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J&isrtlltmrims. [.From the N. O. Delta, 22rf inst.} Later from Havana. —Execution of the Fifty-one Americans. Havana, Ang. 17, 1851, Eds. Delta: —l regret to inform you that the American prisoners, (fifty-one in number,) were executed yesterday, at 12 o’c ock, M. Some of them were dragged to the place ol execution on their faces, and others were seen with their ears cut off. The Spaniards spit in their faces, struck them, and heaped upon them every imaginable species of taunts, insults and abuse, previous to their execution. Alter the tragedy, the brains of some of the victims were exhibited, and the most brutal acts of barbarity witnessed. The Americans here were not even permitted to give the bodies of these unfortunate victims of Spanish cruelty a decent burial. They were shot like dogs, and theii "bodies were hauled two miles, and thrown into a hole. The military stole their clothing, hats, boots, and stripped theinot every thing, besides inhumanly mutilating their bodies, —cutting off their ears, and fingers. Such was the fate of these heroic martyrs to Cuban Liber ty, and such the scenes which marked their ex ecution I The prisoners were not allowed to speak to any one after they had been condemned to be shot; but Col. Crittenden asked to be shot unshackled, but was refused. He met his fate bravely—like a real hero and a true soldier. It is with pain and mortification I note the fact that the American Consul evinced so little sym pathy for his unfortunate countrymen. They were confined in the Esperanza six hours, and he had ample time and opportunity to visit them, had he been so disposed—so no excuse can be raised on that score. He was repeatedly called upon and begged to visit them, in order to learn if the poor fellows had any words to send to their mothers, sisters, or friends, in their dying mo ments, but he peremptorily refused to have any thing to do with them. Had he desired it, he could have obtained permission to visit them as well as Costa, of New Orleans. He has the watch of one of them, and fourteen letters weie given him, which they had addressed to their Irieti'i -, at home. Thank God ! they died like men—brave and valiant to the last! The Creoles are charged with cowardice, but with what degree of justice, I am not. at present, prepared to say. What can they do, when the fact that Lopez has but 300 or 400 men in par ty, is taken into consideration ? They have done ——. -ip)] - IU.! u*ul J remembered that three thous and troops are in the field, well officered, armed and equipped. The fact cannot be ascertained, but it is thought by some that the prisoners were surprised by su perior numbers of Spanish troops, and surrender til under the promise of pardon, or they would not have given themselves up without a strug gle. Wo are watched and hunted here like so many dogs. Twenty-five hundred resolute men can take the whole island, and keep it. You must arouse our people, or every Ameri can citizen on this island will die a victim to Spanish tyranny. There is no safety even for those who reside here, and their number is small. As to the Creoles, they cannot do much, unless they obtain immediate assistance. The charge that they lack courage, does them great injustice. What can they do in their helpless condition 7 Pinar del Rio has risen, and Guanazhay has pronounced. But can they hold out?—that is the question. All we want, all we ask for, is 2500 men. With that number Cuban Indepen dence would be established in less than two months. 1 enclose you a bulletin of the Faro, giving you the names of the unfortunate men, who were cap tured and executed. They had no one to rep resent them. The Consul was afraid of losing his popularity, and excused himself, when re quested to visit the prisoners, on the ground that the'tifovoinment had declared them outlaws, and that they should have remained at home. Vet, he says, he ts as anxious as any one to have the island free! All I hope t\ir so that the Spaniards will do some act that ’till cause our Government to come down on them. The brutes are becoming very saucy since their success. They call us Indians, heretics, pirates, thieves, filibusteros, and every thing else that and would take our livea, if they dared, and will do it yet, if we are not veiy c tutioul. It is unnecessary to say more, as the papers will furnish you,with the particulars of the re cent events on this unhappy island. There are many young men on the steamer, from whom you can get all the news herein men tioned, confirmed. 0:; Board Steamship Chf.rokei:, | Havana, Aug. 10,1851. j Eds. Delta i write this to send by the mail to-morrow, to inform you of the arrival of the Pampero at, a place called Papos, some seventy miles from this city'. On landing, the patriots had a fight, the result of which was that 130 Spaniards were killed. A party numbering about sixty, in endeavoring to get around a point of land, in lighters or small boats, to attack a small town, were discovered and run down by the Spanish steamer Habanera, which took some fifty-two of them prisoners. They were brought to this city, and shot this morning at 10 o'clock, without judge or jury. You will receive by this mail a printed list of their names. Forty of them were Americans, and twelve were foreigners. Their the most inhuman butchery that ever teyv" ' ~.<*■f£v country—ll soldiers ‘ ,a and then to uayonet mi lie (he of their nuiaWß After which, they were dragged down the hills and thrown into wagons, with their heads hanging out. Their clothes, caps, hats and shoes, were taken by the crowd, and carried as trophies through the city. Now for my own trouble. Mr. Kennedy, of your city, in company with myself and seven teen of our passengers, went on shore this morn ing, and having procured nine cabs, or rather yolantes, rode out about three miles, tea place called Bishop's Garden. On our return, the horse attached to the carriage occupied by myself and Mr. My firs, of Mississippi, in the rear of the par ty, suddeni s' balked and stopped. After coaxing him to go, and finding him no go, l got out, and was forcing him to go ahead, when, suddenly, a Spanish officer earne up and ordered the driver to drive us to the prison In vain did we ask what was our crime. No one could, pr at least would speak a word of English. The head officer not being in at the time, we were escorted from one prison to another, through nearly all of the pub lic streets of Havana, with two soldiers on each side, and a crowd which increased as we pro gressed, following us, crying out, “Pirates!'’ ‘'Pa triots!” "Americans!" &c. At last the others who had paraded us, receiv ed an order from the main prison to conduct us to the Captain General's headquarters, to which place the crowd, about five hundred strong, fid lowed us, hooting at us as we passed. On ar riving at the Governor's, we were placed be tween a file of two dozen soldiers. After wait ing about 4 halt hour, he arrived and heard the charge which the officer made against us. which tvs*''- that we had made various signs—such as dravvi J'S our fi |1 S ers across our throats—and, fur ther thW v,e drawn pistols and knives on hiii; I for an interpreter, and after learn ing his charges, told the Captain General that every word spoken »"t lle Spanish scoundrel was a lie. He then ordered his men to release us, which was done forthwith, M'd we walked out, feeling much lighter, and breatil* n ß much freer, as, at one time, I assure you, I thought the Mora Castle was our doom. We had walked but about three blocks ffotti the place of our release, when we were again ar rested by the same officer, who threatened to : keep us 6afe, unless we would give him money. Three gentlemen, Spaniards—the only ones of that caste that I have seen in this city since 1 have been here—one of whom spoke a little En- j glisii—told us that if those officers got a chance at us they would most assuredly stick a knife in j us. and that the sooner we got to our friends the better it would be for us; and, further, two of them said they would pilot me a short distance out of their way. I felt a little shy of them, as they had deceived me before, yet I thought it best to trust to luck. I had gone but a short distance when the}’ again arrested me, I then used ray physical strength, knocked them down, ran off, and finally got on board the boat. My companion, however, was not so successful, as he was retak en, and is not yet released. I forgot, however, to say that at the first prison they searched us, and stole from me a small pen knife, which I shall hold the city responsible for. The city is all commotion, and the people are down in the mouth. You can put this in your paper with my name attached, if you deem it worthy of a place in your columns. You can rely upon its correctness. Yours respectfully. BENJ BUTMAN, of N. Orleans. Tbo tblUW'ng is a list of the names of those i . r w £ Crittenden, Capt. Frederick S. shot. Col W.*. K L . e| * t Jas Brandti drat S j*Bryce, Lieut. Thos. C. .lames. S.r. John Fisher.'capt. T. S. Veaeey, Surge™ K. A. Forniquet, Sergeant J. hiterens. Ser geant A. M. Cotchett, Sergeant G. ,M. Green, sergeant S. Salmon F-. T. Collins, James Stan ton Soldiers, N. H. Fisher, Wm. Chilling, G. 4. Cook, S. O. J nes, M. H. ®alj,C. C.Wm. Snath, A Ross P. Brourke, John Christfoes, William H. Holmes, Samuel Mills, Edward Rulman, Wiliam Little. George W. Arnold, R- J • re §y• Robt. Cantley, John G, Sanka, Wm, Niseman. Serg’nt. Napoleon Collins, Adj t. R. C. Standford, Thos. Harnatt, A. Torres Hernandez, Patuck Dilion, Alex. Mellcer, Thomas Hearsey. Great Meeting of the Friends of Onba. An immense gathering of our citizens, collect, ; ed last evening in Lafayette Square, to express j their disgust at the act of unparalled barbarism perpetrated by the Spanish authorities in Cuba, against a few of the brave followers of Gen. Lopez, who were made prisoners by the Spaniards in the chances of war. The vast multitude was addressed by Cols. Field and Wheat, who spoke in impassioned strains of the character of those of their friends •vho had been sacrifilfed on the altars of Spanish cruelty. They expatiated on the sacredness of the cause of liberty in which they fell, and ex pressed their willingness to spend and be spent for Cuba and the Cubans. Judge Walker being loudly called for, addles sedthe crowd, counselling them to observe the calm and dignified demeanor of freemen, having, as they had, a great wrong to avenge,—an in sult to wipe out. Acts of individual violence and passion would only weaken a feeling which ought to be concentrated-and irresistible. The patriots must be helped—bravely, substantially, effectually, and a monument for those who have fallen, must be erected iu the lovely isle dor whose liberties they fell. The speakers were often interrupted by loud ■ outbursts of applause, which showed a united- ' ness of feeling, ahd a determinatfon to act, tm | the part of the hearers, which could not be readi ly silenced or put down. The following resolutions were then read to j the meeting, and unanimously adopted, after which the crowd quietly dispersed : Res-J.ed, That, as American citizens, wa pledge ourselves to avenge the slaughtered vir tims of Spanish barbarism, who were murdered in cold blood by the miniofis of despotism in Havana, on the 16th of August, instant. Resolved , That the murder of these men, un- 1 der the circumstances, is the most infamous deed of the age, and should place its perpetrators and abetters beyond the pale of humanity or mercy. Resolved. That we deplore the loss of the gal lant young men who risked their lives and all in I the sacred cause of human liberty, and tender our- sympathy to their afflicted relatives and friends. Resolved, That Concha has shown himself to be the most dastardly and blood-thirsty villian of the age, whom it is the duty of all mankind to pursue with their hatred and vengeance, until his own life shall expiate those of his murdered victims. Resolved , That all the aiders and abettors in New Orleans, of the barbarous dynasty of Spain in Cuba, should be treated by all Americans with I scorn, contempt, and that hostility due to allies j of such a cause, accursed, as it must be, by God and man. Resolved, That we will aid the patriot cause : in the Island of Cuba, at any and every sacrifice, ; and with all the means in our power. Resolved, That, as from the slaughter of Alamo and Goliad, sprung with renewed vigor the germ of Texan liberty, so shall that of the gallant Crittenden and his brave companions, impart new strength and vigor to the Tree of Cuban In dependence. The Excesses of Yesterday and Last Night. We regret that the exciting news received yesterday morning from Cuba, produced such a feeling of popular indignation among our citi- I zens, that acts of violence were done by them, S which in their “ sober second thoughts,” they will themselves condemn. The first object on j which popular vengeance was wrecked, was the printing office of that villainous Spanish sheet, " La Union,” which, for months past, has been casting forth its toad-like venom oti the Ameri can character and name. The types were east into the streets, the press was torn down, carried away in triumph, and broken; and the paper for a prospective edition, was scattered to the winds. No violence was used on the persons of any of the inmates of the printing office. The next attack was made on the cigar shop of B. Gonzales, at the corner of Gravier and St. Charles streets. This attack was provoked on the part of Gonzales, who declared to a young gen j t leman of the city, that all the accounts of an in surrrection in Cuba were wholly false. On this, words arose, and Gonzales moved to get a pistol. Mr. M., the young gentleman on this, drew his pistol and warned the Spaniard that if he stirred, it was at his peril. Another Spaniard came to the rescue of his friend, and he was also kept at bay by Mr. M. A crowd now.rushed in from the street, and committed some few excesses, but were even tually quieted and the shop was shut up. In about an hour, Gonzales opened his door, and, armed with a dagger and a dirk, he dared any one to attack him. His foolish banter was met by a volley of brickbats, after which he made a rush through the crowd severely stabbing two men, who opposed his way. He ran in the po lice office and thereby obtained protection from the vengeance of the pursuers, but his shop was now re-entered by the crowd, and its contents were cast into the streets. An American flag flung forth by a lady, from an upper window saved other portions of the building from vio lence. AH this was done during the course of the af ternoon. In the evening the “ Jenny Lind Sa ! loon,” at the corner of St. Charles and Perdido streets, shared the fate of the Gonzales cigar shop. It was rumored that other Spanish coffee -1 fiouses would be attacked, but the crowds de j sisted. on the protestations of the parties that they favored the cause of Cuban liberty. While these scenes \yepe being enacted, the Spanish Consul’s sign was torn down from his office and burnt, and a headless effigy of the Consul was borne by an indignant crowd, through the principal streets of the city. It was rumored that tfie American Consul at Havana would be : treated to a like mark of respect to-night. We j shall see what we shall see, Capture of the Fifty. We heard, yesterday, that the Fifty Patriots j who were so inhumanly butchered in Havana, ! were captured by the upsetting of two rafts, on j which they were proceeding to get in the rear of the Spanish army. These * Its, we learn, • were run info by a Spanish sterner, and the men being thus thrown into the water, were taken one by one. The following letters from that gallant young Creole hero, Victor Kerr, are among the last which he ever wrote. They were written in a ! bold and muscular style of ehirography, and will | sufficiently refute the unfounded vuo<,qrs touching their tenor, put into circulation yesterday by the enemies of Cuban liberty: To His Wife. My Dear Felicia . Adieu, my dear wife; this is t}j£ last letter that you will receive from your Victor, Jit one hour I shall be no more. Embrace ali of n?y friends for ine. Never mar iry again; it is my desire. Vs y adieus to my sis i ters and brothers. Again, a last adieu, i die j like a soldier. , Your husband, vk toe krkk. ; August 16, 1851—6 o'clock. To ins FillENr-.t. Mtj dear Friends: (leave ■ jii forever, and 1 go to the other world. lam prisoner in Havana, and in an hour 1 shall have ceased to exist. My dearest friends, think often of me. I die wor thy of a Creole,(worthy of a Louisiana!!, and of a Kerr. My dearest friends, adieu for the last | time. Your devoted friend, victor kerr. To N. Larose,H. Bouligny, Leon Fazende,\Vil j Ham G. Vincent, Felix Arroyo. August 10, 1851—61 o’clock. [ From the N. O. Picayune, 23 d insl.\ Gen. Lopez and his Followers. The Delta of last evening publishes the follow ing letter from Adjutant Satnford, which ex plains partially the manner in which our unfor tunate countrymen inet their untimely late: Havana, Aug 16, 1851. Dear Muling: —We arrived on the Island of j Cuba after the most horrible passage you can con ceive of, cooped o« board with 400 or 500 men. We arrived on Sunday last, I believe—dates I have almost forgotteu. The next morning, Lo pez, with Gen, Paraguay and all the comantiing officers, left us—(l mean Crittenden and his bat talion.) Wo heard nothing more of him for two days, when Crittenden despatched a note. He then requested we should join him at a little town some six or eight miles off, leaving us in the meantime lo take care of all the baggage,&e. We started for him on Wednesday morning, at 2 o'clock, A. M., and had proceeded only three 1 miles, when we were attacked by 500 Spanish soldiers. In the first charge I received a very severe wound in the knee. We repulsed them, however. They made another charge, and | completely routed us. We spent two days qnd j nights the most miserable you can imagine, in the eheparel, without anything to eat or drink. We made the best of our way to the seashore, and found some boats with which we put to sea. Spent a night upon the ocean, and next day, about 12 o’clock, were taken prisoners by the Habanero, were brought to Havana last night Otltl condemned to die this morning. We shall all be shot in an hour. Good bye, and God bless you. I sen dthe Ma sonic medal enclosed in this, belonging to my father. Convey it to my eist.er. Mrs. P n, I and tel) her of my fate. Once more, God bless ! you. Stanford. i From this and from a comparison with the j official reports of the Spanish officers, we are en ; abled to construct a more connected and proba ble narrative of the events which led to the un happy catastrophe than has yet been given. Gen. Lopez, on landing near Bahia Honda, with the main body of his forces, consisting of about 300 men, advanced towards Las Pazas, a small I town a few miles ill the interior, leaving Col. | Crittenden and his command, UJ strong, in | charge of the baggage. That night or the next j day, the steamer Pizarro landed 700 Spanish ; troops at Bahia Honda, and these advancing j towards the place of Lopez’s landing, cut off | Crittenden’s men from their companions. On the second night afterwards, this party deter mined to attempt to form a junction with Lopez, baton the road were attacked by an overwhel ming body of troops, and after a short struggle were on the second charge routed and dispersed. After wandering about in the thickets, fifty of them got together and made tb.eir way to the sea shore, where they seized lour small boats and j endeavored to make their escape, when they were captured, as has been related in the official report ol' Admiral Bustillus There are still sixty four of this command to be accounted for. of these, forty were surprised and shot at a small farmhouse. A Spanish lieqteqant reports that on the Uth he came upon twenty “pirates” par ding an equal number of wounded comrades, all .of whom were immediately put to death. The reiJJiiining twenty-four, or such of them as had not been filled in battle, probably cDctipaed to wander in the vicinity until, we are forced to believe, they also Were taken and slaughtered, j The .other party, under Lopez, if received i the attack of the Spaniards, in alarm house at; Jvas Pozas, and beat the,m off with severe loss, at : least so it is to be supposed, sipce the Spanish ! official reports state that they desisted from the j assault in order to receive reinforcements. Wimth- j jgf any subsequent fighting took place at this I | point we do not know; at all events, Lopez held : his own for two days—till, on the 15th, he left ! for the interior, and was not molested on his march by Gen. Enna; all of which we learn from the Spanish official accounts. This W'S.s the state of affairs on the 15th. the date of our last advices from the scene of action, Mjorugh Gen. Eanna s despatch, dated at 3:30 on that flay- U Gen. Lopez reached the mountains in safety, he will discover soon wether lie has relied witji too much confidence on the assistance of the native inhabi tants. THe Lct’ers. Letters written by the victims at Havana to their friends in this city have been received in many instances, and some of them have beep shown us. The following, addressed by Capt. Vic tor Kerto his brother Robert Ker, of this city, has been handed to us for publication with the request of Mr. Robert Ker to contradict the report that any letter has been received by their mother from his brotlier Victor: My Dear Brother Robert. —Adieu! I ym to be shot in an hour; there is no remedy for it. This will be handed to you by my friend, Mr. Costa, who has beep kind enough to take charge of it. ■B— L L< n^—» ——mtrn j Adieu! Robert. I die as a man and as an Ameri can should die. Kiss your dear wife, my good i mother, sisters and brothers,- and believe me ever 1 | your brother. (Signed) Victor Ker. August 16, 18pl—o’clock. 1 •: L WO , ot i, ler . ers have been shown us, but without the liberty to publish in full. Both complain of having been deceived in the expec- I ta , n °f- @reole assistance on landing, and one ; speaks ot being deserted by Gen. Lopez, and ' speaks with harshness of his abandonment of them! • * Ouf own inference from the statements, and such other circumstances as we can connect with i them, leads us to the impression that this party got separated lropi the main body of the troops, retreated to the -'aside and attempted to escape ! in boarts, when they were captured; and that'they ! ■ had resentments against Gen. Lopez for this ! “abandonment. 1 One letter expresses the opinion that all the accounts of rising in Cuba originated or “were ■ trumped up in the United States.’? This is ! rather too sweep!:.g a generalization from two or three days’ experience at Bahia Honda, romote from the places at which these risings ware re ported; and we happen to know that whatever , ! their character may turn out to be, the reports 1 did come from Cuba. But this testimony, under such circumstances, only increases the anxiety ; to know what has been, in fact, the reception of ; ! these men in Cuba, on which so much uncer- ; | tainty hangs. - ~ Proceedings of the 7th Congressional District. i Sparta, Wednesday-, Aug. 20; 1851. ! The ConventioH to nominate a Representa tive of the Southern Rights Party to Congress, for the 7th District, assembled at Sparta on Wed- j nesday, the 20th instant. On motion of J. B. Trippe, Esq., of Putnam, ; Wilson Bird, Esq. of Hancock county, was called to the Ciia'.r; and on morion of J. A. Harris, Esq., Jos. H. Nisbet was requested to act as Secretary. : The object of the meeting having been ex- j ; plained. j On motion of H. C. Lang, Esq., the counties j 1 were called, and the delegates reported to the i meeting as follows: Washington—H. C. Lang, Green Brantley, : Jno. Wicker and M. C. Williamson. Baldwin—W. A. Mott, A. C. Devereaux, J. H. Nisbet, Hancock—Wilson Bird and B. T. Harris, i Morgan—W. M. Day and H. D. Harris. Taliaferro —Wrn. Beit and E. Elliott. | Putnam—J. A. Harris, W. F. Trippe and J. ; B. Trippe. On motion of Mr. Lang of Washington coun- i | ty, one delegate from each county was appointed | by the Chair, to select a candidate. The Chair- : mail named the following gentlemen as compos- ; ing that Committee, Messrs. Lang of Washing- j i ton, Mott of Baldwin, Harris of Hancock. Day ot J j Morgan. Bell of Taliaferro and Harris of Putnam. | j The Committee retired, and after a short con » sultation. presented through their chairman, the ; name of Col. David W. Lewis of Hancock as the candidate'of the Southern Rights Party of the 7th Congressional District, which was unani mously ratified Ly 'he Convention. Mr. Harris of Putnam, slated ' ,iat Col. Lewis was in the village, and would doubt accept in person the nomination; and nia ; a’motion that a Commit tee be appointed by the Chair to inform Mr. Lewis of his nomination, and solicit his presence at the meeting. The Chairman appointed Messrs. Harris of Hancock, Lang of Washington and Mott of Baldwin that committee. The Committee returned after a short absence, with Col. Lewis, who accepted the nomination in a few spiiited and eloquent remarks. Mr. Lewis said that it was apparent to the Con vention, alter the first word lie uttered, that his indisposition was such as to utterly preclude any extended remarks. The Convention, how ever. having met in his own Village, and having given him, as inform- . by the committee, a hear ty and unamimous nomination, ami having re \ quested his acceptance 1 ‘ore the Convention it- j ! self, he felt it was due .hem if possible to meet j them. He was there then, simply to say in few ! words, that in accepting the nomination, he did j it in full view of all the difficult and probable j consequences resulting .rom the steps he was i taking.—He knew the calculated majority against j him in the District vvus irom 2500 to 3000 \otes. j | He was awars, tea), that his opponent was not only the most pon. for man in the District, but j considered by many as never having been rival |ed upon the stump —as a great user iy) or "swal- ! ! sower” of all who dared to encounter him. Still, j I for himself, lie had determined already, that can- j t didate or no candidate he would spare no labor, j that he would make every effort, that he would ; under every probability o) success. He only j asked of the members of the Convention and of the friends of the cause throughout the District, | to meet him in the same spirit in which he j should enter the canvass. He should enter it and ! so should every individual manof us, enter it as | 1 if there was every probability of success, and as | if the result was to depend upon individual ex- | I ertion. True, th- majority in the District is | j dead against us, but that majority will be greater ■ or less according to our individual and joint es- , forts, and as that majority is less or greater, so may it effect the great result in the State for good or | : for ill. Let us wake an effort worthy the j I noble’ objects we ‘ Have in view, and teach the j | flattered : • o-ite of the 7th District, that the day : I of his dictatio and dominion over us may end. I For bin l self, lie could say that he had met and tried the meli.l I this Damascus blade, and j though by many, he might be considered as hav- ; ing beau terribly cut Tip, yet he, himself, did not : feel very-nervom deranged, and the only le flection his own lias drawn irom (he in terview is, that he snojiM ifot hesitate to meet I, again—and ho was ready to promise that his opponent should not find one foot of uncontested ! ground ill the District, and he would, if possible, | nieet him wherever lie heard of him, and if per ! mitted, discuss with him even at any and every ■ i disadvantage, the issues iu the contest, relying j upon a good cause, and “favoring Providence” ! for the result. j And what are the issues in this contest? —not, I as claimed by our opponents, Union and Disunion j —not whether the State of Georgia will secede i for past wrongs—for our candidate for Governor j is pledged to abide by the action of the Georgia Convention, which has declareu that lor past ol ! fences against our section, Georgia will not go I out of the Union, and the whole scope and tenor j | ol the Resolutions of the late Southern Rights j ! Convention contemplates an adherence to the | j Union, and the Constitution as a means of pro- , I tectiog our rights gnd of restoring the adminis- j tratton of the Government under the Constitu- | tion as it is, to its ancient purity and virtue. What j then are the issues in the campaign—and whence came they. II) would tell the Convention and the country candidly what he thought they were, In the month of March last, a member of Con gress (rom Georgia, who had held the office of Speaker qf the House of Representatives, an of fice perhaps the second in the Union for its pa tronage and influence, ami who had administered that office perhaps with the approbation of the whole House, and with particular satisfaction to the free soilersj so much so that in one instance at least he has received the approval of their convention. So successful had he been that he was looked upon as the most probable succession to the post in the next Congress. The member of Congress, invincible jn his own District—with every probability of being returned and re-elect ed Speaker—gives it out long in advance of the expiration of his service, that he will'not return to Congress. Tq carry his District for the Ad ministration is not enough tp entitle him to pre ference. He must carry his State, apd hence the desperate effort he is making. He comes in to Georgia from Congress and is greeted by the Macon regency with a complimentary dinner, is called out in a speed and the organ of the Re gency in the same article in which it gives a re port of the speech in which the member of Con gress alluded to declared for force to sustain the compromise, also announces the name of the member as a candidate, or the probable candidate for Gov-rnor. Whence this allusion to force? Georgia had already declared for the Union under the compromise. What ctfold tl;e allusion have j been but that Georgia would reward any efforts I of the General Government to compel a sister j I State to obedippee which had virtually declared, | and which many of us now believe will go out | of the U nion on account of this so-called com i promise j This is pqt all- Tlris member of Congress is the coalition nomin . :>r Governor, and the same sentiment promulged in ni< Macon speech is re ‘ echoed, by the prime minister of the Central Government who comes into a Southern State, ! and claiming to speak for the whole cabinet, de ; dares lor force against the secession of a State. What thep are the issues? In his opinion they were plainly and simply Federalism against Re publicanism—Consolidation against State Rights : —despotism ngaiuat popular rights,—are we pre ! pared to declare, by the election of this ally of : the federal minister, ’or the power of the central I Government against that ol a State! In his opinion, the cries of disunion and of se cession by Georgia, ag<t ifclse issues. Our candi j date is pledged to Union,but not a Union ot’Jbree. No word nor deed of 'nis can be construed fairly to mean Disunion or Secession by Georgia, and ; however much Mr. L. might feel disposed to 1 entertain a personal respect for the for the members‘of the coalition,’ he could not j resist liie ft ;;v|y|ijont lurt the echoes which they hoped to hear from gpns, oyer the lost rights ot Georg'aand the bouth, ttay tfftj'P pow : firing, were federal honors, the tittle which they are to present to the National Union party for | its preferment* * ilj be that Georgia, the Empire State of the South, is in Ute.y train and at their bidding. He wished to do injustice tp f}o one, i but his candid convictions lie would express. These three members, so long the popular fa- I vorites in their respective yi;tHcts—so often sus | tailied and .• defeated at the polls?, With tal j ents so high t t io rank them among the Bret in I the nation.d councils—have become supercilious, dictatorial aud insolent in Uiieying that they have a sort cf chattel interest in the of their Districts, tyjpchjthey can transfer to this or that political heresy as may suit their conveni ence. Mr. Toombs and Stephens hr.') made such ! a failure ip leading the 7th and Bth Districts into i the support of s Soil Administration, I that for one, he was vn wii!h®£ to be transferred to hisaccidency Mr. Fillmore,especially ps the at tempt to dp it was made without giving us edue notice. It might be expected that he shou|d say a word as to hjs own course if elected: that is so impos sible, that it looks like desperation to make it even a siipposabje case. He would say,however, that if a member of Congress, fee would vote against any Idil prpviiling money and Copra to whip in a seceding fctptc, £#4 if such f bm was passed over his vote,he would surrender his com mission to those from whom he received it, her i ing unwilling to remain a functionary in a Gov- ] ernment which by sue?. »et, would forfeit its | right to his confidence and affection. He would vote also for'any measure which ' should be intqpduccd for the protection of slavery s ■LJ-."' _IL ■ .'A .■ ■ iMLLJgJ in the Territories —either against the Mexican hies or the action of a mere Territorial Legislature. Mr. L. said he was unable to protract these re- 4 mark, and would conclude. He knew thql he had not been nominated with a view to his erec tion; indeed, to him,personally, that was the least unpleasant featue connected with the new posi tion in which he was placed. But believing that in a representative government like ours, it was every man's duty to stand forth, when call ed upon, even at a personal sacrifice, as the', de fender and representative at the polls and before the people, of his own principles and the princi ples of those who agreed with him, he felt txWid, at the expense of his own wishes and judgtl*'. to yield to the wish of this intelligent Conten tion, and enter the canvass. . And he was prepared to reassure them, thahe should enter it and go through it with theAaie i spirit and zeal as if there was every probaljXty of success. jV* I "1 he Convention would accept his thaiikwbr this evidence of their confidence in him; & It was suggested by Mr. J. B. Trippe of nam, and acquiesced in by the CanventionjMHat Col. Lewis be requested to appoint, at hShs cretion, a time place in each county of j trict, for the purpose of addressing the peofff on I i the great questions of the day; and furthe Jfcre, j that it is the wish of the Southern Rights party j in the District, to have Mr. Stephens meet fiol. i Lewis and participate in the discussion at itch j j of the specified places. On motion of Mr. Harris of Putnam, the Jed- | | eral Union was requested to publish the proqped- j j ingsofthe Convention, and the Constitioiilisl j ; requested to copy. The Convention then <jpd- ! !journed. WILSON BIRD, Chairmat j J. H. Nisbet, Secretary. AUGUSTA, GA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTTiT JAMES GARDNER, JR., 1 t and > Editors.! JAMES M. SMYTHE, ) j For Governor. ~ CHARLES J. MCDONALD. —1 For Congress—Eighth District, , ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert. 1 THE' LARGEST CIRCULATION IN THE STAt£ Constitutionalist & Republf CAMPAIGN PAPKK. f TERMS REDUCEdI As but a few weeks intervene between j now and the election, our Campaign PaJjer will be furnished at the following reduced Single copy, - 25 Its. 10 copies, - - -$2 00 * 25 “ - - - 400 100 “ - - - -15 00 And for any intermediate number, at the above rates. Our friends have done well thus far in circulating this paper. Let them not weary in well doing. Our cause is onward, and daily accessions are made to the ranks of the Southern Rights Party, as lights poured in on the minds of the people. ! 1 Let as continue the good work,and victory will perch on the Republican Standard of McDonald and Southern Rights. j Q7" There will be a Barbacue and Free Sis | cussion at Dealing, on the Georgia Railroad!, on . Friday, Sept. .oth. on which occasion Col. Mc ] Millan will address the people. __ Appointments of Col. McMillan. Col. McMillan will address his fellow-citizens At Judge Neal's Mills, Warren co., Thursday, j Sept. 4 th. Free Soil Boasts since the Passage of the Com promise. We introduced a few passages from the Old ! Testament, on Friday, to show that slavery ! was recognized, sustained, and even guarantied j by that portion of the Hor.v Bible. But. per haps, when the Son of God came down fjpm j Heaven, to suffer and to die for sinful man, he j did away the old law on this subject, and taught I universal emancipation ! Perhaps he denounced slavery as sinful in the sight of his heavenly Father, unjust to a portion of the human race, and so diabolical as to prejudice the salvatiothof those who might dare to encourage, sustain, or in any way participate in it! No such tfypg. i Slavery existed then in a worse and severer form than it does at present. . Not one j denunciation of shivery ever fell frt>m | Christ or his Aposti.es. The affecting lWj- I dent of Christ’s healing the servant of the Cen turion will be remembered by all. He imposed no conditions upon the master. He did nqt tell him that his charge for healing him w-ould be the immediate emancipation of the servant, or his freedom at some future day. “ J will come and heal him.” That \yas the simple declaration of the Saviour. The details of the case any one can read at leisure for himself. No, Christ and his Apostles recognized the legality and morality of slavery. The subject was not overlooked. They taught kindness to the master, honor and obedience to the slave. 41 Ser vants, (says the 4-postle Peter.) be subject to j your masters with all fear; not only to the good 1 I and gentle, but also to the froward. For this is 1 thankworthy, if a man for conscience towards | God endure grief supposing wrongfully. For . irhat glory is it if when ye arc buffeted for your faults, ye shall take it jmticntly; but if when ye do well, and suffer for it, ye lake it patiently, this is acceptable with God.” The system then existing was not one of hired service, but of personal and perpetual servitude. Slavery was not sinful in the eye of Christ or his Apostles, for it is written '• Masters do the same things to your servants, forbearing threatening, knowing that volr Mas ter also is in Heaven, neither is there respect of persons with him.” We presume it is admitted by all orthodox churches that neither masters nor slaves can be admitted to Paradise, if sinful—that is, if they die in their sins. But it is clearly declared that both, with a proper state of preparation, can go there where God will be no respecter of persons. In the Epistle to Philemon will be found the case of Onesimus, who, for fear of punish ment, ranaway from his master, and was restor ed to him by the Apostle Paul. Jusus Christ came to save the world. He established his church, and sept his Apostles to preach the Gos pel to every creature. We not only find nothing against the sinfidness of slavery in the ten com mandments, or throughout the Old Testament, but fanaticism, in the keenness of its ingenuity, can find nothing against it in all the teachings of the New. We presume that they declare what was right and wrong, and that nothing within the range of moral duty escaped the unerring eye of inspi ration. Goo, in the person of his Son, exposed sin and guilt in all its forms and places of con cealment. Not a word was uttered, nor a line written in condemnation of the horrid custom of holding slaves ! Is not this enough ? Do we not stand justified before the Christian world, taking the Bible as our rule and guide, in sustaining our peculiar domestic institution ? The Bible, that book of consolations, which reveals the charms of hope and the gardens of Paradise to our en- raptured visions, is upon the side of the South. The melpdy of the Israelitish Harp fell in sweet strains upon the master and the slave, both cared for by a common Father in Heaven. And now the slave and the master sing and worship together in the same sacred temples of the Lord. Why will unholy bigotry seek to disturb it ? Why not let alone an institution which existed in the patriarchal ages, in the day ol the ad vent of the Saviour, in the morning of the resur reptipn, and which was instituted of Heaven and sanctioned by thg teachings of the Sox of God 1 Human servitude has existed, in some form, in every age and clime. It is best in the form in yhich it exists in the Southern States of this Union, We cannot now enter into a discussion of the philosophy of the structure of Southern civiliza tion arid ‘socjetv. We have examined it in all of its features, and religiously believe that it is the best that the world can furnish, It ia 3 great system of regulated labor which bestows prosperi ty upon the people without the danger of agra rianism, or the least violation of the moral law of God. Go to the plantation of the Southern slaveholder and there you will find, in miniature, the patriarchal institution ordained by Heaven. Early in i*ie morn, while yet the gras* is wet with dew drops, the stave goes to his yvork after a night of ample refreshment and rest. His task is far lighter than that of thousands of white la borers in other sections even of our own country. The master goes among his servants, au4 studies their health gnd happiness from the double in fluence of personal interest and humanity. The j labors of the day are closed. If is servants retire to their comfortable houses for rest—his stocks and I herds aye gathered in their folds—and the whole scene, by day and by night, is one of domestis government and regulated labor, blessed by the same God shat smiled upon •Abraham l ? Isaac and Jacob of old, with their flocks and herds, and j men servants and maid servants. This system is best for the whites, and best j for the blacks. Let it rest, then, upon its own merits, and leave it to its fate in the vicissitudes of the future. If our Nojtherp brethren codld only think and feel, upon this subject, as the Bible teaches, and as our rights demand, nothing recorded in history, or scarcely iu romance, could equal the happy destiny of these States. The existence of our Union, we fear, is involved in it. We us we have, not tor party, nor for treasonable purposes, but for the fulfill ! ment of the glorious promises of the yiiion. We ! would bring abolitionism, in any and every form, and in all its degrees, to pause and reflect, for the protection, the perpetual- existence of the Union of these States, if we could. Our best hopes are blended with those who love it and , i desire its perpetuity upon principles of good will,- j | equality and justice. But we would be willing, I ! as much as we love it, to go to another altar to 1 worship, though, in doing so, we should have to 1 look back in pain and sorrow to that once happy I and common Union, established by our fathers — we say we would go to that sooner than have i our people submit to political degradation. We must keeps our sovereignty and honor as pure i and bright as the new-fallen and stainless snow i | upon a mountain top. We have scarcely a ray j of hope to cheer us in our contemplations of the future. Justice seems to be dead in the bosoms of our Northern brethren, and lurid lights ofdan | ger and war flash in ©ur faces from the dark j j hills of the North. us, then, stand ready to I offer the olive branch in the event of justice be i ing done, or to secede in peace. when the last j | hope of getting it is' gone. *j‘ “You do not tell the truth about what took place at Lexington last October. You did not there state “ to the assembled citizens” that you were not aware the forged extracts from Mr. I Toombs’s speeches hud appeared in your paper. ; You did there state with regard to the first ex tract quoted by me, that you had learned since IJLts publication,- m it liots. taken j'rouiyvir. . jx'Oombs’B'speech, but was an extract from a let- 1 i let of his, nridyou then the question to him j if he had ever written such a letter ? He denied 1 j it, and defied* yoti to produce the letter.— You then asked if he had ever said so to any one ! He answered no, and defied you to produce the witness. You were silent "to the assembled citizens,” concerning the second detract in which the word [California, was forged. This silence you maintained, tl»iigh the extracts were de nounced to your f.#e as falsehoods or forgeries, by Mr. Toombaf who stood within reach of a blow. You then and there, in hearing of the j multitude, pie’ged yourself to hold Mr. Toombs to a strict personal account for his language, to which he responded he was ready to answer tor it publicly or personally, there or any were else, and repeated the offensive language. You never called him to account and never attempted to do so, and you did not intend it when you made the i pledge.” I copy the above from the article signed ‘'Doc tor,'’ which was published in the Chronicle Scn sinel of Friday morning, only-, because, it has re ference to an altercation between Mr. Toombs and myself last fall, at Lexington. The above statement is not true in several particulars. Mr. Stephens in addressing the people, said i something to this effect: That a newspaper was about the last place to go to get the truth—that I had misrepresented Mr. Toombs in some par ticulars, which he proceeded to state. One was that I had said that Mr. Toombs had used the following language in one of his speeches: “If the people of Georgia understood this slavery question as well as I do, they would not remain in the Union five minutes." Another was. that 1 had charged him with ut tering certain language in his California speech, I which he did not use in that speech. 1 did state “to the assembled citizens” that these extracts were published in my paper du ring my absence, or that 1 was not aware that , they had been inserted in it. I cannot now re collect my precise words, for 1 uttered them un der a high excitement of feeling. After making the statement, I referred to the fact generally, of the publication in the first extract. It was gene rally attributed to one of Mr. Toombs's speeches. I was under the impression for sometime that he had uttered it in a speech; subsequently 1 heard that it was contained in a letter, but final ly it appears to have been uttered, if uttered at all, in a conversation with some citizens of this State. It was announced then, that it was at tributed to one of his speeches, iu the Augusta Republic. I did not remember that such was the tact, and then proceeded to say, that since its publication, not in the Republic, but iu - the natters generally,, I had heard if con tained a in letter, and 1 asked Mr. Toombs if that * was the fact. He denied it. I then asked him jf he had ever made such a declaration. He said that he had not. I then said that if the gentle man denied it. I should of course take his word as correct. So much upon this point. I will take this occasion to add, that The Co lumbus Times of the 20th inst., a paper which had previously brought this matter before the public, states that the above remark was made at Washington City to two gentlemen of his own political party, (Wing) who were residents of Stewart county, Ga. We quote in this connection as follows from I that paper. “ If the people of Georgia understood this slavery ! question as well as I do, they would not remain in the Union five minutes .” —Toombs. The Augusta Chronicle Sf Sentinel wants to know’ of tiie Savannah Georgian in what speech or letter, Mr. Toombs used this expression. The Georgian replies that it does not know. We can tell botli of them. Mr. Toombs made use of the remark to two gentlemen, then of his own political party (whig,) in Washington City.— The gentlemen were from Stewart county, Ga. Columbus Times. The W’ord California was not forged. I dis covered, upon my return to Augusta, that a de claration of Mr. Toombs w’as simply attributed to his California speech when it should have been attributed to another speech. When Mr. Stephens made the remark about newspapers, and misrepresentations of Mr. Toombs, the latter rushed up to the stand and said yes, and I pronounce those statements false. I im mediately rose from my seat in a chair upon the ground, ascended the platform and said : and 1 demand of Messrs. Stephens and Toombs to say before the assembled citizens of Oglethorpe, ■ whether they intend to say that I had wilfully published in my paper that w-hich w’as false.— Mr. Stephens remarked, that he intended only to say that the statements as published were incor- : rect. Mr. Toombs immediately left the stand and remarked as he was going off, that lie in tended to say that they were false as published. I then reiterated the assertion that the publication was made in my absence from the city of Au gusta, and that I was always ready cheerfully to j correct any errors which might get into the columns of my paper. It is true, I remarked that I should hold Mr. Toombs responsible for what he might say re flecting upon my veracity, and it is true that he si-iJ, that he was ready to respond to me publicly or personally. But I did not pledge myself, at any j future time, to hold him responsible for what had happened; nor did I imagine that my honor de manded it, or that any one expected it. I said i that I should defend my personal honor upon any i and every occasion, which required it, and I say the same now. I desire to avoid every appearance of indecor ousness towards others, and I do not believe that “ Doctor'’ can get the saction of Mr. Toombs to his statement, that there was an adjourned pledge which lias not been redeemed, ll he could, if Mr. Toombs would say that he did charge me with wilfully making false statements and did not qualify it, but reiterated the charge, and stuck to it to the last, it would not yet be too late to test his declaration of personal respon sibilily. I would distinctly remark that I make this statement not as a challenge, or threat, but simply as a vindication of myself against the unfounded imputation of the author of " Doctor.” It was not my intention to notice this article, further than to make this explanation. It is not my purpose to take any further notice of 11 Doctor” in this paper. JAMES M. SMYTHE. Mori: Volunteers for Cuba. —A letter in the Savannah Morning News of Friday, dated Jacksonville, Florida, Aug. 25, states that five hundred men composing t)ie Florida Regiment, were to have embarked for Cuba in a couple of days from that date. The writer understands that they are to be commanded by Col. Henry Titus,who bore a’distinguished part in the Carde I nas expedition. The Lieut. Col. yyill, most pro- ; bably, be Col. O'Hara, who commanded the ! Kentucky regiment in the same expedition, and who was badly yyounded in the battle of Carde- j nas. Who the other officers are ia nqt mention ed. _ Correction. —In an article headed “Mr. Cobb, Mr. Chappfal,” in our last weekly we quoted a resolution of the latter gentleman, and referred to Journal 1832, page 133 where it. might be found. It shot lid have been Journal 1833 in stead of '32. Backing Out. Our readers will remember that, some two weeks since, we called their attention to a large j meeting of the Constitutional Union party, held i in Sandersville, on the Ist ultimo, at which meeting the following resolution was passed, and a committee was appointed to ask Mr. Cobb’s views upon it as well as other resolutions which they adopted: “ Resolved , therefore, That we deny to the General Government the right of making war upon, or by force preventing any State from withdrawing from the Union, who, by a consti tutional majority of her people, determines to do soi and- if in the minds of any such right exists, wisaom and policy alike demands its non-ex ercise.” a Mr. Cobb replied to the Committee, and refer red them to his letter to the Macon committee, '* as containing an exposition of his views upon the questions about which they were solicitous. Mr. Cobb's letter has been spread in full be fore our readers. They have seen that, and now we submit to them the decision of the Washing ■ ton county committee, as follows: To the Union Party of Washington 00. | The undersigned were appointed by the Con vention of the party held on the Ist Tuesday ol this month, a committee to transmit to the Hon. Howell Cobb, of Athens, certain resolutions passed by the convention and ask his opinion upon the questions involved, aad to report to , you. i Your committee have preiormed the duty as signed them, and by due course of mail received an answer from Mr. C., in which lie refers us to his letter to the Macon committee, in which his : views, at length, are given. Having carefully read the letter referred to, I we cannot, upon the whole, but regard it, as an able and correct exposition of the views and sen timents of the Union party of Georgia, and we advise every man in Georgia to read it carefully. The doctrine of secession is one which may i j«-puzzle older heads and abler minds than ours. : Though one thing seems perfectly clear to us: if a State has a sovereign right to secede from the Union at pleasure, the other sovereignties have a right to guard themselves from injury which may be caused by that secession, and how this is to be done, they alone can determine. Hence, although secession may be peaceable, we believe that war is its legitimate consequence^ . 1 Mr/Cobb in forms usth* were a State to ' and a requisition made upon him as the Go" ernor of Georgia for troops to coerce her, he should f not hesitate to convene the Legislature of the . State with a view of having a convention of the State, before whom he should lay the whole question and be governed by their decision. This is as we would have'him do. Should the time ever come when this glorious confederacy is to be dissolved, when madly bent on ruin the stars that make up this bright constellation shall rush wildly from their orbits, when that hour arrives, we want no Executive to say what Georgia shall do, and by inconsiderate, injudicious haste, endeavor to commit her to a course which she would not pursue. No, when that hour comes— and we pray God it may never—then will bo the time, for deliberate State action. Let a con vention be assembled and let the voice of the people be there expressed, and what they de termine let the Governor execute. R.W. Flournoy, E. S. Lanqmadk, J. R. Smith. G. E. Boatright, Silas Floyd, Committee. While the views of Mr. Cobb upon the right of secession,do not go as far as the undersigned,yet in view of the fact that he would submit the | whole question to the people of Georgia for their decision, I am satisfied, and shall support him with a great deal of pleasure. R. W. Flournoy. We look upon this to be an important matter. There are thousands in the ranks of the Consti- I tutional Union party, who feel as do the majori ty of that party in Washington county. We believe the action df the meeting to which we have referred, was ; ,'uded upon a just tear that Mr. Cobb’s views were not orthodox upon the subject of State rights and secession. They can- I not be satisfied with the decision of the commit ! tee. The individuals composing it may be satis- I fled, but that cannot control the judgments of the great majority of the party in Washington county. Our object is to show, first, that the Constitu tional Union party of that county wer e discon tented with the position occupied by Mr. Cobb. Secondly, that their views, as expressed in their resolutions, were in accordance with the true State Rights doctrines. Thirdly, that they will back out from and re pudiate them, if they adopt the doctrines of Mr. i Cobb, as set forth in his letter to the Macon committee. There was, certainly, some reason for the lan guage of discontent manifested by the Sanders ville meeting. What did they say ? We quote as follows: “ But we assert that no man can be a good Union man who is not also a State Rights man. We regret, therefore, to observe a disposition, on the part ol some Union men, to surrender those cardi f mil principles which we (-pushier so necessary to tlie preservation of the IJmion, by Iprotectingilhe | rights of the States.” ' We recognize, to the fullest extent , the sover eignty of the States, and look upon that recogni tion as an established principle in the creed of our party, and as remaining no longer an open ques tion.” “We cannot consent to take the back track upon the convictions of a life time; we cannot consent to sacrifice principles we believe essen tial to the preservation of the Union—principles without which, it never could have been termed, and without the preservation of which, it cannot continue,” “ We earnestly invoke that this jmsonous chal ice be not forced to our lips ; we will not drink its waters of death.” “ Resolved, That as the political friends of the j Hon. Howell Cobb, we are anxious to support him, and will support him, and by all honorable means aid in his election, if toe can do so without sanctioning principles which we believe are alike de structive of the Union of the States and the liberties of the people .” “ Resolved, That a committee of five be ap pointed to address the lion. Howell Cobb a letter, embracing the principles of the first resolution, j requesting to know from him, whether he agrees j or dissents from the principles therein laid down.” There is plainly the language of discontent. Now we assert, without the fear of contradic tion, that the Washington county meeting held : That the States are sovereign. That will be dis tinctly seen in the second of the foregoing ex tracts. That meeting held that a State has the right of peaceable secession from the Union. That is j plainly shown in the first extract, found near the commencement of this article, and in the decla ration in the preamble, that “we never will agree that this Government has the right to deny to such State the liberty of doing so,” that is, ol seceding. That meeting also held, that the right to secede is a peaceable right , and that the General Govern j ment has no right to coerce her by force to remain j in the Union. This is shown by the first extract ■ contained in this article. Again it is most em- ! phatically shown in the following, which we ! take from the preamble : “ But no government is republican, anil no State can be republican, whose people are forced to submit I to a government against their choice. It would, therelbre, be a palpable violation of the Constitution 1 to attempt to subdue, by arms, the people of a sover eign Slate of this Union, thereby forcing such State to remain in the Union against the clearly ascertained will of a constitutional majority of j her people.” • “ We most solemnly declare that we see no cause why any State should withdraw from the | Union, but that is a question alone for the people ,of each State to decide for themselves. But so ; far as the force of public opinion can reach, we i would have it to discountenance move- I ment by the people of any State in the Union. Should any State, 1. n\ ever, in the madness of the hour, by a constitutional majority of her people, withdraw from the Union, our doctrine is non intervention ; we never will agree that this gov ernment has the right to deny to such State the liberty of doing so, and of making war upon her to prevent it. It was not in that spirit this Union was formed, and it is not in that spirit it can be kept together, atul we would have this dis tinctly understood as being the ojiinion of the Union party of this county. We earnestly invoke that this poisonous chalice be not forced to our lips ; j we will not drink its waters of death ; we depre cate being driven into a false position; we yield j to none in our love lor the Union; we yield to none in our devotion to the rights of the States; loathe the feelings of the people of South Caroli na, which we believe is hatred to the Union, but we never will stand by and see that State or any other subdued by the Federal arms of this govern ment, and forced to remain a portion of this Union against the express wislws of her people. We wish no Union that contains within its limits a con quered people, ivhose jtosition would be similar to that of Poland to Russia .” It is, then, clearly established that the Wash ington county meeting held that the States are sovereign—that they have the right of peaceable secession —and that the General Government has no right of State coercion. That, we say, was the platform of the meet ing. Now we will show that the aforesaid com mittee have adopted a different platform —one as wide from that of the meeting as the poles are asunder. The committee say that Mr. Cobb’s Macon letter is “an able and correct exposition of the views and sentiments of the Union party,” &c. The committee has evidently got into a quan dary. They say “the doctrine of secession is one which may puzzle older heads and abler minds than ours.” How suddenly this doctrine of se cession became mystified in the minds of this committee! It was as clear as sunshine on the first of August- There was no doubt with them (Jjeit .' 4 State, then, had the perfect fight I ", 111 L-_l_LLi. C!! peaceably to withdraw from the Union. Now* they dodge behind “ older heads and abler minds "'ll Whatever advantages this committee may claim, on account, of their heads being young er and their minds weaker than some other peo ple’s, we doubt whether the people generally will be satisfied with so lame an excuse. Now for an exhibition of lofty tumbling. An “abler head,” that is, Mr. Cobb's libad, said that if a State withdrew, the other States had a right to decide upon the right of the State to \do so, an A force her back into the Union. Strait way, thpcomflnittee say, “the other sovereign ties have a right to guard themselves from injury which may be caused by that secession, and how this is to be done, they alone can determine. Hence although secession may be peaceable, we believe that war is its legitimate consequence.” This committee, with the rest of the meeting, , declared, on the Ist of August, that it would be A PALPABLE VIOLATION OF THE CON STITUTION for the Government to attempt to subdue such State, and force her to remain in the Union. They denied to the Government the right to make war upon a State to prevent seces sion. But we will presently see their inconsis tency-in a stronger light. They express their gratification at Mr. Cobb's f saying, that if he wore Governor, and the Govern ment should call upon him for t roops to put down a seceding State, he would call the Legislature together, and advise the call of a convention, and would execute whatever their decision might be. This committee then add, that the Governor should execute whatever the convention determin ed upon. 'Mr. Flournoy appends a separate statement, in which he frankly admits that Mr. Cobb don’t, go far enough for him in favor of the right ot se cession, and specially plants himself upon this convention scheme. Well, suppose the convention should decide to send troops to put down South Carolina, or any other State, these gentlemen say, let the Governor EXECUTE IT. We would say, let him resign his seat first. But that is not vvlait Mr. ColjA would do.t He tvattld Kful the « trfips, with twe instruments of theiF hands, to butcher a gallant people struggling agj&st oppression. Nqw for the glaring inconsistency of the com mittee. They say, let the Governor execute the decision of the convention. On the first of Au gust, they said it would be a palpable violation of the Constitution to use force against the seceding State, and they even went so far as to say, while they “loathed the course ot South Carolina, they would never stand by and see that Stale or any oth er subdued by the Federal arms of this Government, and forced to remain a portion of this Union, against the express wishes of her people.” What a remarkable change in these gentlemen ! Since the appearance of Mr. Cobb's letter, they seem to have “ observed, discerned, seen and spied out” “ how, wherefore, and whether, why, when, and what, whatsoever, whereas and whereby ” all this State rights and secession business, instead of being no longer open questions, are the most uncertain and open questions that now puzzle old heads or young heads, able minds or weak minds!! While the committee seem disposed to begin to establish their principles, de novo, we trust that the people of Washington county will have more regard for consistency, and prove truer friends to the sovereignty and rights of the States. Who can have confidence in men whose life time convictions and devotion to Stale rights, are so pliantly offered up at the shrine of party, and that, too, even to the extent of taking to their lips a poisonous chalice and drinking from it THE WATERS OF DEATH ! Prospects of the Election—Our Correspondence. Our opponents heat us in bragging. As Dr. O. Toole would say, its a part of their system.— They do it to inspire the flagging confidence of their friends, and give energy to their canvassers in the field, who often get dispirited and down in the mouth. We care not to follow their example. A cause that is worth working for is in no need of such false stimulants. The friends of the Southern Rights cause,work in the noble and unselfish spirit of devotion to their principles expressed so forci bly by Col. David W. Lewis, before the Con vention which nominated him in opposition to Mr. A. H. Stephens. Whether in prospect of defeat or victory, their exertions will be the same. “ Tis not for mortals to command success, But they'll do more: they’ll deserve it.” We might however publish, columns weekly, of letters received by us from all sections of the State, fiicndi aro working both andfci good spirits. >Thcy aruauiWiV . heartened by tire brags of the Consolidatiomsts, nor are they gid/eif by them. The Southern Rights party know that the pretended calculations of the Federal press of tun and twelve, and even fifteen thousand majority lor Cobb, if really made, are based on the votes last fall for the Convention, and therefore are absurd. That election is no criterion for the vote to he given next month. The election between Governor Towns and Judge Hill in 1819 i much nearer a true test. In most of the coun ties in the State in .which Governor Towns got majorities, Gov. McDonald will do the same.— Where he fails to do this, he will probably make up the loss by gaining in other counties in which Towns was beaten. There are few, if any Whig counties in fact, in which Cobh will get a vote which will he comparatively as good as that given to Judge Hill, and in many of them McDonald will beat him. We have written the above introductory to extracts from two letters received last Sunday, and which we have concluded to publish. They are selected from very many of the same sort which we have on hand, and which our friends are welcome to see. We get them almost daily. The remarks of our Houston correspondent recalls to mind four lines illustrative of the empty and nonsensical noise about disunion made by the Federal press In Georgia in connection with Governor McDonald. “ Sound the howgag, strike the tonjon, Beat the fuzguzzy, wake the gonqnong: Let the loud hozanna ring, Bum turn fuzzlegum dingo him. This supplies alike the place of fact and ar gument. The opinions of Governor McDonald are on record in black and white. They are contained in letters and addresses put forth on many recent occasions. But these the Federal press will not publish, because they would refute their clamorous denunciations. Houston Countv, Aug. 27th. Mn. Editor : —Mr. Johnson, the submission | candidate for this District, addressed the people of tills county on yesterday. lie is a plain sen sible man, but not an orator, and cannot clear up and pile away the brush out of his way, with the dexterity of his friend Howell, and yet it appears that he struggles in the same path, and makes a very awkward imitation of him indeed. The courtesy was extended to us (vile disunion ists and disciples of Rhett as we are called.) of making a reply. We had our speaker (rather a masked battery to be sure) in waiting. Audi can assure you our friend Howard, from Craw ford poured the grape into them pretty hotly and when they thought it over, there vtas “ a lit tie more of the grape, Capt. Bragg.’-’ lam proud that we can sustain ourselves so fully in the ar gument. The main effort of the submissionists, and it occupies their time is in apologising for the North in its pillage of the South. Take away Rhett, South Carolina, and the cry of disunion from them, and all their thunder j would be stolen. I am amused when they touch upon Rhett. Then they show all their indig nant fire, stick up their feathers, and redden at their throats, and fly at him with the enraged animosity of an old Turkey cock at a red flannel pittieoat. Poor Rhett, I wonder it he sleeps any ? In conclusion, Mr. Editor, I am sanguine that our county will be straight on the day of the election. Jonesboro, August 29th, 1851. Messrs. Gardner and Smythe — Gentlemen :—I have but little confidence in communications of this kind, the writers so often exaggerate and dont give the true history of facts . but what 1 shall say is true, every word of it.— Hon. Howell Cobb’s letter to the Macon Com mittee, dont take well in these diggings; his Constitutional Union friends say it holds out two faces, (that is a great many of them) and they will not have it—neither will they have him (Cobb,) and that they prefer old Charley, and intend to vote for him. Last week I took a two days tour through this county (Fayette.) and I could find men on all sides that were coming over to the side of equality, truth and justice. I was at one house where there were the old man and five sons, who toll! me out of their own mouths that they had just been converted and were heart, soul and body for old Charles J. I can hear it every day. I dont like that letter, it wont do—l wont have it, &c., &c. Hon. H. A. Harralson addressed a portion of the sovereigns of this county at Fayetteville last had, there was a pretty r 16 notice they without entering into a ta '’' e crowd . suffice it to say, that lie showed i.' 1 ’ 8 ar S u,,ien * s i evil doers, and that the cry of a host to all a humbug, and that it all w«,^ nioil i was ed and primed in Wasldiigton city u,'? Up '■' oc *‘ the South from behind Boh Toombs'» in battery. The Honorable was a noble one, and no mistake, ami p' done a great deal of good for the cause 01 Southern Rights and McDonald. I had almost forgot to say that some of the prominent speak ers of the self-styled Uliion party of this county have recently come yet, andyure going it for old Charley. *■ iSllthjpF AufffW* It will be seen by tfre *r , T f poi*of the Chairman i of the Board of Health, that our city, is now free . from Small Pox. Our country friends need feel no apprehensions in visiting our city. Office of tiie Board of Hear.m. ( Augusta, Sept. Ist, 1861. 1 It is with pleasure I announce to the public that there is not a case of Small Pox in the city, and hut two cases of Varioloid, and they very light. The disease is still confined to the lower part of the city. Persons need lie under no apprehensions ol contracting the disease bv visiting Augusta. WM. E.OEARING, Chairman Board Health. Fancy Ball at Cotoosa Springs. We learn that the Grand Fancy Ball adver tised to come off' at this fashionable watering place on Thursday evening last, was a very suc cessful and brilliant affair. The company was large and fashionable —the costumes, many of them, showy and elegant, and con spired to make thg occasion gay and delightful. There were in all about hundred perso,u., at the that time. The Alberti Case. The Chronicle <s• Sentinel of the 31st tilt., con tains a new llferli Qase. Itk marks, every wOrd of which v/e copy as follows : The At.heiut Cask. —We have received from Andrew J. Miller, Esq., the subjoined authentic report ofthis celebrated case, which we publish lor the better information of our readers, as well as all those persons in Georgia who have been imposed upon by the report copied from the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, which has been so industriously circulated through the State by the disunion organs and their allies. We have already expressed the opinion that the review of the Richmond Enquirer was not entitled to cre dit, and the reader will he able to judge how ful ly that opinion is sustained after reading the fol lowing report, which is copied from pages •105 to 502 inclusive, of a forthcoming volume of “ Re ports of Select Law and Equity cases'" decided in the courts of Philadelphia. This, therefore, is no newspaper report of the case, made up foi political effect in the South, hut is an authentic Law Report, designed to elucidate the principles of law adjudicated; and like all reports is a fan and impartial history of the case. The reader will perceive that “ the abduction of the child was—without any form of law being observed for the arrest of the mother or the child, ' and " that there was no legal proof that the wo man was a slave, or that Mitehcl was tlw owner. or that Alberti had any power of Attorney or au thority to arrest and remove the woman.'' Mr. Miller’s friends, Law Book sellers and i publishers in Philadelphia, who sent him the ■ the pages containing the Report, say of Judge Parsons,’ that “ He has honesty if not ability none who know him doubt his uprightness amt virtue, and few public lifcn eqaal him." It may not be improper to add that the Review I of the case published by the disunion organs of ! Georgia is without name or authority, was got up with a view to obtain a pardon for Alberti and Price,as we are informed, and was “so grossly unfair in its narrative, " that the counsel engaged against Alberti, refused to attest its truth. It 1- circulated in Georgia as a faithful report, and attempted to bo introduced into the political can vass with a view to make party capital Voters of Georgia, you now have the facts of this case in an authentic form; read and digest them,and mete out to those who have thus at tempted to deceive you,the measure of your just indignation. This is like almost every thing from that pa per, where the North is concerned. It is apolo gy, apology, apology for the North ! It will be seen that the Chronicle denies that the first report, as published in the Richmond Enquirer , is entitled to credit. It says that the one it published is an authentic law report, and is a fair and impartia? history of the case. This | report, it tells us, was sent to Mr. Miller by his friends, who are law book sellers and publisher.-, in Philadelphia; and for aught we know, they . may be rank free soilers and abolitionists. Hoy | does the Chronicle know that this report is a fan and impartial history of the case ! It may have been prepared .under the eye of Judge Parsons, .who acttjcJ Mfe tyrannical a part in the case. No 1 doilb%\ir, !,<♦.,>run) -in- -..a , . ; desired to covOT over their corruption and judi- I cial villainy. The Chronicle quotes that part of this report which says that the child Joel was lid napped, | and his mother Betsy was not arrested according ;to the forms of the laws. Now, William Allen, Esquire, before whom the slave Betsey was I brought, heard the case, and decided that Betsy was the slave ol Mr. Mitchell, of Maryland, not . only by the testimony of several witnesses, but i the admission of Betsy herself. Mr. Allen was a citizen of Philadelphia, and after a full hearing, he delivered up the slave Betsy to Mr. Alberti the agent of Mr. Mitchell. It is not common lot . i Northern justices or commissioners to give up slaves when the claimants are not their owners, | or authorized agents. We admit that according to this report, sent to | Mr. Miller, it would appear that Alberti had kidnapped the child. But who were the wit | nesses against him ! Win. Thompson, a free negro, the husband of Betsy, and Richardson, who had been twice convicted of larceny and was pardoned, the day before the trial came on, that he might be able to testify against the prisoners. His testimony was received, although several respectable witnesses testified that they would not believe him upon oath. Respectable testimony in favor of Alberti and Price was rejected, while that of a free negro and a thief was admitted to swear them into the Penitentiary. Let it be remembered, too, that the convidiqn of these unfortunate men was ef fected mainly by the testimony of this negro and Penitentiary convict, and the one-sided charge of J udge Parsons. The Chronicle does its best toajwlogise for this judicial tyrant. It quotes from Mr. Miller's friends account of him, as follows : “lie (Judge Parsons) has honesty, if not ability: none who know him doubt his uprightness and virtue, and few public men equal him." The man who can apologize for Judge Parsons, has but one step farther to go to call the celebra ted Judge Jeffreys a saint. In our honest opin ion, the acts of this Judge and the jury who con victed Alberti and Price, cover not only Penn sylvania with infamy, but stain the nation and disgrace the age in which we live. The Chronicle says the first report of the Al berti case was made without name or authority. The Richmond Enquirer says “it is from the pen of one of the fnost distinguished citizens of Pennsylvania, and is published for the benefit of the family of Alberti.’’ Unfortunate man—un fortunate family! They have fallen into the hands of cruel fanatics, who hate the South, and wotfid doom to deathjif they had tlw power, the husband and father who dared to aid one of her * * citizens to recover his fugitive slave. The Chronicle says, “the counsel engaged against Alberti, refused to attest the truth of the report," which we copied from the Richmond Enquirer. That is not at all surprising. Peo ple generally refuse to attest the truth of a reiwrt of their own villainy ! The Chronicle , in conclusion, calls upon the people of Georgia to measure out their indigna tion against those who have published the first report as true. What does, what can it expect for itself, at the hands of a people, who hate ty ranny in every form, and the minions of tyranny, who hold up and kiss its robes, stained with crime and the tears of an unhappy family. The West.—The senior editor of the Missouri Republican, and Mr. Kendall, of the Picayune, are on a tour to Santa Fe, See. The editor of the Republican writes from the Kansas that mail-stages are running regularly between In dependence, Santa Fe and the Salt] Lakes. The mail to Santa Fe weighs usually between 250 and JOO pounds; that to'the Salt Lakes from 150 to ‘JOO pounds. The mail leaves for each point on the Ist of every month. It is earred in spring coaches, drawn by six mules, and the trip to Santa Fe is made in from 25 to 28 days, and to the Salt ILakes in in from 28 to 30 days. Price of passaage to either place $125. It takes about one hundred mules to supply the lines. A New Cotton Plant.—The editor of the Orleanian has seen a boll of cotton, that deserve* the attention of cultivators, on account of its rapid growth and early [maturity. On the Ist of June last, a lady planted in her flower garden, a few cotton seeds presented her by a gentleman. On the 20th of July a boll was ready for picking;