of indignation at the pusillanimous character of the Fillmore administration, which encouraged Concha to the atrocity which he would not have dared t* perpetrate had Geu. eral Pierce been President—constitute fillibus terism, Mr. Soule would be proud to plead guilty to the charge. Beyond this, no act or speechYff his can be produced which would jus tily Spanish pride and insolence in taking official cognizance of and offence at. He is much better suited to represent Americun feeling and opinion at the .Spanish Court, than any willow backed toady of royalty and aristocracy that would have been more in conformity to a Fill more dynasty. The former represents the Ame rican people as embodied in the Administration. The other would have represented that sort of conservatism which sides with power and privi lege, and is distrustful of the popular will and the popular sympathies. Another charge against the President is thus expressed: “A member of the rigid Presbyterian School, which in time of the Scotch Covenanters de tested policy, you have placed at the disposal of the Catholic Bishop a man-of-war of the navy, at the very time, too, when they are attacking the freedom of our educational system/’ This assault upon the Catholics is as wanton as it is unjust and uncalled for. We challenge the proof of the allegation that the Catholics are attacking the freedom of our educational system. That denomination of Christians have their own system of education, tinder their own teachers, and it is to their great credit that theirs are among the most thorough and valuable schools and seminaries of the country ; so much so that thousands of protestant youth are sent to them by their parents as a matter of free choice. In Maryland, the Catholics, who pay a large share p|’ the taxes, are claiming their pro rata share of the common school fund, to be appropriated to j their schools. They ask,.as a matter of right, that they be allowed this, and not be compelled to send their children to protestant schools in order to get the benefit of this educational fund. Beyond this, we know of no shadow of pretext for this assault on the Catholics. The courtesy offered a Catholic Bishop, of a passage on board a man-of-war. is magnified into a grave offence on the part of the President. But the people will not countenance that secta rian intolerance or political demagogueism which would find in this a ground of warfare against the Administration. But not foreigners alone are to be proscribed— not Catholics alone are to be denounced—but the Jews are to be scoffed at and placed under the bann by the President’s assailants. Here i 3 another offence foi which the Presi dent is chi ed : “A Puritan in politics, you openly reward a Jew for using foreign money to advance your election.” Now here the gravamen of the offence is not that the President has rewarded a partizan friend for using money to advance his election, but that he rewarded a Jf.w for doing so. This is the offence that smells to heaven in the nos trils of this Whig puritan. The sarcasm thus pointed at the President and the Jews, has special reference to Mr. Auguste Belmont, a gentleman of the Hebrew blood and faith, of fine abilities, enlarged commercial intel ligence, and liberal foitune, whom the President, scorning narrow prejudices, sect, and race, has appointed Charge to Belgium. We do not propose to offer a eulogy upon the Jews, or to defend them against aspersions or proscription. It is unnecessary. The native Jews are citizens of our great country, on terms of perfect equality with other native citizens. The naturalized Jew citizens are on equal terms with other naturalized foreigners. They have equal rights, and they are capable of maintain ing them. The laws of the land, and the jus tice and good sense of the country, will combine to protect and vindicate them. They have their objectionabl etr&its. What nation of people has not? But what race of men is more temperate, more industrious, more regardful of the value of education, more charitable to the poor and the sick of their own people? How many Jew drunkards, or Jew paupers are seen in cur streets, or our poor houses ? Temperance, indus try, frugality, and thrift, mark their course, wherever the legal disabilities, which in Europe have bowed them down almost to the dust, have been removed. They have, in Europe, in spite of oppression, furnished many great men to fill high places in statesmanship, in war, in let ters, and the arts. While in this country Jew's are found occupying some of the highest w'alks in professional and political life. D’lsraeli, a Jew, one of England’s ablest of living states men, has expressed wonder that the Jews should be repudiated and sneered at by Christians, when he whom they hail as the Saviour of man kind, whose life was the sublimest example of purity and virtue, and his precepts the most per fect code of morality vouchsafed to man, was of the Jewish race. We profess no special admiration for the Jews as a people—no special sympathy for the Catho lics—but we are clearly in favor of repub lican equality among all citizens of every religious faith, and opposed to all narrow preju dices against men because they happened to have been born in foreign lands. Their coming here and being naturalized among us, is itself, evidence they prefer republican institutions, and is some guarantee of their fidelity to them Let them freely enjoy every right secured to them by our Constitution. Gen. John A. Dix. As a matter of strict justice to this gentleman, who has been denounced unsparingly, by South ern whig papeis as an abolitionist, we lay be fore the public a letter from him defining his po sition, and giving a history of bis past course on the slavery and territorial questions. It will ffie seen from this, that his sentiments were not as obnoxious to the South, as either those of Mr. Webster or Mr. Fillmore. Mr. Webster took especial pains to say, in a very that he never had consented, and never would consent to the admission of one foot of addition al slave territory into the Union. This declara tion was made even after the passage of the compromise measures. Mr. Fillmore opposed the admission of Texas—declared in a message to Congress his opposition to the acquisition of Cuba under any circumstances. He pledged himself to an abolition society, in favor of im mediate action for abolishing slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, and for the interdiction of traffic in slaves, between the Southern States Yet, under these circumstances, Mr. Webster was supported in Georgia, for President, by the Jenkins w'ing of the Whig party, and Mr. Fill more had only a few months previous been the favorite candidate in the Baltimore Whig Con vention, of these very whigs for the same office. Mr. Dix has never taken ground in opposition to the acqusition of territory, because it was slave territory, and has long since, been pledged not to oppose the acquisition of Cuba on any such ground. His opinions are less objection able to the South than those of either Mr. Webster or Mr. Fillmore : Yet, the Georgia whigs, who were willing to trust the whole government in the hands of either of these Northern men, are denouncing the Presiaent, foi p’acing Mr. Dix in a subordinate office, and declare that the ap pointment of such men, places the country and the rights of the South “ in great and imminent danger P Can there be any effrontery or hypocrisy equal to this ? Letter of Gen. John A. Dix. New York, Sept. 21,1853. Dr. I. P. Garvin— Dear Sir :—ln my lettar of the 31st ult., I in timated that I might, in a few days, write you more fully on the subject to which it related.— My objects were, Ist, to show, by what I have said on former occasions, that I was not, in that letter, expressing any new views on the points referred to, and 2d, to sustain, by references to the past, the representations of political friends in your State. I should have written you at an earlier day but for my inability to procure some of the materials I required. 1.— abolitionism. The first great movements of the abolitionists in this,State were made in 1835. To counteract them a meeting was called in September of that year, at Albany, without distinction of party. Hon. Win. L. Marcy, then Governor of the State, presided, and I, then Secretary of State, addressed the meeting and offered the resolutions all of which, with a single exception, were drawn by myself. Among them were the fol lowing : 11 Resolved, That, under the constitution of the United States, the relation of master and slave is a matter belonging exclusively to the people of each State within its own boundaries; that the general government has no control over it, that it is subject only to the respective arrange ments of the several States, within which it ex ists ; and that any attempt by the people or government of any other State, or by the gen eral government, to interfere with or disturb it would violate the spirit of the compromise, which lies at the basis ot the federal compact. “ Resolved , That the Union ot the States, which under Provideuce has conferred the rich est blessing on the people, was the result of com promise and conciliation, that we can only hope to maintain it by abstaining from all interference with the laws, domestic policy and peculiar in terests of every other State ; and that all such in terference, which tends to alienate one portion of our countrymen from the rest, deserves to be frowned upon with indignation by all who cherish the principles of our revolutionary fa thers, and who desire to preserve the constitu tion by the exercise of that spirit of amity, which animated its framers. ‘‘ Resolved , That we deprecate as sincerely as any portion of our fellow citizens, the conduct of individuals, who are attempting to coerce our brethren in other States, into the abolition of slavery by appeals to the fears of the master and the passions of the slave; that we cannot but consider them as disturbers of the public peace; and that vve will, by all constitutional and lawlul means, exert our influence to arrest the progress of measures tending to loosen the bonds of Union and to create between us and our Southern brethren feelings of alienation and distrust, from which the most fatal consequences are to be apprehended. li Resolved , That while we impute no criminal design to the greater part of those, who have united themselves to abolition societies, we feel it our duty to conjure them, as brethren of the same great political family, to abandon the asso ciations into which they have entered, and to prove the purity of their motives by discontinu ing a course of conduct, which they cannot now but see must lead to disorders and crimes of the darkest dyp.. “ Resolved, Thats while we would maintain inviolate the liberty ol speech and the freedom of the press, we consider discussions, which from their nature tend to inflame the public mind and put in jeopardy the lives and property ot our fellow citizens, at war with every rule of moral duty and every suggestion ot humanity ; and we shall be constrained, moreover, to regard those, who, with full knowledge of their pernicious tendency, continue to carry them on, as disloyal to the Union, the integrity of which can only be maintained by a forbearance on the part ot all from every species of intrusion into the do mestic concerns of others. u Resolved , That the inevitable consequence of the unconstitutional and incendiary proceedings in relation to slavery in the South must be to aggravate the condition of the blacks by exci ting distrust and alarm among the white popu lation, who, for their own protection and securi ty will be compelled to multiply restraints upon their slaves and thus increase the rigors of slave ry. “ Resolved, That the people of the South will do us great injustice if they allow them selves to believe that the few among us who are interfenng with the question of slavery, are acting in accordance with the sentiment of the north on this subject; and we do not hesitate to assure them that the great body of the northern people entertain opinions similar to those ex pressed in these resolutions. “Finally Resolved, That vve make these dec larations to our Southern brethren in the same spirit of amity, which bound together their fa thers and ours during a long and eventful strug gle for independence, and that we do, in full re membrance ofthat common association, plight them our iaith to maintain in practice, so iar as lies in our power, what we have thus solemnly declared.” These resolutions, which I offered as chairman of a committee, appointed on my motion, were enforced by a speech from myself sustaining the several positions assumed in them, as a matter of obligation and duty, arising under the political compact between the States. My sentiments are unchanged; and I have no hesitation in saying that nothing, inconsistent with them, will be found in anything I have said since that time. 2. —FRF.ESOIt.ISM. In August, 1846, when President Polk asked of Congress two millions ot dollars (afterwards increased to three millions.) with a view to ter minate the war with Mexico, a proviso was proposed by Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, and adopted by the House of Representatives, pro hibiting the introduction of slavery into any ter ritory which might be acquired,. It was sent to the Senate on the last day of the session, but was not acted on. In 1547 it was renewed, and in the mean time a large number of the non slaveholding States had passed resolutions, in structing their Senators, and requesting their Representatives in Congress to sustain it. New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island and Penn sylvania, in the order in which they are named, preceded New York in their action on this sub ject. The ground taken in Congress and in most of the States was, that, as slavery had been abolished in Mexico, it ought not to be revived or allowed to be introduced into any territory she might cede to us, as long as the latter con tinued in the territorial condition. The right of a State, on coming into the Union, to establish or legalize slavery, as a local institution was gen erally conceded. I have always considered it 1 above all control or interference by the federal government; and on the Ist of March 1847, in my first speech in the Senate, on this subject, I made the following propositions with a view to the settlement of the whole question : “ 1. All external interference with slavery in the State, is a violation of the Compromises of the Constitution, and dangerous to the harmony and perpetuity of the Federal Union. “2. If territory is acquired by the United States, it should, in respect to slavery, be left as it is found. If slavery exists therein, at the time of the acquisition, it should not be the sub ject of legislation by Congress. On the other hand, if slavery does not exist therein, at the time of the acquisition, its introduction ought to be prohibited while the territory continues to be governed as such. “3. All legislation by Congress in respect so slavery in the territory belonging to the United States,ceases to be operative, when the inhabit ants are permitted to form a State government; and the admission of a State into the Union, carries with it, by virtue of the sovereignty such admission confers, the right to dispose of the whole question of slavery without external in terference.” These propositions, I considered in substantial accordance with the resolutions of the legisla ture of the State I represented, and they were in conformity to my own opinions. It did not, of course, escape my notice, at the time I made these propositions, which were re iterated in 1848, in the words in which they are above given, (and I think I so stated to some of my associates in the Senate,) that their adoption as a final adjustment of the dispute would bring Cuba into the Union, when the proper time should arrive, as a territory first, and a State afterwards, without any question as to the existence of slavery in that Island. This, then, was the position of fourteen of the thirty States in 1848—that if any territory was acquired from Mexico (slavery having been abolished) it should continue free from slavery as long as it was governed as a territory, leaving to the people, w’hen they should organize a State, to decide for themselves what their condition in this respect should be. This position 1 sustain ed from 1847 to 1849. My convictions of its justice were, I trust, as sincere as the opinions of those from whom I differed. I have never attempted any explanation of my on this question, otherwise than as my recorded speeches in the Senate explain it; and I am sure that no thing will be found in them which can be justly considered offensive by those who disagreed with me. To the people of the State of New York, whose instructions, given through the Legisla ture, I obeyed and defended, I have always been ready to account. Some of the State Legislatures in 1848 went further, and passed resolutions against the ad mission of any future slaveholding State into the Union. I never assented to such a proposi • tion. On the contrary, I believed it to be irre concilable with our obligations to others—cer tainly to Texas, and it was inconsistent with my own views of State sovereignty. The long-pending controversy was settled af ter nay term of service in the Senate had ex pired—lst, by the admission of California into the Union, with a constitution, lormed by her self, prohibiting slavery; and 2d by the organiza tion of territorial governments for Mexico and Utah without such a prohibition. These acts were regarded, and generally acquiesced in, as a settlement of the whole question. This was my view of the subject, and I have so treated it on all occasions. 3. FUGITIVE SLAVES. I have always acknowledged the right of the slaveholding States to demand the surrender of fugitive slaves under that provision of the con stitution which requires the surrender of persons' held to service or labor, the right of Congress to legislate on the subject, and the obligation to pass an effective law. In a debate in the Senate of the United States, on the 26th July, ISIS, I made the fol lowing remarks: “The Northern States have been repeatedly charged in this debate, and on many previous occasions, with aggression and violations of the constitutional compact in their action on the subject of slavery. With regard to the surren der of fugitive slaves—the case most frequently cited—it is possible that there may have been some action, or inaction, in particular States, not in strict accordance with the good faith they ought to observe in this.respect I know not how it is, but we know there is an effective .power to legislate on thi« subject in Congress, and I am sure there will be no want of co-ope ration on our part in carrying out the require ments of the constitution, by providing alt rea sonable means for executing them.” Since the law of 1850 passed, I have uniform ly declared myself in favor of carrying it into execution, like every other law of the land.— My views with regard to this and all other obli gations of a kindred character, are clearly ex pressed in the following extract from an address delivered at Boston, in November, 1852, repeat ed on several occasions in New England, and this State, and published in January last: “ And Ist, Let it be distinctly understood, that the law must be inflexibly maintained. I use the term law, in its largest sense, not only as including what has been specifically decreed, but as comprehending the general order, on the preservation of which the inviolability of all pujjlic authority depends. The law is the will of the people, constitutionally expressed. Who ever arrays himself against it, excepting to pro cure its repeal, in the mode prescribed by the fundamental compact, commits an act of treach ery to the people themselves. “The law is the basis of all popular supremacy, ft is the very feature by which free government is distinguished from despotism. To uphold it is one of the highest duties which is devolved on us as freemen. It is always possible that those, who are intrusted with its execution, may err in the performance of their duty. They may employ unnecessary, arbitrary or even wanton severity in enforcing it. For all this they may be held to a rigid account- But no error in the execution can impair the obligation to uphold it. It must be understood, and without reservation, thatjhe law is to be inflexibly maintained.” 4. THE HIGHER LAW. In July, 1850, shortly after the promulgation of Gov. Seward’s higher law doctrine; I referred to it in an address to the democracy of Herkimer county in this State,published immediately after, in the following terms : “ In the maintenance of principles, which we believe to be vital to our honor and prosperity, let us not forget that we have duties to perform in a two fold relation, to ourselves, and others to our sister States as members of a common union, which we are pledged to maintain under all its constitutional forms, and to our democratic brethen in this btate, with whom we have been associated in numberless contests and trials. Our first duty is fidelity to the Constitution. If we fail in the observance of any one of require > merits, how can we call on the people of other States to be faithful to it? If. as has been said there is power above the Constitution, his will,, so far as it has been revealed to us, inculcates obedience to the government under which we live, while it is administered in accordance with the fundamental compact, submission to the laws, fidelity to duties arising under the Consti tution, and a spirit of justice to our political as sociates. lam in favor of conforming to all its requirements and of carrying them out fully and in good faith, no matter what they may be. No one of our obligations under the Constitution can be less imperative than another. Disobedi ence to one is infidelity to all.” * I believe I have in the foregoing remarks and extracts from speeches heretofore delivered, cov ered all the ground of imputation against me, including the proceedings of the Baltimore Con vention of 1852, which contained nothing of im portance not asserted in previous Conventions except an endorsement of the compromise mea sures as a settlement of the slavery question,and a deprecation of all future agitation of it “ here or elsewhere. In these proceedings I expressed at the first meeting held in this city to ratify them, my cordial concurrence; and I was, during the greater part of the late canvass for the Pre sidency, in the field in this and other States. It is with great regret that I have, for the first time in my life, felt constrained to vindicate myself from the imputation of sentiments I have never entertained or utttered. I had heard, pre viously to the receipt of your favor, that I was assailed by whig speakers in the South as an abolitionist; and I was willing to leave my vin dication to time and events as the best correc ted of all such misrepresentation and error. But when told by you that they were used as instru ments of assault upon the President and the De mocracy of Georgia, I felt that no personal con sideration should induce me to remain silent.— In connexion with the subject, I deem it due to myself to say, that before my letter to you of the 31st uit., was written, I had expressed to the President a desire to be relieved, as soon as the public convenience would permit, from the of fice I now hold—an office which nothing but the hope ofbeing useful to the Democratic cause in this State, would have induced me to accept —and that I am not, and have uever been by any act of my own, a candidate for any other. I am, dear sir,very respectfuly yours, John A. Dix. The Mobile papers of the 23d inst. announce the death of Dr. J. C. Notf,and Dr. Thomas G. Randolph physicians of that city. Both died of yellow fever. Cheering Prospects. Our accounts from every District in the State, in reference to the approaching election, are en couraging to the Democratic cause. We feel strong confidence in the election oi the Hon. Herschel V. Johnson. The Democrats have only to continue their efforts to the close of the p; 11s on Monday next, and the day is ours. The vic tory will be on the side of the Democracy, the Administration and the peace of the country. Agitation will be put down, the scheme of sec tional warfare upon the national administration will be nipped in the bud, and Gen. Pierce will receive the assurance that Democratic Georgia has not lost confidence in his integrity and pa triotism. Democrats!— friends of the President!—stand by him who has never, in the darkest hours of Congressional strifes, failed to stand by the South. Democrats, stand by your Standard Bearer, the pure, and able, and patriotic Johnson, who has ever been imbued with the principles, and devoted to the cause, which you all have at heart. Property Qualification for Governor. I We did Mr. Jenkins no injustice in publish- j ing the charge that he did make the speech in : the Legislature against the repeal of the Proper- j ty Qualification to the office of Governor. We did him no injustice in supposing that he had made the speech, and forgotten it. We are now prepared to reiterate the charge, that he did, in 1847, leave the speaker’s chair, and make a speech in opposition to the repeal. We are furnished with the names of gentle men, who were members of the Legislature of 1847, as authority for the charge. Mr. Jenkins has not denied it. He will not deny it, nor wiil any one else deny it for him. The certificates of some of the most respecta ble citizens of the state, testifying that they heard the Tspeech, will be furnished if neces sary. I1P“ Post Masters and other Friends, will oblige us by sending the returns of their respective counties as soon as made known. The State Fair. The preparations for the State Fair at Augusta, to commence on the 17th of next month, are on the most ample scale and got up in a very taste ful manner. The grounds will now well repay a visit, and all who see them must agree with us that the committees who have the matter in charge, deserve great credit for the manner in which they are performing their duties. From the last Madison Visitor, we take the following description of the Fair Ground : Augusta— the Fair. —We paid a visit last week to our old friends in Augusta, and availed ourselves of the opportunity to visit the Fair Ground, and the accommodations for the Exhibi . tion in October. Time and space afford an op portunity for a very limited notice of the ar rangements. The ground is one mile and a half in circumference, enclosed by a substantial plank fence, seven feet high. The main entry to the ground is by the Secretary’s office, GO by 18 feet, with 10 windows and three doors; the Machine shop is 100 by 40 leet, posts 10 inches square, four feet in the ground; Ceral Hall 100 by 40, 18 windows; Floral Hall, the same; a Hall 150 feet in length, to be used as required ; two other large Halls; and Ladies Saloon,4o by 20. 140 stalls for horses; 100 hog pens ; 100 sheep pens; poultry yard ; and three tents, which will hold several hundred persons each. 200,000 feet lum ber have been used, and certainly no expense or pains have been spared in the arrangements made. Four pumps have been or are to be sunk, and a beautiful rivulet passes through the ground, convenient to the stock department. The whole ground is a beautiful level, and a portion well shaded. A gentleman who has travelled exten sively, and had opportunities of information, re marked to us, that the Augusta Fair Ground was equal to any in the United States. Views of a Scott Whig. A clear and forcible writer in the Central Georgian , a National Scott Whig in politics, and who wore the Scott uniform last year, has been expressing his view’s of the “ Republic m Citi zens” movement of Messrs. Toombs, Jenkins and Stephens, in a series of well written essays, lie addresses his communications to Mr. Ste phens; from one of which we extract the follow ing comment on Mr. Jenkins’ change of position since last year: His position is inconsistent, if not wrong, as I infer from some sentiments contained in his let ter of acceptance, when compared with others, contained in his letter to the Savannah Repub lican. In the latter, he holds this language ; *’ With a stronger desire than ever betore to adhere to the National Whig party, and to give to their nominees my teeble support, I have been unable to biing my mind to the conclusion that I ought to vote for Gen. Scott.” Precisely one year and one day, from the time he penned these words, expressing the strongest desire he ever had, to adhere to the national whig party, he wrote his letter of acceptance, in which he thus expresses himself: “ It is with me, no new opinion, that we have all greatly erred in chaining State interests to the car of national polities.” There is not the utterance of a single regret, or the appearance of a single reluctant thought at the idea ol cutting loose all connection with a party, which twelvemonths before, he desired more than ever to adhere to. In that short time, if any change has taken place in the prin ciples of the national W’hig party, I am not aware of it; or any other change, which could give so warm a devotee as Mr. Jenkins then expressed himself, just ground to repudiate it now. Bat, sir. this is not all. In speaking of the principles of the convention of “ Republican citi zens,” a« set toith in their resolutions, he says : “ I take courage in the consciousness that they command my heart’s warm devotion.” One of the principles of that Convention is to denounce the national whig party as “ failh -1 less to its oft repeated pledges of economy.” So we find him, not only ready to do it himself, but encouraging others to abandon the name, princi i pie, and affiliation w’ith the national whig par ty, which twelve months before he so earnestly desired to adhere to; and not only that, but joining heartily in the censure and condemna tion of that party. Sir, it does seem to me that men might invent some means of forsaking their party without giving it an ill-name. But I suppose it is nec essary to make some excuse for the desertion. Yet, it can certainly be no good reason why Mr. Jenkins should assist in reviving an or< raniza tion, which one year ago, he considered dissol ved by limitation—and become politically de nationalized lor the sake of the very men, from w’hom a decent remark towards Mr. Fillmore’s administration could not be W'rung: —and to gain whose support now, he agrees to abandon name, principles, and national connection, and abuse the whig party into the bargain. If Mr. Toombs is really opposed to Mr. Jen kins receiving the nomination at Milledgeville, on the 22d of June, and was disposed to harbor feelings of resentment, he would most assuredly be recompensed for his disappointment, when he thus beheld Mr. Jenkins drink to* the dregs, this humiliating cup of his infidelity. I therefore repeat, Mr. Jenkins is in a false position ; and if it does not injure his reputation, it must diminish his popularity. 1 have, but to consider, in a shoit letter, yourself and Mr. Toombs’ connection in placing Mr. Jenkins where he now is—and how it could have been avoided, with honor to the whig party, and sure success to him. Very respectfully, One of the People. Montpelier Female Institute. We would call the attention of parents and guard ; ans, to the advertisement of this flourish ing Institute, which will be found in this day’s paper. In speaking of this Institution, the Sa vannah News of the 26th inst., remarks : “The prosperity of this excellent institution* should be, as we believe it is, to the people o Georgia, a subject of state pride. Possessing all the advantages of education afforded by the high est Female Seminaries in the country, it affords the no less important advantages of exemption from those influences which have been found to operate injuriously upon the pupils of the larger and more mixed Schools of other sections.— Watched by the vigilant care of the Right Rev. Bishop Elliot, and under the Guardianship of some of our most worthy citizens, with a corps of tried and approved teachers, in every depart ment, the Montpelier Institute offers advanta ges to pupils and security to parent and guar dians, which are rarely found in similar Institu tions.” Accident to the Welaka.— The steamboat Welaka left here as usual for Florida on Saturday last, but went to sea instead of going the inland passage to Darien. A few miles to the South of Warsaw Sound, about 11 o’clock, on Saturday j both cranks were broken. The engineer was sent in a boat to Thunderboldt, and thence came to this city for assistance. The steamer Cal houn left yesterday morning quite early, and found the Welaka drifting, as the chains of both anchors had parted, and towed her to this city last evening. No person was injured, and it is probable that the Welaka will be repaired in sea son for her next regular trip.— Sav. Rep., 26 th xnst. [communicated.] Troupville, Sept. 24th, 1853. iur. Gardner: Before I left my residence in Morgan for one in Lowndes, I laid myself under the obligation of a promise, to many of my per sonal friends, to give them some account of this section of the state : and I propose to fulfil the obligation, through the medium of your paper, provided, you deem the communication worthy so much space in its columns. In regard to commercial facilities, this portion of Georgia has been, for many years, far behind many other sections. But a brighter day is dawning upon us. The Brunswick Railroad, no longer problematical, designed to connect the Atlantic with the gulf, will pass through the centre of this county. And the Savannah road, intended to form another connection of the same waters, will in all probability pass through or near the upper part of the county. Thus, we shall be placed in juxtaposition with the best markets, both of the East, and of the West. When these roads shall be completed, the com mercial advantages of this section may justly be expected to excel those of any other section of the United States. In relation to the Brunswick road, the general and well founded expectation is, that it will be extended as far, at least, as Lowndes county, in time for the crop succeeding the present. And the people of Savannah have too much energy and foresight to suffer their road to lay very far behind. With these facts before us, it seems unnecessary to say more on the sub ject of commercial facilities, for all can see and comprehend them. In morals and refinements of civilization, though we may be less advanced than we might desire, still we are in advance of many other sections and rapidly improving. The original frontier settlers have given way and are still giving w r ay to a moie permanent, substantial and civilized population ; and wealth with its consequent re finement is fast flowing into the country. The Parson and the Pedagogue too, are getting abroad, and schools and churches, ol respectable grade are becoming common every day occurrences. With regard to health, a subject upon which, prior to my removal to this section, I felt more anxiety than on any other -subject connected with the condition of the country, a residence of nearly nine months, with the observation which I have been able to make, and the information which I have been able to collect has convinced me that Lowndes is not excelled by any other portion of Georgia, of equal extent. It is true, that we are not exempt from sickness, (chiefly the milder grades of bilious intermitent) but the cases are less numerous and less malignant than in counties higher up—say in middle Geor gia. Many parts of this county will compare favorably with the most healthy spots of the mountainous regions. Our hammock lands are much more subject to chills and fevers, than the open jn ne l ar 'd- I have been surprised, and doubtless my up country friends will be surpris ed at the fact, that many persons with large families have resided in this county fifteen or twenty years, and during that time have not had a case of serious sickness in their families. Such however is the? fact, and I could name several instances in my neighourhood. My own family have never been more healthy than they have been during the time of my residence here. They have been much more healthy than they were inJMorgan, Clarke or Walton, while I re sided in those counties. We are now nearly past what is here called the sickly season, I have of course had the opportunity of some experience of the country, and my deliberate opinion is that Lowndes is as healthy as any other part ot Geor gia. As a stock-raising country, Southern Georgia, tor many years has been one of the very best and is at this time not easily excelled. Yet the great influx of population, now like a tide setting in this direction, may well be expected in a few years materially to change this feature of the country. Indeed, so rapidly is immigration into this part of the country going on, that lands have advanced in value, within less than three years past more than one hundred percent:— and must continue to advance rapidly for many yeatstocome. With a full conviction of these facts I feel no hesitation in advising my friends, who may have entertained a design to remove to this section to lose no time in securing settle ments of land. If they should not be ready to move now, still I advise them to buy lands with out delay. They can lose nothing by doing so. They can make no better investment of their money, for the advance in the value of land will pay a better profit than any other investment within my knowledge. Speculating companies seem to be well apprized of this tact, tor the country is full of their agents, who are securing all the lands they can get hold of. The agriculture of this country, yet partakes of the rudeness incident to newly settled coun tries ; hut appears to be in a state of transition, approximating to that of older sections. Still with this imperfect cultivation, farmers here do realize large profits from their tarms. All the grains excepting perhaps wheat, flourish luxuri antly here. This grain has not been cultivated hitherto to a great extent; owing either to an impression of its uncertainty, or to a Jack of mills suited for che manufacture of good flour—or rather to both these causes combined with a scarcity ot open lands. Yet lam acquainted with some few farmers who have cultivated wheat for twelve or fifteen years, and within that time have not lost a crop. The wheat crop however is sometimes materially injured by rust. The fruits generally, and especially the fig, the grape, and pomgranate, grow in great per fection. The apple, the orange and peach, if we may judge correctly from limited experiments do well, and no country produces in greater per fection, the pea, the potato, and the melon. To bacco, arrow root, and sugar, cane grow finely here but are not generally cultivated much be yond the domestic wants, the chief attention of farmers being directed to the cultivation of a more profitable article, the great staple of the South. Os the short staple cotton, we have sev eral varieties, which yield a large recompense for the labour of the husbandman ; but all these are rapidly giving place to a more profitable kind—the long or sea Island cotton ; to the pro duction of which our soil and climate have been found to be well adapttd. To give some idea of the amount of profits arising from the cultiva vatioh of the long staple cotton, 1 will state a few tacts in this connection. One, to three acres of our lands (according to quality) will produce a bale, weighing 400 lbs, with the same amount ol labour that is required ior the short staple. A goed article of this cotton made in Lowndes, brought last season fifty-one cents, per pound. But expectations based upon this price might not be altogether reliable ; but a general calcula tion of 30 to 50 cents, would in all probability be entirely safe. The product per hand under moderately good management, may be safely set down at 3 to 5 bales ot 400 lbs, according to the quality of the land cultivated. With these facts before him, any farmer can es'imate the advan tages of the long, over the short staple cottons. In regard to this article, I will also state that the price is not likely to be subject to such fluctua tions, as that of other cottons ; from the fact, that its production is confined to so small a region. But this region is most rabidly being filled up with a heavy population and the lands must as a natural sequence rapidly appreciate in value. The above remarks, it is believed are true to some considerable extent, of ail southern Georgia but they have been made with a view of their | application, particularly to Lowndes county, I and adjacent portions of surrounding counties! In a subsequent communication I desire to give a more particular account of the lands as to kinds, qualities, prices, &c—but how soon, I cannot now promise. J. c. Paulett. Still Abolitionized.— Senator Toombs of Georgia proclaimed, during the fast Presidential canvass, that the Northern whig party was abo litionized. It will be seen by the following from the central organ of the New York whigs, the Albany Evening Journal, that there has been no im pro vent in their ranks since the announce ment mentioned above was made. They are ! still abolitionized, and avow their determination of remaining so for all coming time : “That the great mass of whigs are imbued with emancipation sympathies, is true beyond denial, and if that ‘be treason, then make the most of it.’ On all legitimate issues between the free and slave States, if properly and sea ! sonably taken by the North, or forced by the | South, whigs will be found on the side of free | dom. Whigs will again oppose, should the ques tion return, the extension of slavery over free territory.” This is a fair warning, of which the whigs of the South will do well to take note. Wonder if Mr. Jenkins still entertains “a greater desire than ever to adhere to the whig party ?” It must be a strong stomach that di gests such a melange as the whig party is com posed of. —florid ian. u* ‘ • HLEGRa PiT^ RiCßjtoN^Ts^tT 27 p’!?"’ Th» Great Raoe-Hina Viot„H OU8 M ' The great race of the season, si o ooo! was won by Nina, in two straight heats T 1 three minutes fifty-four and one quarter'**’ the first heat; second heat, three minnt forty-eight seconds. * ®hd New Orleans, Sept. 27 Yellow Fever. fever. 6 intem,entS were 33,14 by ,„ w 13 At Mobi!e ’ the interments were 20, by fever Cotton Market. Cotton is dull, and has declined half tn h, quarters of a cent. Middling quoted at V Z good Middling 10) cents. ' #nd Coffee has declined and prime Ri o i s Wn ., 10J to 105 sents. Charleston, Sept. 27 p \r Cotton. Sales to-day, 200 bales, at Si toL r T L York, Sept. 26 Cotton.—The market is unchanged S-l lOOO.bales. 3 Sa!es L Correspondence of the Georgia Citizen.] ~ T 1 , Sept. 21, lsfii I have never before, found the nositUn , my party, (if I may call that my ra £ embodies most of the men I have E; J*s with, politically.) such as I could not constant and willingly adopt. I have been an ae£ participant in all the elections in Georsia . nearly twenty-tive years-I mean President!? Gubernational and Congressional; and haven?’ er aspired to, or sought office, or public employ ment of any kind, and have never been in anv I have been content to vote with my party support its principles. You may rest assnw therefore, that I feel much regret at bein« placed in a position that fbrees me to do what Ido 2 approve, or bid adieu, for, no one knows how long,to what was once the Whig party. I was t J first W hig so cal ed, 111 Georgia. The late Gov J. h. Calhoun, 1 believe, was the second man whom I heard express himself favorable to ta king the Whig name. That was in 1833-we were all State Rights men then-and did notful ly adopt the Whig name till 1840. I have vo ted for and acted with, many gallant noble hear ted fellows, who have since gone over to the De mocracy:—some are now dead, and some yet liv' ing. Among the latter, I sometimes see men-" tioned Geo. R. Gilmer, Wilson Lumpkin, Henrv G. Lamar W T Colquitt, A. A. Chappell, John H Howard, Mark A. Cooper, & c> , &c. i m still a Whig. Nor can I consent, for the sake of doing mv self the honor ot voting for Charles J. Jenkins to abandon the Whig name, the principles, and the national connection with the great Whig party of the Union; and be led about in the wan derings of Senator Toorr.bs and Mr. A. H. Ste phens. These men are talented, I know; but l cannot see why L saould be their blind follower for that. It doe& not appear to make them any the more honest, or serviceable, or the less ambi tious. I could have had more confidence in these men, if they had not so willfully betrayed their | party in 1852. \ might even have been indue i ed to loMow them so far, at this time, as to vote j for Mr. Jenkins, but for the total disregaad the}, 1 find the latter’s particular lriend3, seemed to ! manifest towards the Scott men, —and the un ! just proscriptions, in many instances, with i which the latter have been treated. I do not j believe we can ever be reconciled, and we might as well part now, before they gain greater ad vantage over us by our support. Messrs. Toombs and Stephens are determ 1 Red to carry out their sectional party ism, and I am as deter mined (and every Scott man ought to be also) not to go with them. But says onp, if you don’t support Jenkins, the Southern Rights Democaats will get into power with Johnson. Well, suppose they do, what then ? Why Georgia will be endorsing Mr. Pierce’s administration. If that is all let it ! be so. Georgia, through the conduct of these j men, was made to vote for Mr. Pierce ; and Mr. ; Pierce is as good, and sound, and honest now, as he was then. Mr. Pierce has not deceived me. j When Messrs. Toombs and Stephens recom -1 mended him to the Union Party, I did not take | their advice,bind 1 shall not now. j But, says a zealous Jenkins man, your old party friends will be in power, if he (Jenkins) is elected. That may be. But I have seen enough to satisfy me that that will not “ inure” to tbe 1 benefit of the Scott men, any more than if | Johnson is elected. 1 just believe that if Jenkins : is elected, the Scott nr.en will receive no favor; they i will be kept down wherever there is power to do it. ! It cant he worse it Johnson is elected. On the ; contrary, we shall be on an equal footing with i the “Republican Citizens” and “Tertium > Quids.” No, Dr. Andrew's, I have never seen in Geor • gia, a contest so perfectly for mere power, beiore. | There is in truth, no regard for high principle. | The “Republican citizens” certainly have the [ advantage of pretension, —and it is on!}' preten | sion. Men ought to have more sense thanto I believe, that a great national principle is to bepn- I served and made effectual, by a mere local, sectional organization. It must be firmly engrafted upon our national politics, by a universal national fel lowship w'ith national parties, before it can be made to work any permanent good. Hence, it there is any principle connected with ! this Gubernatorial canvass, it is the maintain* j ance of the Compromise. To this both parties I are pledged. If Mr. Jenkins is elected, it is | maintained here per se ; but what claims has he, or his party, on any organized party, North or ; South, to second his position ? On the Whigs. certainly none. And the Democracy will not i recognize the claim, coming from him; while j he is nothing more than the representationoU : mere local body of citizens. If Mr. Johnson is ; elected, the principle will also be maintained in ! Georgia, if there is any thing in pledges; and his connection with the Democracy of the North, will be a claim upon them not to be disregard- I ed. I take it, therefore, that “the dignity of the position of Georgia in 1851,” will be maintain ed in either instance:—And in the event ot Johnson’s election, with the advantage of aM tional organization to support it, —which M r - Jenkins loses by the sectional character of tbe party he heads. lam no Democrat, nor frier u of the Democratic party,—yet I cannot but ac knowledge its advantages, by national connec tion, in the maintainance of a great principal over those of the ‘ Republican Citizens.” * enl satisfied the lattei will find their severance from all national affiliation, in the end, to be a matm of no small consequence. There must bean an sw-ering signal from some friendly part,or taeir barque w ill founder. They cannot ride outtrw storms which occur in our political elf®^ 1 ’ without some place to setter them ; and if ‘he) will have no friendly alliance, they must be 3 ' about till they go down. . | lam under no obligations as a Scott Whig, support either, but if I vote, it must be as 1 e lieve will best secure and make permanen rights we of the South contend for. Yours friend, ’ Creek, murder was committed in this vicinity, night of the 10th instant, on the person of miah Fuller, a respectable young man, who brought to an untimely end by a stab 0 person, which caused instant death, by one W. Martin,who is safely lodged in Clarksv) to await his trial. —Mountain Signal , 24 tn ‘ Arrivals at the Railroad House,Stone Moua tain, Ga., Sept. 23. clark & hitchcock, Proprietors. John Duncan, Milledgeville. John Finn. Augusta. Hon. A. H Stephens, Craw'fordsviile. Mrs. Wright, Yan Wert, Ga. Jas. M. Gordon, Savannah. B. Gresham and Lady, Lexington. Mr. Cleveland, Lawrenceville. M. B. Grady, Benton, La. Wm. Hill, Lawrenceville. B. R. Doyle, Milledgeville. J. Dunham, Cl’nton, Ga. Henry L. Bust and Lady, Mt. Zion. Mrs. Grimes and Serv’t, Greensboro. Mrs. Lewis and Serv’t, Sparta. Dr. Doyle,, Atlanta. -John Reynolds, Atlanta. H. A. Murry, Brazelia, Sam’l F. Alexander, Lawrenceville. W. Breman, Atlanta. Miss Cosgrove, Augusta. T. W. Landrum, Lexington. A.S. Barnwell, S. C.