Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

~[From th* N. O. Price Courrcnt, let in#.] Cotton—Remark*. j *** **** Th.4*l “** h “K' 3 f Si."* T& ! . b>lel f„ m Mobil, .ml ) amount inclu Texas by sea; and this being : Florida and from lexus oy to be 950 ,- • deducted our recei} 7 J i jyjgj 48,051 bales re • AUb “" ' i n vvould show an increase in our re- , Thl ?’ th ™’ a# compared with last year upon , eeipts P r °P ’. g of j 52,833 bales. The total ex thrtfshice Ist’ September, are 997,458 bales, of P°, r . . r.aa ‘173 bales were shipped to Great S&JS& to F«h.lW> and South of Europe, Mexico, &c., and 152,817 to United States ports. On a comparison of the exports with those of last year, there would ap- , pear to be an increase of 185,628 bales to Great Britain, 12.919 to France, 21,760 to the North and South of Europe Mexico &c, while to United States ports, there is a decrease of 61,026 bales. The total receipts at all the Atlantic and Gulf vorts , up to the latest dates received —as showo by our General Cotton Table —are 2,331,- 464 bales, and the crop, when made up by the New York Shipping List, will probably not vary much from 2,350,000 bales. We have thus rapidly sketched the course ot the market during a season of extraordinary vicissitudes, and such an one as we hope never to witness again. In glancing at the peculiari ties of the season,it may be safely remarked that its prominent feature (and, as the sequel has pro ven, its prominent error) has been an under esti mate of the production. This, as we have already intimated, led to the opening of the market at unfortunately high prices, which, under specu lative action, were subsequently carried to a higher point than they have reached since 1839. These under estimates were to a greater or less extent general, and we think it may safely be asserted that a large majority placed the crop at or under 2,200,000 bales, while the bulk of the business, during the first six or seven months of the season, was done upon a basis of 2,100,000 to 2,150,000 bales. The estimates of very few par ties were beyond what the actual crop is likely to be, and these were looked upon as so extrav agant that their opinions provoked discussion and animadversion to a degree that has given them wide-spread notoriety. And thus is ad • ded another to the many examples of the fallacy of early estimates of a crop whose culture oc cupies so broad an extent of country, embrac ing nearly every variety of soil and climate, and requiring many months to determine definitely the result. The error has been followed by most disastrous consequences, but that those Who fell * into i* they embrace planters, facnprs and purchasers',! were honest in their opinions, their own losses should be taken to demonstrate. In viewing the causes of this astonishing re action the leading ones, of course, are the under estimates of the crop, and the consequent eleva tion of prices to what has proved to have been an extravagant point. But as a collateral one, growing out of these, we may mention that the entire or partial stoppage of mamy of our home mills, owing to the high prices of the raw mate rial, and excessive stocks of manufactured ar ticles on hand, threw an undue portion of the ■supply upon the European markets. Thus Great Britian alone has not only taken the whole excess of our receipts over those of last year,b it near ly 100,000 bales more,that,with moderate prises, would have been consumed in the United States. To Great Britain, therefore, the crop has been equal to one of about 2,150,000 bales, while at the same time there has been a material increase in her imports from Brazil, Egypt and the East Indies. And besides this ample present supply, large estimates of our coming crop are induged, which have had a marked influence in the depression of prices. Thus, once more the spin ners gained the ascendancy, and for weeks panic, which loses sight of the laws of supply and de mand, seemed to reign in the Liverpool market. It is gratifying, however, to observe that not withstanding the prevalence of comparatively high prices during a great portion of the first six months of the current year,, the amount taken lor consumption in Great Britain slightly ex ceeds the amount taken for the same purpose du ring a similar period last year; and by the last accounts the weekly average had reached 33 000 bales; the highest ratio of consumption yet at tained in the history of the Cotton manufacture. The following table exhibits the imports,deli very stock, Ike., in the whole of Great Britain, for the first six months, ended on the 30th June last, and a comparison with the same period in 1850. 1851. 1850. Stock Ist Jail bales 521.120 558.390 Import six months 1.150,500 040,862 1,677,620 1,400,252 Exports six months.. 95,300 119.800 Consumption 770,120 —871,420 770,952 —890,752 Stock 30th June 800,200 008,500 Weekly average taken for | consumption, f .. .29,851 29.052 In France, also and other European countries, the deliveries for consumption exceed those of last year, the United States being the only point where a decrease is shown. In respect to the growing crop, which is now a matter of marked interest, we propose to sketch briefly its progress and present prospects, leav ing to others the indulgence in estimates, which the past season, among many that have preceded it, has shown to be attended with very serious consequences. It is understood that there was considerable increase in the breadth oi land planted, but au unusually cold and backward spring retarded the growth of the plant, and it had made comparatively little progress up to the tody part of May, when a favorable change in the character M s the weather gave »n impulse to vegetation. Fn ni uiis'Tflhie to the first of July, the accounts from the country, with some ex ceptions, were favorable, though trom the up lands there was some complaint of alack of suf ficient rain. The plant generally, however, though small, was said to look healthy, and to give good promise; besides which the crops were unusually “clean,” the very lack of rain complained of having favored cultivation by pre venting any excessive growth of grass and weeds. But. now very serious eomplaints began to reach us from the uplands, of the long contin uance of the drought; and as week succeeded week without any rain, except an occasional shower, in partial neighborhoods, these com-' plains were reiterated, and became more general, accompanied by representations that the very fair prospects which the crops presented up to about the first J uly. were blasted to ail important ex-- tent, and that no subsequent combination ot cir cumstances could fully recover them. For some weeks past, however, showers have been fre quent, particularly in this immediate neighbor hood, and in some parts of the interior heavy rains are reported, which coining at so late a pe riod, are said to have been rather prejudicial to the crops. The bottom lands are generally ad mitted to give excellent promise, but so many contingencies may yet arise, favorable or adverse, that calculation of the result would be mere conjecture. We make no estimates, but we will record it as our impression that, while the errors of last year was an under-estimate of the crop, the errors of the coining one is likely to be in the opposite direction. With regard to the market prospects for the coming crop, we think they may be said to be fair for ready sales, at moderate prices. In Great Britain, particularly, all the leading elements of an active and prosperous trade would seem to be in combination, viz—low stocks of goods, and of raw material, in the hands of the manufacturers, cheap food, abundance of money, and the world at peace. Already the ratio of consumption is greater than ever before attained, and even a fur ther increase is not improbable. In our own j country, too, there will soon, doubtless, be re- j newed activity, as the stocks of goods, which for along time have been excessive, are much reduced, and the manufacturers are understood to ! be without any considerable stocks of the raw j material. Altogether the prospects would seem to be favorable lor fair returns to the planter, even with a large crop, and the chances are that the relation of consumption to supply will be such as to leave the leading markets without ex- i cessive stocks at the close of the season. The first bale of the new crop was received here on the 25th July, being seventeen days earlier than the first receipt of last year, and the total recepts of new crop up to this date are 3155 hales, against 67 bales last year. Os this quanti ty there have been sales reported to the extent ol about 2100 bales, at a tange of 8 a 81 cents for Middling and 8J a 9 cents lor Good Middling to Middling|Fair, and the market closes with a total stock, including all on shipboard not clear ed, of 14,890 bales, of which about 1 1,000 bales are in factors’ hands, embracing some 10,000 bales of old crop, held under limits. Sugar. —At the date of our last annual report the prospect was considered fair for a full aver age yield, as the weather for some three months previous had been of a remarkably favorable character for promoting the growth of the cane. Subsequently, however, the character of the season proveed unpjopitious, an extraordinary period of drought having ensued, which preven ted the cane from yielding juice freely, and also delayed the grinding, from the lack of water for working the steam engines. I hus the lrost of the middle of November found an unusually large proportion of the crop exposed and the two cau ses above noted, combined with damage from overflows, led to a material reduction in the ex pected product. According to the statement of Mr. P. A. Chatnpomier the crop of 1850-51 amounted to 211,203 hogsheads, weighing 231,- 191,000 pounds. Os this quantity 181,372 hogs heads are stated to be brown Sugar, made by the old process, and 26,831 hogsheads refined, clari fied, &c., including cistern bottoms; and the whole is the product of 1495 sugar houses, of which 907 have steam and 588 have horse pow er. The falling off in the crop, as compared with that of the previous year, is 26,720 hogs heads, or 38,575,000 pounds. The stock estimated to be on hand at the close of last year was 2000 hogsheads, and this quan tity being added to the crop, as above stated, makes a supply, in round numbers, of 213,000 hogsheads. As nearly as can be ascertained the distribution of the supply has been as follows; shipments out of the State, by sea, (including an estimate of 10,000 hogsheads for the exports from Attakapas) 57,000 hogsheads; consumption of the city and neighborhood 15,000 hogsheads; taken for refining in the city and State, including cistern bottoms, 15,000 hogsheads; stock now on hand in the State, estimated at 2200 hogsheads; leaving as the quantity taken for the West 123,- 800 hogsheads. The quantity shippedjto Atlan tic jiorts is about 45,000 hogsheads, against 90,- 000 last year. The first receipt of the new crop was two hogsheads on the 17th October; one week later than the first receipt of the previous year. The two hogsheads were of good grain, but of course drained, and they were sold at I UL!iiJU!l!l!Bli: J! ILJUIVLIgBSBBWBWiBBBBB 6 cents per lb. Subsequently supplies came for- l ward slowly, and it was not until the latter part f of the month that the business assumed any con- f siderable importance. The course of the market i will be best indicated by the following table, f which shows the highest and the lowest point . in each month for Fair Sugar oh the levee. < HIGHEST. LOWEST. i October cents per lb.. .6 aOJ 6ias f | November ~6iasJ 4Ja5 December. 5 asl 4jjas January 51a5j 4Ja5 February 5 as| 4jjaf>l March. . .... .4JaSJ 4|as April s|as| 4Jasi May ssasJ s|asi June...'. s|a6 5 Ja5J July 5Ja6 siasJ August 6ja6i 5 .a6 It will thus be seen that the market has not been subjected to any violent fluctuations throughout the season, but on the contrary, that it has gene rally been characterized by great steadiness, while the average prices has been considerably above that of last year. The transactions on plantation have, to a great extent, been on pri vate terms, though we obtained particulars of the sales of quite a number of crons, as they occurred, and we find by our records, tnat the ruling rates in January and February were 4{ a 54, in March 43 a s|, in April 5 a 54, in May 54 a 53, and in June, when nearly all had passed out of planters’ hands, 5 7-16 a55 cents per lb. The deficiency in the Louisiana crop has led to increased im ports of foreign Sugars, and thus we have from Cuba 451 hluls., and 39.293 boxes, against 397 hhds., and 18.843 boxes last year. We have also an import from Brazil of 1334 boxes of 1800 lbs. each; the first ever received at this port, but to be followed, we understand, by several other car goes. Besides the Louisiana crop there were produced last year in Texas about 6000, and in Florida about 1500 hhds. With respect to the growing crop, we have but a few re/narks to oner, it being too early in the season to arrive at any thing definite regard ing its probable extent. It is understood that the severe frosts of November last, cut short the supply of plant cane, and thus somewhat cir cumscribed the cultivation, while the cold spring, and the subsequent long drought, were unfavora ble to the progress of the plant, particularly in the upper parishes. Within the past tew weeks, however, frequent showers of rain have fallen, and the crops in most sections are said to present a marked improvement. The result, Jjowever, cannot be determined for many weeks to come, and we shall close these remarks by referring to the annexed table, which gives the product of each year since 1828. Crop of 1850, 211.203 lihds. Crop of 1839, 115.000 hhds. 11 1849, 247,92-3 11 “ 183 S. 70,000 “ “ 1848, 220.000 “ “ 1837, 05.000 “ “ 1847 . 240.000 “ “ 1830. 70.000 “ “ 1846, 140.000. “ “ 1835. 30.000 “ “ 1845, 186!050 “ 1834. 100.000 “ “ 1844, 200.000 .« A 1833, 75,000 “ 1843, lOO'OOO « “ 1832, 70.000 “ “ 1342, 140;o00 “ “ 1329, 48.000 “ “ 1841, 90,000 “ “ 1823, 88,000 “ “ 1840, 87,000 “ From the best available data, it would appear that, (estimating the product of maple Sugar at 50 millions) the present consumption ofthe Uni ted States is about 550 millions of pounds—equal to 25 pounds for each individual of our popula tion. Os this quantity, Louisiana and Texas, with their present extent of cultivation, and an average product, can furnish fully 300 millions pounds. Besides the Sugar, there were imported into the United State, in 1849—50, from foreign countries, 25 millions gallons Molasses, and the product of Louisiana for the same season was 12 millions gallons. Molasses.—According so the statement of Mr. P. A. Chatnponiier, the product of Molasses from the last cane crop, estimating 50 gallons for every 1000 pounds of Sugar, was 10,500,000 gallons, or 1,500,000 gallons less than the product of the pre vious year. This deficient supply has been pro ductive of a higher average of prices than has been attained lor several years past, as will be seen by the following table, which exhibits the highest and lowest point in each month, for sales on the levee, in barrels : HIGHEST. LOWEST. October cents per ga1..33 a35 26.ja27 November 27 a2B 24"a24J December 24 ja243 23 a24 January 20 a24J 18 a23j February 23 n27j 17 a24 March 25 a3O 23 a27>) April 25 a33 22 a3oj ; May 26 a35 25 a32 Juno 25 a32 25 a3O . July 22 a3O 20 a2B August 22 a32 22 a3O . EXTRACT l Front the. speech of Mr. Hunter of Va., delivered in the U. S. Semite, July 18, 1850. We of the South believe that the Mexican law , was repealed by the acquisition of the ter ” ritory; hut if we had believed that the threats ! and declarations of flie supremacy of the Mexi ( can law, made by so many distinguished jurists, " would operate to prevent the holders of slaves—■ > and all property holders are timid—from going with their property into the newly-acquired • Territories, under the apprehension in the un , settled state of the question, that they would f thereby hazard their property—l say if southern t men had seen that such would bo the effect, l am inclined to think they would certainly have r i demanded a declaratory act. saying that the i Mexican law was not in force. And they ■ would have done so strictly in accordance with i the pinciple of non-intervention, as I understand I that principle, and in the only sense in which 1 i can accord and accede to it. That doctrine, if 1 i understand it, is one which proposes to leave the l question of slavery or no slavery in the Territo- I l ies to be determined by soil and climate; leaving ; it to nature while they exist as Territories •>nd s to the people when they come in as StaL to i determine the character of their institutions in ) this respects That 1 understand to be the non , intervention principle. Well, if soil and climate • are to decide, then it follows that Congress can not interfere by legislation to establish or pro hibit it. Not only the legislation of Congress , cannot do that, but the Mexican legislation cou not do it, because, if the Mexican law interven ed, the question would he determined by it, and not by soil and climate. This was the doctrine of non-intervention proposed in the Clayton compromise bill, which neither established nor prohibited slavery, but clearly implied a duty, as I have endeavored to show, on the part ol the j territorial government, to protect such property, jif decided by the courts to exist. 1 know it is 'I said, that in maintaining the obligation to pro tect property you admit the right to destroy it. But I utterly repudiate and deny such a conclu sion. On tiie contrary, the establishment of this proposition would lead to the very opposite in ference. Who does not see that if 1 establish the obligation of the Government to protect my property, 1 deny its right to destroy and confis cate it t So far from admitting the right to de stroy, 1 deny it in the strongest possible form, when I show its obligation to protect it. My State government is bound to protect my liberty, and when 1 show that, do I admit that it can enslave me without cause! It is bound also to protect my property, and when I show that, do 1 admit that it can sieze and confiscate my proper ty without compensation to me for it. The United States Government is bound to protect the property in the slave on the high seas under the United Slates flag; and in asserting that duty on its part, do 1 admit it has a right to confiscate such property without ca.ise * And so, in my opinion, it is bound to protect it iu the Territo ries, as much as on the high seas on shipboard, and under the American flag. Extract from the speech of Mr. Davis of Miss., of same date. I was confident then, and am confident now, that I stood iqwn true ground. But is it aban doning this ground that I should refer to these opposite opinions ofthe most eminent jurists of | the land as a motive for legislation—as a reason ; why no men would hazard his property whilst this threatening cloud hung over his rights ! Is \ it an abandonment of this opinion tli it 1 should j insist that Congress should remove the obstruc tions which were considered insurmountable obstacles by Some of the best lawyers in the Senate, and which, if they exist, interfere with —-yes, sir, deny to us the exercise of—our con i stitutional rights'* This was no new opinion i with me, nor is it peculiar to this place, or to the : persons named. I was glad to hear my colleague say that lie ; would stand by e\ ery position that our State has taken, as this may bring us into the conjunction I desire. Our Legislature have passed two series of resolutions—one presented to the Senate by my colleague, and one by myself. From the j first one of them I will read to establish that this giound of opposition to the prominent feature ot l this bill has an origin more commanding than j that which has been assigned. Our Legislature passed a series of resolutions, approved March 6, 1850, from which I will read the following: ! “JJe it further resolved. That it is the duty of ' the Congress of the United State to provide ter ritorial organization and government for all the Territories acquired by the common blood and treasure of the citizens of the several States, and to provide the means of enforcing in said Terri tories the guarantees of the Constitution of the United States in reference to the properly of citizens of any of the States removing to any of said Territories with the same, without distinc tion or limitation.” That, sir, is what we claim, here and now. We claim that the Federal Government shall provide the means of enlorcing our constitutional rights, of protecting us in our property, as" guar antied by the Constitution, within those Terri tories to which the States have surrendered the control to the central Government. This is not begging the Federal Government to come to the protection of the States. This is not in viting the Federal Government to infringe the limits of sovereign States; but demanding that she should perform those functions which have been confided to her in/egions from which the States have withdrawn their right of control. 1 have heretofore answered the position of my colleague that there is something humiliating in this. I will not repeat what I have said—will not weary the Senate by a thrice-told tale. The resolutions which my colleague presented equally uphold the same position. They were approved upon the same day, but are a different series, and refer to the question before us. After referring to California and the government for New Mexico, the resolutions go on to say : “ Resolved, That the exercise by the Govern ment of the United States of a silent and passive jurisdiction over the Territory of California, in consequence of the failure by Congress to pro vide laws for the government of said Territory, and for the equal and indiscriminate protection of all the citizens of the United States removing to said Territory with their property, is in the highest degree unjust towards the people of the slaveholding States, by deterring them from going to said Territory with their slaves, and is calculated, and is intended, to deprive them of an equal participation in the common property of the people of all the States. “Resolved, That the policy heretofore pursued by the Government of the United States in re gard to said Territory, in refusing to provide territorial governments therefor, has been and is eminently calculated to promote, and is about to effect indirectly the cherished object of the Abolitionists, which cannot be accompuehed by direct Legislation, without a plain and palpable violation of the Constitution of the United States.” ' , Here is a complaint ofthe Federal Govern ment that it does not give the protection due, and that it avoids a plain and palpable violation ofthe Constitution of the United States, that it may effect the same purpose by indirect means. That has been the burden of the argument of those who have acted with me against this bill and that has been the main ground against the admission of California. Having been thus de prived of equality of enjoyment in the Territory, it is now proposed permanently to exclude us by admitting it as a State with a constitution that was framed to answer the views of an anti slavery Congress; and which was neither form ed nor adopted by the majority of the inhabi tants of that Territory. This is the position of our State, and 1 think that it has fairly and fully maintained the position those with whom I am connected here, have taken upon this subject. I have too humble an opinion of my own judg ment to have any great pride of consistency. If convinced of error, 1 hope that I would at any moment change. But I must ask that gentlemen will wait till I do change before they attach to me the charge of inconsistency. I mantain now, as I have always maintained, that the con stitution gives us a right to go there with any kind of property, and 1 ask the Federal Govern ment to provide the necessary means to secure the enjoyment of that right. Extract from the speech of Mr. Berrien, of Ga., delivered in the U. S. Senate, July 23, 1850. Mr. Berrien. Mr. President, lam unable to to consider, 1 wish I had the power to do so, that this is a bill of non-intervention, when in regard to the most important portion of this ter ritory—that of California—the people-of one portion of this Union are excluded by an act which can only receive force and validity from the action of Congress. I apprehend that to be intervention, direct and practical. There is also the further intervention that was suggested by the Senator from Kentucky. [Mr. Underwood,] who sits near me. But, sir, retaining the opin ion, which I have expressed, and endeavored heretofore to sustain, that the laws of Mexico on this subject are not in force, thye is, never theless, an improtant reason why the amendment of the Serator from Mississippi [Mr. Davis,] should be adopted, which } commend to the re-, flection of the other Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. Foote,| and it is this: • There are, as he well knows, discordant opinions upon the ques tion of the validity oV ■the Mexican lays. H«l entertains, arid I entertaVo. a very strong opintorr upon that subject, but persons whose opinions have equally and probably greater influence, entertain the opposite opinion. The pratieal re r suit of this diversity of opinion is, that southern t men, with their particular species of propert', are as effectually excluded from this Territory 1 as if the Mexican laws were existing and in . force, from the doubt which overhangs the sub ject, and th unwillingness of persons passing I with this species of property into these Territo s ries to subject themselves to a litigation by 1 which they might be divested of their property, i The Senator from Mississippi will recollect “the » glorious uncertainty” of the profession of which > he and I are members. The “glorious uncer tainty” of the law have passed into a by-word, . not because there is an infinite variety in the i interpretations of the law. The uncertainly • | which hangs over this subject, I say, operates as r 1 effectually against the rights of persons holding . : this species of property, emigrating to these Ter . ■ ritories, as if the Mexican laws were decided to 3 j be valid, or in force. The amendment of the ; Senator from Mississippi is in fact a mere declar i 1 atory act on the part of Congress, for the purpose s of removing these doubts and difficulties, and en i aiding persons holding this species of property to exercise their rights, without having suspended I over them the dread of litigation. It is in that view; although the Senator from Mississippi : [Mr. Foote] and myself agree jierfectly as to the principle of the operation or non-operation ol the Mexican laws, that I support tb is amend ; ment; and I submit to him that it removes all j the difficulty—difficulty occasioned, not by the ; existence or force of the Mexican laws, but by the doubts. A declaratory act on the part ol , Congress removes that difficulty. It does not | intervene by any possible legislation in regard to the subject of slavery. It exercises the right of a conquering country to modify, repeal or de i j clare null the laws of a conquered country, and in that I would hope that the amendment of the ir Senator from Mississippi will find acceptance - with the Senate. And 1 urge it more especial s ly from the consideration that this is a bill of compromise. It was proposed in that spirit, it is i, advocated in that spirit. Certainly, if gentle - men wish to conciliate those who may have had < doubts in regard to the provisions of this bill, I ; they will not refuse a mere declaratory act. which will relieve this question from the doubt 1 1 which overhangs it, and which as effectually i | denies access to these Territories as if there were I a positive inhibition to enter them with slave j | property. If gentlemen’s object really be com i promise, if they want accommodation, it it is f \ their purpose to allay the excitement which has i ; existed in this country, I ask that they will de -1 ! monstrate it by acquiescing in a proposition I which will be purely declaratory, to remove the I difficulties which prevent one portion of the pop i ulation ofthe Union from emigrating into these - t Territories. Cairns out the Fugitive Slave Law. i We find tiV following in the Nashville Ameri can ofthe IV/h inst. The law will hardly be : repealed by the free-soilers when they find it so easy to render it useless, and when to attempt to do so might place their Southern friends in an i awkward predicament in the approaching Presi dential election: j Another Abolition Outrage. —We have I been put in possession of the following facts by ! one of our citizens, which show how little dis posed tiie inhabitants of the non-slaveholding J States are to do justice to the South, notwith- I standing their compromise bills which were i to secure to us our rigbls and quiet that fell spirit of Abolitionism which has seated itself in high places and now controls the government. On ! the 9th of July last, a slave, the property of Thomas J. Hale, of this city, (led and betook him j self to Illinois, in the neighborhood of Sparta, a | few miles distant from the Mississippi river. Some two weeks ago. a letter was received at j the American office, from a gentleman in Illinois I who had ascertained that he was a runaway from i this city. The letler gave so correct a descrip tion ofthe boy, that we communicated it to Mr. Hale, who recognised his slave, and employed Mr. Lewis Field of this place to go thither and endeavor to capture him. On his arrival there, he learned that the negro was at a certain house in the country and in company with two men, who promised to assist him, went to that place. The negro, however, before they could see him, left, without suspicion 'hat he was sought for, and went to a neighboring house, owned by a man named Muzzles. Field and his party went over after getting their supper ai tiie first house, and enquired lor the boy, who came in promptly at the cal! of Muzzles. Field shook bauds with him and told Muzzles that he was the runaway. The slave was not acquainted with Field. Muz zles demanded that he should have a lair trial, to which Field was entirely willing, and said that if he would be responsible for his forthcoming the next morning at the town, he would leave. Muz zles would not agrep to this—and said that the boy was free. Field then endeavored to take him, when the owner of the house reached down a loaded gun and swore that he would protect the fugitive. Field wens then assaulted by him and the negro, whom he went to tie, and in the melee he forced open a door of an adjoining room, in which there was no light and was set upon by the grown sons of Muzzles. He was bruised considerably, but maintained himself. The ne- I gro took occasion at this time to retreat and fled from the house. We are glad to learn that Mr. Field sustained no serious damage, which certainly was not the ! fault of the Abolition scamps.—Failing to accom plish the object of his trip, he returned to this city. So much for Northern justice! Comment is useless. We would like to see an accurate state ment of the number of slaves restored to the South under the blessed Compromise era. The whig papers of this city, if we remember aright, claim that more than two hundred have been recaptured. The New York Tribune, which keeps pretty well posted up upon such matters, gives the money value of restored fugitives at $19,500, and we would judge that they are very ! near the mark. At any rate, it is the fact that none of our citizens have succeeded in recovering their fugitive slaves. Horrid Murder. Our county was made, on yesterday, the scene of one of the most horrid butcheries that black en the annals of crime. A young and interest ing woman has been hurried to eternity, and in a manner truly shocking and heart-rending. We j have only room, at the late hou: we write, to state the prominent facts couuected with this ! affair, omitting, altogether, the painful details of this bloody tragedy. Air. Win. T. Burns, a highly | respected citizen of this county, residing about ! ! seven miles west of Washington, arose about | light on yesterday morning and went to his lath- i : er's, Mr. Samuel Burns, about a mile distant, sta ! ting to his wife, whom he left in bed, that he j would, probably, not be back to breakfast. A few hours after his departure, a messenger came, i stating to him that something dreadful had befal i len his wife. Mr. Burns returned with all speed, 1 and upon entering his house, found Mrs. Burns, his wile, dragged from the bed, and lying upon the floor, with her head, throat and neck mutilat ed in a most shocking manner. There were j several mortal wounds on different portions of the head, and one, the largest, on the back of the neck, reaching entirely across, passing through the entire muscular tissue, and nearly dividing the vertebrae of the neck. These wounds were [ evidently inflicted by an axe, as afterwards ascer tained. Mrs. Elizabeth Burns, the deceased, was a daughter of Spain Colley, of this county, in the bloom of life, and but recently married to Mr. Burns, who has our heartfelt sympathy in this terrible calamity. In regaid to the author of this diabolical mur der, we would simply state, that upon investiga tion by the Coroxer's jury all the lacts pointed to Malinda, a negro woman, the property of Mr. Bums, as the perpetrator ol the bloody deed. A verdict was found in accordance with those facts, and the woman has been arrested and lodged in jail to aw r ait her trial before the Superior Court at its next session. We were present at the in quest and hope never again to be called on to witness a si\ht so terrible and appalling.— Wash ington ( Ga.) Gazette, 4 th. inst. ■n*——H 'l 1 | Telegraphed for the BaitimM*t£itin.] Further per Steamer Anwnci. Hau»x, Sept. 3. The steamer America arrive# this morning with dates to August 24th. Markets. —The common and grades of Cotton have advanced daring pi week fully fd., and the better qualities id. Ifhe quotations are Fair Orleans s|<L, Mobile 54q. The sales of the week have been 68,000 Riles, of which speculators took 9,000 and extorters 14,000 bales. The market- on Saturday| dosed lirm with sales of 8,000 bales. J BaEADSTUPFS.-J’he prospfcGt of an abundant harvest has Breadstuff's. Flour has declined 6d. and-W heat 2d.. Com is 6d. better. W < Trade in the manufacturing districts is im proving. Spinnersx£re fully employed. Money is in morf dgpiand at unchanged rates. Co nsols for money MeTto 96J. The Havre Cel urn market is inactive. Bales of the week 5-5,U00 bales. Sales oik Monday up tojtwo o’clock 2000 bales. Tre Ordinaire.Orleans 83f. The challenge of the yacht Amierica to sail against all English vessels was*|)ot accepted. The regatta came off on Friday, led she easily beat the eighteen yachets which fen against her. The general news is devoid offinterest. Additional per America. Halifax. SejtfaOtL-9 P. M. Markets. —Hollingsheads & felty's circular says that Cotton is in good demand at advancing prices. Fair and superior qualities have ad vanced id., and middling and coufcnon Rl. The quotations are Middling Upland 4Jd.; Fair do. 51d.; Middling Orleans and MoMc Old. Money. —Consols closed at 96J a 964- U. S. Stocks are inactive. Penn’a G’s.Sl a 82, others unchanged. England.—The Queen desigked leaving for Scotland on the 27th. Her Majesty having ex pressed a desire to have a cwtrin road in St. Pancros Parish for her to pass the vestry of the Parish coolly informed her that the road would be closed on the day named, and conse quently she could not pass over it. The affair had excited considerable merriment and vexa tion. The proposed meeting of the Catholics of the United Kingdom, in opposition to the Papal Ag gression Act, was held in Dublin on Tuesday. There was much excitement, 4ad some violence occurred. At the yacht race on the America was the last to get away from her moorings, but . soon passed her eighteen competitors, and reach , ed the winning station 23 nmuifcs ahead of the Volante. the best The raceme as . Very brilliant, audthe graffll oIK ever sei% at TW'xffrong of was immense, r* The match with will take i place about the 29th. , The Great Exhibition was growing less at . tractive, and the receipts had amounted to 2000 i pounds per day. , The question of establishing a packet station r in Ireland was still discussed, "and large rneet i ings had been held in Dublin and elsewhere in . favor of the project. ; France. —The opinion gains ground that . Prince de Joinville will he a candidate for the ; Presidency. The President has abandoned his ; . • tour on account of some trilling disturbances in ; I the provinces, which demanded Ms attention, i | Spain.— We hear nothing but the old story of - | a ministerial crisis. :, ! Halifax, Sept. 3d.—The America sailed to e day at 8 o’clock, and is due in Bolton to-morrow f afternoon. s Our election resulted in the success of the t Liberals, who have 9 majority iirthe Assembly, . which is considered favorable to the construction [> of the Canada and Portland Railroad. [From the Milledgeville Ifrnrjrrfcr.] e Starkville, Aug. 23th, 1831. . , Messrs. Grieve ht Orme:— We have had an a | other severe storm of wind andrjin. very much j j similar to the one we had 12 months ago, hut ). , more severe and of longer duration, bringing ■ with it more rain. It began about noon on the e 23d, and continued till 9of the night of the 24 th. lt ] Its effect upon the crop is, as I have learned from j the different portions of our county, quite injuri- I ous. The rust is spreading its ravages pretty ex e tensively throughout the country, which has " caused a considerable portion of cotton to burst open precociously; this has caused the injurious effect of the storm upon the cotton crop to be 0 greater than it otherwise would have been. lt - Besides, it is the general opinion" that in con sequence of the weeds having bean turned and j twisted about ia every direction by the wind, e but so severely by the torrents of rain that at e tended the wind, that it has been so injured as not to be able to continue bearing, but on the l( - contrary to throw off a great deal that it already s has borne. Late corn that has nut had the fod _ der pulled off, is all blown down lat, having had j the blades split into strings whiclftias put an end j to fodder gathering, and will provl quite injuri .’ ous to late new ground corn that las not so ma s tured. Trees, fences and chimniei were blown down profusely in many places. The vast quantities of rain that have fallen e will conduce to render our county more un healthy than it was before, I fear. s From Yucatan.—By the arriva l of the schoon s er Star, Capt. Gammon, we have received Cam peachy puperHA>i‘ the 10th aiul ICe/i inst. They 1 do not contain much news, thougfthey express f a conviction of the gradual subsiSuee of the In dian troubles. Complaints of tfc interference L ‘ , of the English in the affairs of rte Peninsula continue to be made. It is agai Aasserted that the authorities of the Belize setMjjjent furnish the Indians with arms and amiKhtion tY> con duct the war against the whitosAgf (J. 1 Pica ” ! yttne, 30 th ult. 5 Chatham Mutual Loan Association.—At a 5 meeting of this Association, last c ening. S3OOO i were loaned at a premium of i9i per cent. - average. Twenty shares of stock were sodas follows: 3 5 shares, $23 paid, sold 10r..... .$33 ’ 5 “ 23 " “ 32 10 “ 50 “ “ 00 l [iJui-Ymnu/i Gcnrgitn , 'id inst. The New York Cura Expedition.—Refer -1 ring to the dispatch received at Few York on 1 Satu day from Washington, by the United States i Marshal, directing his attention to a Cuba expe -1 dition fitting out at that port, the New York iet ■ i ter to the Ledger says: 1 “Perhaps it is worth adding that the naval • store-keeper, as Brooklyn, who is in a position - to know, informs us that three or wur vessels ’ have been fitted out at this port, diirng the pre -1 sent week, With men and ammunitions of war, lor Cuba. We may laugh at this, but he tells • us it is so, and he calls upon the authorities to be I on the look-out. The Fillibusters here have l I now in permanent session what they tall a ‘ Cen i tral Directory,’ whose business it it to receive ' subscriptions in aid of the patriots, register en ■ listments, &e.” ’ Invited to Leave.—An individual calling himself Wilkins, but whose real name is said to | be H. A. Layton, having given expression to abolition sentiments of a very offensive and in ; suiting character, in the presence ol' a party of young gentlemen, was called upon las evening 1 and notified to leave the eity. Wisely consider ing perhaps that a longer residence irniong us would not be good for his health, he very readily ! consented to leave in last night's boat for Charles ton, on his way to the North. The ymng man is from Philadelphia, and is certainly tio indis creet to be trusted so far from home, especially in Southern latitudes. No violence w« offered 1 | him, and we trust the lesson he has reieived, if it does not reform his morals, will at lec-t teach 1 him discretion for the future.— Savanm ft News. 3d mst. The steam ship Southerner arrived about 12 o’clock last night from New York. We learn that the cause of her detention arose liom the breaking on Monday, at half jiast 1 P. M„ when about twelve miles distant from Cape Lsok Out, the light bearing N. N. W., of the larboafj shaft, | which disabled the larboard wheel, ant com ' pelled her to proceed the rest of the voyige un der sail, with the assistance of only the starboard wheel. At noon yesterday she passed the ifhooner i Isaballa Thompson, Captain Corson, i'rous| Phila delphia for this port, laying to under cloip reefed | fore and main-sails. —Charleston Couriered inst. What did the South Gain by the Ct.wriio mise?—As Mr. Clay is one of the great leaders of the “Union Party,” we presume nonh will dispute the truth of his testimony. On tre 22d of July, 1850, little more than one yearagb. Mr. Clay, in a speech delivered in the Senate,laid — “Senators from the Northern States miy go home to their constituents, after this measure I shall have been passed, and say “the North j gains the admission or California as a free State. I This is sure. She is dedicated now and forever ; to that freesoilism which you so much prizk.” “The North avoids the introduction of slave* ; ry by the authority of Congress in New Nexi ; co and Utah—and as in our opinion, the ttodoci excludes slavery from the territories, it is bfchly probable they will both remain and become'free territories. “The North has New Mexico detached from Texas, with a high degree of probability that she will ultimately become, as before stated a free State. “The North secures the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. “Are not these objects of sufficient magnitude to satisfy any moderate, rational Northern wish? What concession of power and authority is made by the North? What rights are sari ficed* Tell me, if the North docs not get almost 1 every thing and the South nothing hut her hotMrP The New York Herald of the 30th ult., says: Arms, ammunition, clothing, medicines and provisions, intended and purchased for the Cutkn revolutionary army, have been sent from ttis harbor. Two vessels, whether American erAof some other nation we cannot precisely say, were purchased some days ago, and freighted with these articles.—Many thousand of dollars doubtless, have been expended in the business, and thus any one may judge that the number of arms and quantity of ammunition were not small. We have not heard that any citizens of New York have taken any active part in the enterprise, but have reason to believe that the foreign capital has been employed for the purpose. Hence the ease, security and secrecy with which this undertaking has been carried out. Indeed by this time, with ordinary speech both vessels must be at or near their destination; and will supply any immediate necessities the revolutionary army may require, while the arrangements made will add to the revolutionary' force several hundred well drilled and well equip-’’ ped men. ik AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. WEDNESEAY MORNING, SEPT. 10. JAMES GARDNER, JR., ) and > Editors. JAMES M. SMYTHE, ) For Governor. CHARLES J. MCDONALD. For Congress—Eighth District, ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert. TEE LARGEST CIRCULATION IN TEE STATE. Constitutionalist & Republic CAMPAIGN PAPER. T E*R MS REDUCED! As but a few weeks intervene between now and the election, our Campaign Paper will be furnished at the following reduced Single copy, - - - - 25 cts. 10 copies, - - -$2 00 ‘25 “ - - - 400 100 “ - - - -15 00 And for any intermediate number, at the above rates. Our friends have done well thus far in circulating this paper. Let them not weary in well doing. Our cause is onward, and daily accessiops arc made to the ranks of the Southern Mights Party, as light is poured in on the minds of the people. Let us continue the uood work,and victory will perch on the Republican Standard of McDonald and Southern Rights. Resolution relative to the election of the Judges of the Superior Courts. Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Repre sentatives of the State of Georgia in General Assem bly convened, That at the next general election lor Governor and Members of the Legislature, i the people ol this State be requested to express i their wishes as to the manner in which the Judges of the Superior Courts shall thereafter be elected, by endorsing on their tickets, “By the Legisla ture,’’ or “ By the People.’’ Assented to, December 12 th, 1840. Oan the Spell of Delusion bo Broken ?—Constitu tional Union Panorama. We announced yesterday that we should bring 1 into view, this morning, the first scenes of our Panorama of the Constitutional Union Party. | In the first place, for what purpose has that par ty been formed ? Ostensibly to save the Union, j Mr. Toombs said, in the spring of 1850— “This cry ol Union is the masked battery from which the Constitution and the rights of the South are to be assailed.’’ 1 | “ Let the South mark the man who is for the i I Union at every hazard, and to the last extremity. When the day of her peril comes, he will be the imitator of the historical character, the base Ju dean, who, for thirty pieces of silver, threw away a pearl richer than all his tribe.” Notwithstanding this declaration then, Mr. ; Toombs, at this time, has no visions ol eternal | beauty but those which cluster around the Ame j rican Union ; and there is no music so sweet to ; ! his earas this “ cry of Union 1” Union! Union! . | “ at every hazard and to the last extremity 1” The object of the formation of the Constitu | ' tioual Union party is to accomplish a closer and | more perfect union of the North and the South— in other words, to maintain a more intimate and ‘ stricter alliance with those who, in the words of I 7 Mr. Toombs, a few months ago. showed a fixed purpose to destroy the political rights of the South—to put her institution under the ban of the empire, by excluding her citizens from an equal participation in the common benefits of the Re public, and thereby to bring the powers of the government in direct hostility to their propeity. This Constitutional Union party professes to j be governed by motives so pure and disinterested, i ! that vanity, though marked upon nearly every ; sublunary object and aim, cannot be found paint ied iqxm its escutcheon. It wants not office for itsellj though it is struggling lor power and place with an energy seldom equalled and never ex celled. No, it has no use for power, or place ? only as it may enable it to give peace and per j petuity to the Union ! ! Charity begins at home. The Union is divi | ded into two great geographical divisions upon j the subject of slavery. One section, now nu ! merically the strongest, has sworn eternal hos ! tility to the institution of slavery. Not long ! since, a deadly contest threatened to burst into fire and tlarne between the North and the South. Northern fanaticism shot forth the red lightnings of its hate, and the South, though distracted by divisions, exhibited some degree of indignation and resistance. Under these circumstances, a series of measures, termed a Compromise, have been adopted by the National Legislature. The Southern Rights party contend that the South has not received justice by this miscalled Com- I promise. The Constitutional Union party, with j Mr. Cobh at its head, says that it is fair, liberal ! and just. Among the chiefs of this latter party is a man of fame, long renowned in statesmanship and eloquence. There is nothing in the melody of j song, or the fragrant flowers of rhetoric, that the Constitutional Union party has not brought and ' placed iqxm its altar, to do him honor. A crown of glory is placed upon his head, and Henry C!ay, in the sunset of his life, is covered over j with golden clouds, and promised an immortality which shall bloom in perpetual freshness and beauty. Let him pass, then, in panoramic exhi bition. Look, people of Georgia, men of the South, upon his moving picture. He is linked with the Constitutional Union party. He is the ; architect who built up the gieat Compromise i structure. He is the enchanter, and our political opponents here are under his potent spell. Ob- j 1 serve closely, as the canvass moves, and decide for yourselvas whether he should be an object of your political tvorship. Mr. Clay, in a speech in 1827, (and he has never retracted the sentiment.) used the follow ing language in reference to the institution of , slavery: “ If I could be instrumental in eradicating this ' deepest stain upon the character of our country, and removing all cause of reproach on account of it, by foreign nations; if I could only be instru mental in ridding of this foul blot, that revered 1 State that gave me birth, or that not less loved ! ' State which kindly adopted me as her son, I 1 would not exchange the proud satisfaction which i I should en joy, for the honor of all the triumphs j 1 ever decreed to the most successful conqueror.” i Thousands who knew that Mr. Clay was op- I I ppsed to slavery in the abstract, trusting to his greatness of soul and his love of justice, believed j that the South could rely upon him, especially as j he was Southern born, and was the owner of a considerable number of slaves. They belie.ved j that lie would stand by the Missouri Compro mise to the last, as some of the brightest sun light of his fame was reflected from his connec tion with that celebrated measure. As we can present only some of the promi- \ nent views, we now pass over nearly twenty- j two years, and submit the following extracts j from a letter of Mr. Clay’s to a Free Soil Con- j vention, held at Cleveland, Ohio, iu 1819: “ I concur entirely in opinion as to. the otisdom t of that gieat measure, (the Wilmot Pro viso) and j 1 am glad that it has secured to the States on j which it ojierates, an exemption from the evils of I slavery. “No one ran be juice orrosED xi'iAM I am to the extension of slavery into those nf;W territories, either by the authority of Congress, or by indi vidual enterprise. Here is exhibited the hostility to the institu tion ot slavery which Mr. Clay ma nifested w ith so much bitterness in 1827. Floating along the stream of tinae, w r e come to Mr. Clay standing in the Senate Chamber of the United States, and uttering the following lan guage. It will be found in his speech of July 22d, 1850, on page 1415, of the Appendix to the Congressional Globe for that session. These remarks were addressed to Mr. H ale, of New Hampshire, to iuduce him to vote for the Compromise measures. Here they are:— “The honorable Senator talks about the sacri fice of Northern rights and power; what rights are sacrificed in this measure ! Let him reply. What rights are sacrificed? what concessions of power and authority is made by the North in ►this measure ? Is it in the high degree of pro bability that all the newly acquired territories will ultimately be dedicated to the cause of Free Soil, without the Wilmot Proviso? Do they hug that precious Wilmot so to their bosoms that nothing but that will do—that no other obsta cles, no other preventives to the introduction of —L-- J ■■ HU 11 '! slavery in the territories will satisfy thenri, but Wilmot, Wilmot, Wilmot? Is that a sacrifice t To what power is the sacrifice made here 1 Are they not satisfied with every REAL SECURI TY FOR THE ACCOMPLISHMENT OF THEIR WISHES ? or do they require to in flict what they know is regarded as derogatory to the honor and feelings of the South ? * # # w I ask him what right is sacrificed by the North in this measure ? Let him tell me ll the North does not get almost every thing, and the South NOTHING but her honor—her exemp tion from usurped authority in the Texas land which I have mentioned, together with the fugi tive slave proposition, and an exemption from agitation on the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia ? Ido not want general broadcast declamation, but specifications. Let us meet them like men; point upon point; argument upon argument. Show us the power here to which Northern sacrifice is made.” Mr. Hale had insisted upon the exclusion of slavery by the passage of the Wilmot Proviso. Mr. Clay told him that the people of the North had 11 every rf.al security for the accom plishment OF THEllt WISHES,” witlimU it. Messrs. Toombs, Stephens and Cobb tell us that we have a fair non-intervention in the Utah and New Mexico bills. Mr. Clay flatly contra dicts them. We need only state the fact, m this connection, that Mr. Clay averred that nothing on earth could induce him to vote for any mea sure to extend slavery into the territories of Utah and New Mexico !! Such is Henry Clay upon this great question of the institution of slavery, and the rights of the South. We could fill two or three successive numbers of our paper with his speeches and let ters, loaded with opposition to the institution ol slavery. Citizens of Georgia, remember the saying that “aman is known by the company he keeps.” Mr. Cobb, Mr. Toombs, and Mr. Stephens,are found in the company of Mr. Clay, as also of Mr. Webster, Mr. Fillmore, Mr. Duer, and oth ers, who are the deadly enemies of slavery. Turn, citizens, to your homes, and ask your selves if you can look for their protection to Mr. Clay—to a man whose sentiments are such as we have proved them to be ? Look within your own bosoms, and ask yourselves if yon can think of Mr. Clay as Messrs. Cobb, Toombs and Ste phens do f Can you weave for his brows gar lands of praise and fame, as they have done , since the passage of these Compromise measures? Is the path trod by Mr. Clay the one to lead to your protection and safety ? If you can place your hands upon your hearts— look upon your rights, and your homes, and say that it is —that your representatives, who bestow upon him not only their praise, but their affec tions. are worthy of your confidence, then indeed, with you, the spell of delusion is difficult of being broken. We shall not, however, despair if this fails, for we have other scenes, even more strik ing, to bring to your view. A Question of Veracity. 11l the Chroncilc Sentinel of the 6th inst., I find a communication over the signature of Win. I • 3 S. Jones, from which I quote the following ver sion of what passe! between Dr. Jones and my self on the occasion referred to : As the readers of the Chronicle & Sentinel are j well aware, there has appeared in it, a series of i articles under the signature of “ Doctor,” marked j with unusual ability, the last of which vvaspub t lishcdon Friday, the 29th of August last, which called lorth the following note : Augusta, August 29th, 1851. Dr. W.tf. S. Jones— Sir: — l demand you the j name of the author of the article “ Doctor - ” i which appeared in the Chronicle & Sentinel of I this date, in order to demand of him personal | satisfaction. Respectfully, your ob’t. serv’t., James M. Smythe. This note was brought into the office by Mr. James Gardner, Jr. When he presented it, I inquired who it was from ? He replied Mr. Smythe. Presuming it w r as a call for the author ol “Doctor,” I received and immediately replied to it, giving the name of the author. Having fold ed and addressed my reply, I handed it to Mr Gardner, who immediately rose from his seat, as I supposed to retire, when he drew from a side pocket what appeared to be a letter, and present ed it, saying, “ Here is another.” 1 inquired from whom ? He replied, “ The same gentle man,” and as I received it, I understood him to remark, “ You can reply to it at your leisure,” and immediately walked out of the room. I opened and proceeded to read the following note: Augusta, August 29th, 1851. Dr. Wm. S. Jones : Sir :—Considering the article signed “Doctor,” which appeared in the Chronicle <s• Sentinel of this i morning, of such a character as to make you, us ; the publisher of that paper, a party to the out rage, I demand of you that satisfaction, for in serting it in your columns, which is due from one gentleman to another. This will be handed you by my friend, James Gardner, Jr., Esq. Respectfully your olj’t. serv’t. Jam ks M. Smyxiie. As sooh as I discovered tire nature ol the con tents, I iij.se from my seat to call Mr. Gardner to return it to him, but he had passed out at the front door of the office, a distance of near sixty feet. 1 started with the determination of following him into the street, hut alter proceeding a few steps, returned to my seat, thinking it of no conse quence. It is proper to remark, that if I had even sus pected the character of the communication, 1 . should not have received it. This statement is, in at leash one essential par | ticular, false. I repeat the statement made in my note of | the 4th inst., already published, to Mr. Smythe. I ‘"The second (note) he received and read in my | presence. While reading it, I said to him.‘(7 will be proper for yon to answer I liat through your ffiend.’ ” I These are literally the words I used. They were ! deliberatelyjused, and distinctly borne in mind. — I anticipated that quite probably a statement of what transpired might become necessary. I | therefore took special pains to remember exactly word lor word, what I said. The words were spoken while Ur. Jones sat with the note open in his hand, and his eyes fixed upon it. The t note was so very short that a single glance must have been suliicient for Dr. Jones to have instant- I !y “discovered the nature of its contents,” unless he was stupilied by some strong emotion. I turned away deliberately and slowly, and left his oiliee and walked slowly to my own. I did so purposely to give him an opportunity to speak to me if he desired to do so. He did not avail himself of the opportunity. The statement of Dr. Jones is stamped on its I face with falsehood. It is impossible that I ; could have parsed out of the front door of his of fice, a distance of near sixty feet, before Dr. Jones could have discovered the nature of the contents | of so shr.rt a note, unless, as I have above sug | gested, he was stupified by some strong emotion. In the spiiit of charity 1 am willing that he should, be shielded from the imputation of deliber ate falsehood, under the supposition that he was so bewildered by his situation that for some I minutes, he did not clearly comprehend anything. JAMES GARDNER, Jr. Dr. Wm. S. Jones. ■*'l copy the following from an article, over the signature of Dr. Wm. S. Jones, which appeared 1 in the Chronicle & Sentinel of yesterday morn ing. “The public will, 1 trust, pardon my calling th eir attention to a matter purely personal, which is rendered necessary by the pitiful at tack made upon me, through the columns oi the Constitutionalist, of yesterday, by James M. Smythe. Had the circulation of that paper been I confined to the circle where we are both known, I the article and author should have met with the I contempt so richly merited. As it will, hovvev ' er, lie seen and read where neitner of us are per | sonally known, it becomes necessary that I i should notice it to correct some misstatements of ! facts connected therein.” I The plain meaning of this is, that, in Dr. ! Jones’ opinion, he is a man of higher character ; and position than I am. Dr. J. can think of himself as he pleases. I shall not imitate his in delicate example, so far as to praise myself social j ly, morally or intellectually, but I cannot refrain j from the expression of my contempt for his opinion. I never draw comparisons between myseli and other men in any way. much less in a public journal. I never knew a gentleman to do it. I copy further from Dr. J.'s article as fol lows : “For I did not imagine even that Mr. Smythe who professes to be so very anxious to obtain personal satisfaction, would have made such a call on me, whose opinions on the subject of duel ling he so well knew, one too, who he asserts is “« number of a respectable Church especially after he had obtained the name of the author a reputa ble gentleman, whom he knew to be neither the member of a Church or opposed to a resort the code duello. It the author of Doctor had proved not to have been a responsible and reputable man, he might have had some excuse for a call on me.” Dr. Jones has no right to say, or know, what I should have done in reference to the author of “Doctor.” I presumed that Dr. Jones would be disinclined to fight a duel, but I was not aware of his sentimeuts on the subject of duelling, from personal intercourse, or the newspapers, or any of the numerous books which have been published since or before my acquaintance with him. The man who would do another as great a wrong, as Dr. Jones did me, by publishing the false and malicious articles of “ Doctor,” might be pre sumed to be removed fur enough from sanctifi cation to fight a duel. But Dr. Jones was only called upon for satisfaction. : —!iaaig.BWiu«iMßggp The expression of his regret at publishing the articles, with a declaration, at the same time, of his disbelief in the charges made against me would have relieved him. He has neither the magnanimity nor the Christianity to do me that justice, for he coolly refers to the articles of “ Doctor,” and says they were “ marked with unusual ability. “He expresses no regret, takes nothing back, praises the articles of “ Doctor,’’ and plainly insinuates that he is a man of higher social position than I am.” I might comment with great severity upon portions of Dr. Jones’s article, but I forbear, as I placed him, in my article of the sth, where he properly belongs, and I have no feelings towards him, now, but those of pity mingled with con tempt. JAMES M. SMYTHE. Can the Spell of Delusion he Broken ?—Constitu tional Union Panorama. The Honorable Howell Cobb comes into view this morning. It would be difficult for any Academy of Design to concentrate into one pic ture, the various shades and hues that enter into the political character of this gentleman. With much acti vit^pgplife, of purpose, appar ent fairness, but in reality tne reverse—lofty am bition, with disproportionate Opacity—eager ness to gain an end, without being scrupulous as to the means—commingled with many amiable personal traits of character—Mr. Cobb’s portrait would be difficult of delineation. We shall i select the artists for him principally from among his ‘political, supporters, and we shall confine the exhibition mainly to his connection with the slavery question. We have already noticed, in a full and ample manner, his views upon the Compromise. That, we may as well say, he considers fair , liberal and just. , while the South has gained nothing, but lost every thing by it. Mr. Cobb, ambitious of power or lame, aspir ed to the chair of Speaker of the National House of Representatives. Congress assembled on the 3rd day of December, 1549, on which day the balloting for Speaker commenced. On the 22d day of the same month, after a long and fiery contest, Mr. Cobb was elected Speaker by a plu rality vote, upon the 63rd ballot. The House remained in a state of disorganization during the whole of that time. Messrs. Toombs and Stephens made the dangers to the South, which were threatened by the action of the North, the foundation for their agency in keeping up that disorganization lor so long a time. They had sixty-three chances to vote for Mr. Coob for Speak er, but refused to cast a single vote for him ! They must have felt great opposition to Mr. Cobb, for they cast their votes for Mr. Gentry, of Tennessee, who, if we remember correctly, expressed the belief that the Wilmot Proviso was constitutional, or said that he would not dissolve the Union if it was adopted by Con gress. Be that as it may, they refused through out to vote for Mr. Cobb. We must now digress a little to bring into | view an important feature in this matter of the j election of a Speaker. After thirty-six ineffec- | tual balloting*, the name of Win. J. Brown, of Indiana, was substituted for Mr. Cobb’s. The i race then was between Mr. Brown and Mr. Winthrop. After several ballotings, in one of which Mr. Brown lacked but a few votes of be ing elected, Southern men, who voted for him, 1 ascertained by some means that he had been se cretly bargaining with the Free Soilcrs for their votes. This was fully prov ed by the following - letters, which were read before the House. See Congressional Globe for 1849-‘SO, page 22. DECEMBER 10, 1819. Bear Sir: —In the conversation which 1 had with you this evening, you were free to say, that if elected Speaker of the House of Representa tives, you would constitute the Committees on Territories, the Judiciary, and the District of t Columbia, in a manner that should be satisfacto > ry to myself and the friends with whom I have had the honor to act. i have communicated this to my friends ; and if, in reply to this note, you i can give them the same assurance, they will give ■ you a cheerful and cordial support. Respectfully yours, D. Wilmot. I v Hon. Wrn. J. Brown. i Washington City, 10th Dec., IS it). Bear Sir : —ln answer to yours of this date, 1 will state that, should i be elected Speaker of the , House of Representatives, I will constitute the Committees on the District of Columbia, on Ter ritories, and on the Judiciary, in such manner as shall be satisfactory to yourself and your friends. I am a Representative from a free State, and : have always been opposed to the extension ol slavery, and believe that the Federal Govern ment should be relieved from the responsibility of slavery, where they have the constitutional power to abolish it. I am yours truly, W. J. Brown. Hon. David Wilmot. To show the feelings excited by this disclo sure, we extract a single sentence from some re marks made by Mr. Burt: “ He | Mr. Burt] ventured to say, if they had known of this correspondence, and the gentle man’s [Mr. Brown’s] answer to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Wilmot,] there was not a Southern man in this House but would have regarded it an insult to ba asked to vote for him.” Air. Brown was disposed of in short order. Mr. Cobb was brought forward again and elect ed. We do not say that there was any collusion between him and the Free Soilers, but what did he do after his election ? Did he not do the very thing that Air. Brown was required by the Free Soilers to do? He put oil the Judiciary Com mittee Preston King and Thadeus Stevens, two of the most bitter and even malignant Abolition ists in Congress, and also George Ashinun, a Free Soil Whig, and James Thompson, a Free Soil Democrat ! These constituted a majority of the committee, of which James Thompson was made chairman by Mr. Cobb. He appointed as members of the Committee on Territories, Julius Rockwell, a bitter anti-slave ry fanatic, and the notorious Aholitionisls, Dan iel Gott and Joshua R. Giddings. On the District of Columbia Committee , he put Charles Allen, of Massachusetts, who takes his position among the rabid Abolitionists proper. These are the three committees upon which Mr. Wilmot demanded of Air. Brown to put Abolition ists and Free Soilers. The Judiciary is Wig favor ite committee of the Free Soilers, because the con stitutions of the new States, made of the territo ries, are relerred to it. Upon that Air. Cobb gave them a majority. But it was of but little consequence, for even a single one could make a I counter report. The reports of rriinoiities are al ways published with those of majorities, and , they are sent abroad together. This is the way that these Abolitionists and Free Soilers accomplish their objects. The two reports are sent together, throughout the land. Southern men are forced to send both together to their constituents, or send none at all. if they furnish them with these public documents, they are forced to send the poison with the necessary means of public enlightenment. There is not a stronger and more unfaltering Abolition organ in the New England States thaiv the Hartford Republican. See what it said about these appointments of Mr. Cobh : “On each of the three committees, in which the friends of Freedom felt the most interest, Mr. I Cobb has placed a strong and reliable Free Soil- j er This is something, especially when it is con- j sidered that he is himself a slaveholder and a j thorough slavery extensionist. It is perhaps, more than any man in his senses would expert from a Northern dough fare. It looks decent beside such committees as are manufactured for the Senate, and certainly is an improvement on the fashions that prevailed in the House in those days when Giddings was sent Home under censure, for offering a petition, and when Alarshall was ap pointed to admonish John Quincy Adams. But the times have changed, and are still changing, MUCH TO THE DISQUIET OF THE BLACK REIGN OF SLAVERY.” j Among those papers now foremost in sustain ing Air. Cobb, and urging his claims upon the people of Georgia as the very man lor the limes ' j to rule over them, are the Chronicle Sf Sentinel I the Savannah Republican, and the Macon Mes senger. We now bring them into view in the . order mentioned. Shortly after Mr. Cobb’s election as Speaker ; and appointment of the committees referred to, i the Chronicle copied the following from a North Carolina Democratic paper: “ We say that Mr. Cobb is not at all justifia- | ble for appointing those men, who have made their fanaticism a curse to the country, upon the committees he lias put them upon, and where they desired to be. We know they had the pre sumption to demand a recognition of their claims; but they have never heretofore been re cognized; and have no more right to be recog- J nized than would the claims of a dog to sit at his I master’s table. And yet we have a Southern Speaker, for the first time lifting them from in significance into importance, admitting their claims—the claims of Free Soilers! A misera ble band of fanatics, not stronger than 1 a corpo ral’s guard,’ comparatively. A man of nerve—a Jackson or a Polk, would never have made such appointment.” This Democratic paper thus attacked Mr. Cobb for putting some of the Free Soilers upon important committees. The Chronicle not only copied the above ap provingly, but assailed Mr. Cobb in an editorial of some length. We copy two sentences only, as follows : “ Such is the manly tone of the North Caroli nian, one of the organs of the Democracy in the old North State, in reference to the Congressional . committees as appointed by Mr. Cobb.” ’ “ Such are the leaders of Democracv—the men who are eternally prating about Southern rights, and their readiness to sacrifice the Union for them.” The Chronicle is now the eulogist of Mr. Cobb! Was it his calumniator when it published the above T“ What will be said of its flattery now when its accusation remains unretrarted ? What confidence can be placed In a paper that charged Mr. Cobb with betraying the South, and yet . sustains him for Governor, because he favors h Jr? Compromise by which the South has lost every thing, and of course gained nothing ? Is it not manifest that the aim now is to gain the loaves and fishes of power and office ? We copy the following from the Savannah Georgian , to show what the Savannah Republican said of Mr. Cobb : Mr. Oobb’s Course and Character. I. — Mr. Cobb odious to the Whigs and Democrats of the South. “ We thought we had of late shown sufficient ly from the lecords, tha‘ Cobb had by his votes rendered himself odious not only to the Winns, but to the Democrats of the South, and we are suiprised that the organ here, after what has passed, should have entertained a hope, much less expressed a wish that the Whigs shoird have supported Cobb— Savannah Republican, Bee., 18, ISIS. 2. Whigs can never vote for Cobb. “ Poor abused, despised Whigs of Georgia—in their extremity, our assailants cast a wishful j eye towards us to help them to elect the man who was willing, and did VOTE AWAY OUR RIGHTS FOR A MESS OF POTTAGE—No ! W IIIGS, AT LEAST CAN NEVER VOTE FOR COBB.” Same paper, same date. 3 —Cobb has betrayed our Rights. A Southern men with Northern principles. “ We have the records of the country, and the testimony of Wilmot himself, to Winthrop's position towards the South is not more inimical than Cobb’s No matter what may have been Winthrop’s course towards the South, it is enough for the Whigs of Georgia to know, that Cobb has betrayed our rights. and they were right in casting their votes for Gentry if they could not vote for Wmthiop.r— The Whigs have had enough of ’ Northern men with Southern principles.’—we want NO | SOUTHERN MEN WITH NORTHERN PRINCIPLES.’ ’ — Republiron. * 1 1,1 U 4. —Cobb voting for the Wilmot Proviso. “If Cobb is the special guardian of Southern Rights, why do we find him voting with Wilmot, Chase and others, for the Wilmot Proviso, and establishing by his own act a precedent for Congress to legislate the South out of her equal rights in our Territorial domain. Winthrop has done no more than this, and this is proof No. I, that his “position towards the South is not more inimical than Cobb’s.’ ” — Savannah Repub lican, Dec. !25</i, 1819. 5. —Cobb voting with Abolitionists for an Aboli tion Candidate. “We here find then. Cobb’s votes recorded nine severed limes with ABOLITIONIS 1 S for an ABOLITION CANDIDATE, and Winthrop’s vote recorded with Southerners for a Southern man. Edward Stanley. Proof No. 2, that Win j tlirop’s position towards the South is not more inimical than Cobb's."—Savannah Republican. I 2. —Cobb appointing rabid Free Soilcrs on three of the most imimrtunt Committees—His reward from the People in October next. “ But liow fared the rights of slaveholders ami the South We think we are not mistaken in saying, that Mr. Winthrop allowed the Free Soilcrs no weight at all on the Committees, and | properly too; but how has Mr. Cobb acted in this particular? Why, when there was no ne cessity to have allowed it at all, and when lie • 1 had it in his power to have done othersWfse in: . I PLACED ON THREE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT | j Committees, three rabid Free Soh.eus. On this subject we append the following extract from the Washington correspondent of the Charleston Courier. I “ The Free Soilers are allowed a weight at least equal to their proportionate power. In the Com ■ mittee of the District of Columbia, is Mr. Allen, i of Massachusetts; though the majority is of f course, Southern. Mr. Giddings is a member of the Committee of Territories ; and Mr. Preston ■ King is a member of the Judiciary Committee.'’ i We never attached as great importance to the power of Committees as many others. If they have any greater power, however, we think the ■ South lias less to hope for, under the present, than under Wintlirop’s organization of the Commit tees. Why Mr. Cobb should have put these Free Soilcrs on these three Committees, we will not pretend now to explain. “The people of Geor gia are an honest people,’’ and although “ they may for a time be misled,’’ they will doubtless seethe HONESTY of Mr. Cobb's AIOTIV ES ; in all this matter, and REWARD HIM AC | CORDINGLY. — Nous verrons. — Sav. Repubti \ can, January, 1859. We copy the following strictures on Mr. Cobh's I course from the Macon Messenger: “ What Democrat from Georgia has taken ! so bold and decided a stand lor the South and her l ights as Mr. Toombs and his particular friend ! ! Has Mr. Speaker Cobb, or any ol his coadjutors done it ? Did'Afc-Cobb manifest a desire to do ' us justice in the formation ‘f-fjf committees ( Wsf understand that it was the ltuuro-siun ol Gid dings, Root, Drukee & Co., that’Wey TcuvyFJ£2r Jl better for tlsemselvcs'by placing Howell CnoWim’ the chair, than by giving their support tojttobt. C. Winthrop. In this expectation they have not been disappointed; for one of them lias at last been placed upon one of the most important committees of the House; he has been put in a position to enable him at the public expense to disseminate his abolition poison and ra morons ve nom agaist the South throughout the length and j breadth ol the land, and for the prom.a-we and l imjwriance thus given him, h ; s associate incendia ries unit traitors are duly i hank/id. “That “ nest of vipers,’’ toe anti-slavery so ciety, which recently met in Boston, in their ad dress, speaking of Giddings’ appointment to a j place on the territorial committee, remarked, j that it was “ a singular and instructive fact that , in the composition of committees, Mr. Cobb has given ' | more weight to the ant i-slavery element of tin House, than was done by his Northern predecessor Let , : the reader bear in mind that many an honest , j but deluded Democrat denounced Toornbs, Sle- I phens and Owen for refusing to aid n elevating Mr. Cobb to the Speaker's eliair; and calmniy re -1 fleeting upon Mr. Cobb’s course in regard to this vital question, and the results to flow from it, let him say, whether these gentlemen pursued a good or bad policy. It may be urged that to keep up appearances and avoid open partiality, Mr. Cobb was compelled to give these notorious per sons a place upon some oiic of the committees of I the House. Grant it; hut does it follow that , for the sake of these appeara tiers lie should have placed them in positions to disturb the peace and harmony of the country , thereby arming them with jtower to contribute to a speedy dissolution of that Union to which hr professed to be, and is doubtless so much attached. The truth is, {awl in this wc thiltri- every raiulul Southern man will agree with us) the territorial{committec is the very last one on which Gid dings should have been plural. " The space allotted to Mr. Cobh, is already ta ken up. We cannot therefore exhibit him as we desired, in one or two other prominent char \ aeters. We wished to show him briefly in his true colors, as a Consolidationist. He pretends to say that for a just cause a State has the right to secede from the Union, and yet he adds, the other States, if they see proper to do so, have a right to coerce her back into the Union. That is, they have a right ravage her with fire and sword, and butcher her citizen—soldiers, for no reason in the world but, because, they have the power to do so,notwithstanding the seceding State might be contending for their just rights; their sacred liberties, against tlie threatened pollution of their homes. Georgians, what beauty—what merit—w hat' fidelity is there in Mr. Cobb’s career that you should be called upon to be harnessed to his car !to draw hioi into power 1 His course has been one of selliish ambition, “Unmingled with a dream of thee.’’ Will you look with submissive eye upon his course and crown him with your highest honors !—• He seems to have been guided and intiuencedTiy the glittering vanities of personal advancement and high official station? Whose interest does he seem to have had at heart, yours or his own t Are not the facts, which we have adduced, suf licent to break the spell of delusion which has entranced some of our people ? We shall think so, till the people of Georgia dispelow illusion at the polls. lias confusion and madness locked up the senses ot the people of Georgia ! Can you sleep in peace upon your pillows, can you repose as innocents, in a hopeful security, with these facts i before you ? Will it not shake your drowsy i confidence to be told, that Northern abolition 1 prints have declared that the election of Air. : Cobb will be to them “a gratkfi l tkh mfh! ! I Southern Rights men! wo call upon you to redouble your exertions. Constitutional Union I men! we implore you to sleep no longer. It you encircle the brows of Air. Cobb with vic torious wreaths, you will do it to your own shame, and worse still, at the peril ol your rights, and even your safety. Georgians, the speL will | be broken, and you will avenge your wrongs, and j assert your rights. Methodist Bishops.— Two of the senior Bishops of the Methodist Church at the North, are lying very sick, with but feeble prospects of recovery. Bishop Hedding is represented, by a correspondent of the Christian Advocate, as very week, but cheerful, bumble, and simple in manners, according to the primitive pattern of Methodist Bishops. Bishop Hamliuo is also very feeble, and expects to survive but a little time. His state of mind is what would be ex pected of him—perfect peace. We are authorised to slate (says the Charles ton Evening News of Saturday,) that the elec tion for the Mayoralty is under Protest. We state this upon the authority ot a gentle man whose name has been left at this office,