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Constitutionalist k lUpnhlir. AUGUSTA; geqkglaT" WEDNESDAY MORNING- JULY 6. Terms of Subscription. Daily Paper, per annum, in advance $8 00 Tri-Wockly 5 00 Weekly, per annum in advance 2 00 If paid within the year 2 50 At the end of the year 3 00 K?” The abovo terms will bo rigidly enforced. FOR GOVERNOR, BON. BERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, OF BALDWIN COUNTY. WEEKLY Constitutionalist, and Republic, FOR THE CAMPAIGN. With a view to place our paper at a price which will enable its friends to circulate it through every portion of the State during the present canvass we offer the Weekly Consti tutionalist and Republic as follows, for cash in advance: One copy (till second week in October) cts 50 Five copies “ “ “ 4. qq Ten copies “ “ “ 44 400 Twenty copies “ “ 44 -j I Fifty copies “ “ “ 15 00 1 One Hundred copies “ “ 05 qO , The approaching election will be warmly con tested, and will involve many interesting ques tions to be discussed in the public press. The pro gress ol the canvass will be marked by stirring incidents, aud information from all parts of the State will be eagerly sought and desired by all who feel an interest in its political destinies. Besides the election for Governor, will be those for members of the Legislature, members of ■ Congress, and Judges of the the Superior Courts —all ot which will provoke animated contests, ( and involve results, to which no intelligent citizen can be indifferent. It will be the aim and effort of the proprietor of the Constitutionalist and Republic to give the lullest,earliest,and most reliable information at all times and from all points of the State during the ‘ canvass. He will advocate the election of the Democratic Candidates in a spirit of candor, while it shall be done with the zeal and ear nestness growing out of a thorough conviction that the success of the Democratic Party, and a cordial support of the Administration of Presi dent Pierce, will promote the true interests of the State and the country'. To our Stopped Subscribers. Pursuant to a notice given some time since of our intention to strike from our list all who were in arrears for more than 12 months subscription, we have completed that task, and now give the result. We have stricken from our subscription list 889 names, many of them among the most worthy and intelligent citizens of the country, and not a few of them men of ample fortunes. 1 AMMEMHtaoti? doubt sony pri-a considerable number, arSJtf°b I LKu irresponsible, and some, while ful ly able, are not honest enough to be willing pay their debts if they can conveniently avoid it. We hope and trust there are but few of this latter class. For the others, few are so very poor that they canuot with a little effort pay their small dues to us. Most of the delinquents have only been careless in the matter, and have procrastinated payments while fully intending to settle all arrears. Relying upon their doing so, we would re mind them that all remittances by mail are at our risk. We should be pleased to reinstate them upon our subscription list whenever it is agree able to them. We are daily in receipt of remit tances from stopped subscribers, requesting our paper continued to them, and hope soon to have much the larger portion of the 889, again on our list. We shall steadily pursue our purpose of ap proximating our business to the cash system. 02?=* W. H. McDonald, 102 Nassau street, New York, is our authorised agent for that city, and any advertisement sent through his agency will meet with prompt attention. Bank of St. Mary’s. The bills of the Bank of St. Mary’s under five dollars, and the change bills of J. G. Winter, are still taken at par at this office. 05P” The article signed 11 Union” to be found in our columns makes an allusion to us which renders a comment proper from us. Premising our due acknowledgments for its too compli mentary terms, we remark that a newspaper communication derives no influence, extrinsic of its merits, from the channel through which it addresses the public. It is not to be supposed that an editor indorses the various views of his correspondents by simply givin ■ them a place in his columns- They go forth simply for what they are worth, the editor having the same right with other readers of expressing or with holding his own views on the subjects discussed. We considered it due Judge Hili.yer to pub lish his address, as be requested us to do so. We considered it also due our correspondent 11 Union a no lest respectable citizen, to publish his com munication. Mr. Cuyler W. Young’s Address, This address is sent to us as an advertisement, I and is published as such. We abstain fiom i comment upon it at present. Southern Medical and Surgical Journal. The July number of this interesting Medical monthly, is on our table with its usual prompt ness. This No. contains three original articles on subjects of much interest to the profession, with it's usual variety of selections. Edited by L. A. Dugas, M. D., and published by James McCafferty. Terms $3 per annum in advance. Oglethorpe University. We understand that Henry M. Law, Esq. of Savannah, has accepted the appointment ten dered him, to deliver the Annual Address before the literary societies of this College, at the ap proaching commencement, the 20th of July. The Hon. E. W. Chastain, has been nominated by the Democratic Convention held at Calhoun, on the 29th ult., as their candidate from the sth District, for Congress. Whig Humbug About Appointments to Office. Ihe Whigs have always been notorious as croakers, and among their various aliases we suggest as singularly appropriate to them, es pecially at this juncture, that of The Croaking Party. They are constantly croaking about evils impending, and predicting all mariner of catastropbies to the country—even to the down fall of the Republic itself from Democratic lule, Democratic policy, and Democratic progress But still our countrymen continue prosperous, and ourgreat and magnificent Republic continues to stride on under Democratic auspices in ever increasing power and grandeur, to the manifest terror of despotism, while it is the admiration and hope of oppressed nations. It stands out as the complete and model illustration of the ca pacity of man for self government, and the bea con light ol hope to a down trodden world. The croakings of the Whigs are but as the weight ol a fly on the wheels of our glorious onward destiny. Look for a moment at the Whig croakings of the past. The want of a National Bank was to destroy all mercantile en terprise and energy in our country, arid over shadow the land with bankruptcy. The Sub- Treasury was to be the cormorant monster that would swallow all the specie ol the country, and cause a deluge of worthless shin-plasters, crea ting one currency, (gold and silver,) for the gov ernment, and another, lag money, for the people. A revenue Tariff was to prostrate all manufac turing interests, and bring pauperism and starva tion upon our people. The absence of internal im provements by the Federal Government was to stagnate our internal commerce, and bring blight and mildew on our industry. The neglect of the Government to improve rivers and harbors, was to cause our own vessels to rot at our wharves, drive foreign commerce away to more friendly shores, and bring grass and weeds into the streets, and bats and owls into the houses of our crumbling and desolate seaports. The flood of foreign population pouring in upon us, and the unrestricted suffrage granted foreigners after a few years of residence, were to sweep away our liberties, and overthrow the social fabric. The continuance of the Veto power was to con vert our representative government into an olig archy, and place a more than imperial sceptre in ; the hand of the people’s Chief Magistrate.— j The annexation of Territory was to make our mighty Republic too alarmingly great—the sway of the Confederacy too widely extended for its safety; and its swift destruction was time and again croaked over and predicted in Whig Jour nals. But in response to Whig croakings, the incredulous Democracy of the country— the peo ple—cried humbug , and time, experience, and his tory all write humbug ! humbug! humbug! upon each of these Whig devices and imaginings. j The only humbug now left to the Whigs in Georgia, having the slightest promise of availa bility, is about President Pierce’s appointments to office. The Whigs are reduced to this strait. They are forced to pretend that they see great and imminent danger to the rights of the southern states and to the stability of the Republic from a few office-holders in subordinate positions. They i allege that there are four or five free sobers and abolitionists in office under Gen. Pierce —a sub treasurer, a post-master or two, a district attor ney, and a Register of a land-office. This is, so far as we have seen or heard, the extent of the alleged danger to the Union ! Oh! how appall ing the danger ! In what portentous proportions do these Catalines of the Confederacy, with the robes of office around them, loom upon the hor ror-stricken imagination! Oh! hearfc of Free dom! Oh! last Hope of mankind! Oh! Hum bug ! The following is one of the resolutions of the late Whig Convention at Milledgeville: Resolved, That we adhere to the Report and Resolutions of the Georgia Convention of 1850, because we consider the principles therein pro claimed are not less important to the mainte nance of the rights of the States than of the Union of the Sta’es ; and that we consider the rights of the Southern States as in great and im minent danger, and the principles of the Georgia Convention greatly jeoparded by any political party whatever may be its name, which r-cog nizes Abolitionists and Freesoilers as worthy of public honors and public emoluments. Now, reader, who are those men who have had the effrontery to put forth this declaration— what have been their antecedents in regard to Free Sobers and Abolitionists holding office— and what are the antecedents of Mr. Jenkins himself, their nominated candidate for Gov ernor, in this particular? We premise, however, by stating that of the few appointees to office under Gen. Pierce, alleged to be Free Sobers and Abolitionists, not one of them proposes, or countenances, any in- ; terference with the rights of the South as recog- ’ nized in the Compromise of 1850—not one of I them opposes adherence to that Compromise, or 1 refuses his assent to its faithful execution. In other words, not one of them but stands solemn ly pledged to and bound by the declaration of the Baltimore Democratic platform of 1852, as his creed and his rule of action—to wit: 11 Resolved, That the loregoing proposition covers, and was intended to embrace the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, 1 standing on the national platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the compromise measures, settled by the last Congress: 11 the act for reclaiming fugi tives from service or labor.” included—which act being designed to carry out an expres pro- ! vision of tne Constitution, cannot with fidelity ! thereto, be repealed, or so changed as to destroy j or impair its efficiency.” This is the recognized doctrine and sentiment of President Pierce and the National Democ . racy, arid as lone as that party is sustained by the people, the South has no ground to fear the repeal or non-execution of the fugitive-slave law. Georgia is in no danger of being called on bj' Mr. Jenkins and his friends, nor bv any other party, to “ disrupt the tics which Lind her to the Union” as provided for in the bloody fourth res olution of the Georgia platform. This same Whig party which nominates Mr. Jenkins, for Governor, was last year divided between two tickets, for President and Vice- President of the United States. We shall not dwell now on the sentiments expressed on vaiious occasions by Gen. Soon on the subject of slavery, and its abolition, n-r upon the probabilities of of Free Soilers and Abo litionists holding office under him. had he been elevated to the Presidency. That is a topic wor thy of a separate chapter. Nor will we here review the history of the Whig parti from the accession of Gen. Taylor to the Executive Chair ; and his appointment ol Free Soilers and Abolitionists to office, from seats in his Cabinet, down to the pettiest posts under Government. That also deserves a sep arate chapter. Nor will we here discuss, the abolition senti * ments, ot Millard Fillmore, Whig Vice-Pres ! ident, and successor to Gen. Taylor, the black ecord of whose votes in Congress, side by side with Giddings and Slade, against the South oif ■ every question touching slavery, glares out from 1 the Congressional Journals, to sear the eye balls of Southern Whigs. 1 This also deserves a separate chapter. But we come to the recorded opinions of Daniel Webster, candidate of the Jenkins Whigs of Georgia, on whose ticket Mr. Jen kins ran for the Vice-Presidency. There was too much abolitionism about the Scott and Gra ham ticket, both southern born men, for Mr Jenkins and his friends, and therefore they must needs place Daniel Webster before the people as a more acceptable exponent of opinion—as a safer repository of the lights of the Southern States. What were his opinions on slavery ? and what the promise of safety to the South and stability to the Union under his auspices ? What the I prospect under him of free soilers and abolition- i ists being excluded from office ? We furnish a few extiacts from his speeches : Extracts from Mr. Webster's Speech , delivered at Mbington , Mass.. Oct. 10, 1848. ‘’A party has arisen among us calling itsell | the Free Soil party. The assumption of such a ; name by this party, reminds me ot a joke made by Swift, or some other humorist, on a person l who had made not a very tasteful use as a Latin j phrase— Dulce ct natale solum. Fine words, I wonder where he stole 'em. "Really, the exclusive appropriation of the name of Free Soil by this party, was a very bold proceeding. They have certainly stolen the sentiment from the Whigs; it was a clear case of petty larceny. Are these men better lovers of liberty than we are? No! We are as good liberty men and anti-slavery men as they pro fess to be themselves. ‘‘But what is the history of this so-called Free Soil party 1 Why, just this. Some years ago a schism broke out in the Democratic party oi New 1 ork. J his widened by degrees, and at length Mr. Van Buren put himself at the head of the smaller portion. When Silas Wright was nominated a second time for Governor of New Fork, the two parties had become very hostile to each other, and assumed the rival names of Hunkers and Barnburners, which ap pellation they continue to bear to this day. ft appears, theretore, that this schism in the Demo cratic party is of rather long slanding. There was an actual outbreak years ago among them, and all this before any question of Free Soil ’ arose in that quarter, and before the Wilmoi j Proviso or any opposition to slavery as a party principle. Down to the period of the annexa- j tion ot Texas, all the Democratic party followed ! the party doctrines, and went for the annexation, | slavery extension and all. The opposition to I this measure proceeded in the first instance sole- 1 Iv from the Whigs. I say the Whigs alone, for ! it is notorious that no-body else, either in the 1 East, VVest, North or South, raised a fi: ger against it. If such an effort was made, it was so inconsiderable that it attracted no notice till, by the efforts of the Whigs, the people were roused to a sense of their danger, and feeling oi opposition to the extension of slave power l hen, and not till then, the Barnburners seize’ 1 upon this branch of Whig doctrine and attached it to their policy, merely to give them a certain predominancy over their rivals. “ Originally, therefore, the Barnburners had no more to do with the doctrine of free soil than with the question of masonary or anti masonry. They only adopted it to secure an advantage over the Hunkers. But having appropriated this just sentiment, though still retaining all the rest of the thirty-nine articles of the Locofoco creed, they now call upon the Whigs ol Massa chusetts to enlist under them! I had almost said to be subsidized by them, on I v to give them the ascendency in New York politics ! For one. I propose to do no such thing. Ido not like the ! service. “ I repeat, that this Buffalo platform, this col-'’j lect of the Barnburners, contains no new thing that is good, it has nothing new w’hich the j Whigs of the Middle and Northern States might i not adopt. But it is going too iar for that party to ask the Whigs of Massachusetts to carry that i matter into their State election. “ We shall know', gentlemen, that the Buffalo j platform contains nothing in relation to this ; matter which does not meet the approbation and unqualified approbation of the Whigs of the Northern States. Now. suppose for argument’s j sake, that we should join the Free Soil party, j we should still be the Whig party under a dis- ! ferent name, and that would he all. But these j gentlemen propose to us to go a step further, which I allow would be making a great change —in short, they propose to put Mr. Van Buren ! at the head of the Whig party.” j Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech, at Buffalo, i May 22d, 1851. “ My opinion remains unchanged, that it was j not within the original scope or design of the 1 Constitution to admit new .States out of foreign j territory ; and tha for one, I never would con- j sent ; and no matter what may be said at the ; Syracuse Convention, or at any other assemblage ! of insane persons. 1 never would consent, and never ! have consented , that there should be one foot ot slave 1 territory beyond what the old Thirteen Spates j had at the time of the formation of the Union i Never! never!! The man can not show his face j to me and say he can prove that I ever departed from that doctrine. He would sneak away, and 1 slink away, or hire a mercenary press that he might cry out, what an apostate from lihe-tv Daniel Webster has become. He knows himsell to be a hypocrite and a falsifier.” Referring to his speech at a public dinner in New York, in 1837, he says : “ I went out of my way on that occasion, for the purpose of showing what I anticipated in the attempt to annex Texas as a slave territory, and said it should be opposed by rre to the last extremity.” “And in Niblo’s Garden, in March, 1837, I made a speech. I said, on that occasion : " Gentlemen— We all see that by whomsoever possessed, Texas is likely to be a slaveholding country, and I frankly avow mv entire unwi! j lingness to do anything that shall extend the { slavery of the African on this continent, or add I other slaveholding States to the Union. When j I said that. I regarded slavery as a great moral j arid political evil. I only used language thaf | has been adopted by distinguished men, them selves citizens of staveholding States. I shall j do nothing, therefore, to extend or encourage its j further extension.” As arioMier notabb- feature in the history ot Mr. Webster, it may not, be amiss here to state, that while the compromise measures were perill ing before Congress, he introduced a fugitive slave bill in the Senate, which provided a trial by jury to the slave in the fr-e S f afe in which he was captured—a bill 'which, if enacted, would have been as practical a nullification of the clause in the Constitution securing the rendition of fugitive slaves to their owners, ns is the nullify ing act of the Whirr State of Vermont. It was to a man holding these sentiments and declaring these purposes, that the Jenkins Whigs of Georgia would have confided southern rights in preference to Genera! Pierce. And who is the General Pierce who has aroused the patriotic alarms of \ir. Toombs by a few appointments to subordinate offices, of men who once held opin ions corresponding with those entertained by Mr. Webster to the day of his death, and which Mr. Fillmore holds now—opinions which in fact are held by the entire body of the northern Whigs with whom the Jenkins Whigs were in loving affilia'ion last summer? He is the same gentleman of whom Mr. Toombs said last summer. “ he was the safest man or the south on the slavery question north of Mason & Dixon’s line.” He is the same gen tleman whom Mr. Stephens lauded in terms al most as sweepin He is the same gentleman of whom Mr. Webster said, that on the slavery question, he was as safe a man for the south, as was John C- Calhoun himself. He isthe same gentleman of whom Mr. Mil ler said last summer, “be presents in his past Congressional and public life ‘as fair a record ’ upon the questions connected with the institu tion of slavery as any man north of Mason 4‘ line ” It was for this gentleman Mr. Miller voted for President of the United States. These Whig gentlemen may now, for partizan purposes, faotiouslv desire to build their party up iu Georgia in opposition to the administration of a President thus vouched for by themselves— rekindle the flames of sectional strife, unsettle the public mind in Georgia now calmly reposing I upon an adjustment between the north and the j south, which neither the President or the Detno ! cracy seek to disturb—become adgitators and | sectionalists of the most infuriate ciass, rioting in 1 the spirit of discord, conjured up by their own passions and fer their own ambitious ends. But when they base their opposition upon fears for the Union from free soil and abolition appointments to office by such a President, it is a humbug too bald and contemptible to impose on any man of common sense. The honest sentiment of the country will rebuke the disingenuousness of such a pretence. The people of Georgia will vindi cate at the ballot box the scandalous imputation on the President of their choice. ■ Wnig Motives in Reviving the Slavery Agitation Examined. The recent declaration of the Whig party in j Convention assembled, that they considered the I rights of the Southern States in great and im i minent danger , from the imputed recognition of j Abolitionists and Free Soilers,as worthy of pub | lie honors and public emoluments, was made un | der circumstances which challenge investigation ) as to its sincerity, and the honesty of the motives I prompting it. That same Convention nomi ! nates Mr. Jenkins, as its candidate for Gover ! nor. We are naturally led therefore, to look in to the antecedents of this gentleman on this very point, and the attitude which, by his own 1 acts and declarations, he has occupied before the ! public. We are led to inquire what claims he ; has upon the support of Union Democrats, whose I patriotic apprehensions for the safety of the prin- I ciples of the Georgia platform are appealed to ? ; We are led to inquire in what character, save j that of a Whig, deeply attached and solemnly 1 pledged to Whig principles, Mr. Jbnkins is en titled to or can expect support ? We are are led to inqure how, with the record ot his acts and declarations spread out before them. Union Democrats can consistently with honor and self respect, vote for him ? We are led to inquire, how anv Democrat entitled to the name, and true to his principles, can vote for a man who on the closest, selt-examinat.ior., can discover in himself not the slightest trace of being “ Demo cratized ?” We had occasion last August to exhibit the strange juxta-positinn of the Buffalo platform and the Georgia platform—the one on which stood Martin Van Buren and his Free Soil allies, and the other indicating the ground on which Georgia would defend her rights, even to , a disruption of every tie which bound her to the ; Union. j We showed that on the Buffalo platform, stood Daniel Webster by his explicit declaration. lOf the other Mr. Jenkins was the architect. Both w r ere in direct and portentous conflct. Yet the strange spectacle was exhibited of Mr j Webster, standing on the one, and Mr. Jenk ! ins. solemnly pledged to the other, running fra i ternally together upon the same ticket for Presi dent and Vice President. The fourth resolution of the Georgia platform, I announced the following solemn purpose to the | world : “ Fourthly —That the State of Georgia, in the : judgment of this Convention, will and ought to < res'st, even {as a last resort,) to a disruption of ! every tie which binds her to the Union, any ! action of Congress, upon the subject of Slavery I in the District of Columbia, or in places subject j to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with \ the safety or domestic tranquility, the rights and j the honor of the slaveholding States; or any j act suppressing the slave trade between slave- I holding State ; ; or any refusal to admit as a Stale , any Territory hereafter applying, because of the ex- J istence of slavery therein ; or any act prohibiting j Hie introduction of slaves into the territories of [ Utah and New Mexico; or any act repealing or j materially modifying 'he laws now in force for i the recovery of fugitive slaves ” At Abington (Mass.), Oct. 10. 1848, Mr. ’Webster, declared that the Free Soilers at Buffalo, had stolen their sentiments from the North ern Whigs. It was a clear case of petty larceny— that there was nothing in the platform that did not meet the unqualified approbation of the Northern Whigs—that if the Northern Whigs were to join the Free Soil party. “TUe” said Mr. Webster, should still be the Whig party under a \ different name, and that would be all ’. Mr. Webster’s tree-soil sentiments were very j plainly reiterated by him at Buffalo, May 22nd i i 1851, on which occasion he emphatically de- j dared : “ My opinion remains unchanged. that it was ! not within the original scope or design of the I Constitution to admit new States out of foreign territory : aid that (or one, I never would con j sent; and no matter what may be said at the Syracuse Convention.or at my othvr assemblage of insane persons, I never would ennsent. and n< v rr lime consented, tluil tha c should he ewe fool of slave territory beyond what the old Thirteen j States had at the time of the formation of the union. Never! nktse! The man cannot show his face to me and say he can prove that I ever i departed from that doctrine. lie would sneak j a wav. and slink away, or hire a mercenary press i that he might cry out. what an apostate from liberty Daniel Webster has become. He knows himself to be a hypocrite and a falsifier.” Thus was exhibited the spectacle of Mr. Jen kins running on a ticket with, and supporting for the Presidency, one who in the very teeth as i f were of the people of Georgia, and only live months after their solemn purpose wasannounc j ed. to dissolve the Union if Congress were to I reject, or the President to veto a bill to admit a new State into the Union, because she tolera , ted slavery, declares that he never would consent to such an admission. Mr. J enkins and his supporters in the late nominating Convention, have the cool assurance to declare that they ‘‘consider the rights of the Southern States as in great and imminent danger. and the principles ol the Georgia Convention greatly jeoparded by any political party which recognizes abolitionists and free soilersas worthy of public honors and public emoluments. Yet Mr. Jenkins lends his name and influence to elect a man President of the United States. who is a by his own emphatic avowal and boast a Free Soiier. No longer ago than July 1, 1852, we find Mr. Jenkins declaring that he had then a stronger desire than ever before to adhere to the national Whig party—this very Whig party all the North ern membersof which were Free Soilers ac cording to the boast of his favorite candidate for the Presidency. We refer to the letter of Mr. Jenkins ot that date, copied into another col umn. The Southern Banner very properly pub lishes it, as a warning to Union Democrats, with whom Mr Jenkins then had little political sym pathy. That National Whig party, is the party which is contending before the people and will continue to contend for the legislative power of the States and of the Federal Government, and for the public honors and the public emoluments. We too invite our Union Democratic readers j —we invite all true Democrats without regard to our past uuhappy divisions, to read, mark and ! inwardly digest the passages in italics. We copy this letter for the additional purpose of showing, Ist, That Mr. Jenkins last summer honestly thought and candidly said that there was no linger any necessity or pretext for a Union • arty. 2d, That he teas satisfied with the platform of the Whig party , and with Gen. Scott’s adhesion to it. his objection to him being merely as to his fitness for the office. 3d, That being as much a Whig as ever adopting the entire national Whig creed as then promulgated, he saw no reason why the Union Democrats should not separate front him , as they held in common no political principles then in practical issue before the country. In other words, that Mr Jenkins then thought that the more manly and honest course was for himself to stick to his Whig associates and Whig principles, and for the Union Democrats to re-unite like patriotic citizens with their old Democratic as sociates. from whom they had been separated on the Compromise measures, and battle as in the days of Jackson, of Polk, and of Cass, lor those Domocratic principles to which they have been so long and so sincerely attached, and of which those statesmen were the exponents. 4th, That these being the honest sentiments of Mr. Jenkins himself only a year ago, as to his own party, and his strong desire to unite with it, and these being his honest sentiments as to the coarse consistency, propriety, and pa triotism dictated to the Union Democrats, he ! has now no claims whatever upon the support of any Democrat. These propositions are distinctly announced in, or clearly deducible from Mr. Jenkins’ let ter. They need no elaboration. This letter of Mr Jenkins is characteristic of him. and is creditable to his frankness. It is a distinct, manly, unqualified declaration of his j attachment to Whig principles and to the W r hig I party—the National Whig party—whose plat- ! lortn, so satisfactory to him, was erected at Bal- I timore last June. To suit the local exigencies of Georgia politic?, ! and to fan into new life the dying embers of j those passions which unhappily blazed up so ! fiercely in our State on the slavery question, a j new scheme of agitation has been set on foot by [ the Whigs, and Mr. Jenkins —the peaceable. Union loving, conservative Mr. Jenkins, lends himselfto the plottings of the agitators against the peace and quiet of the State. He. the National Whig, from whose pacific pen emanated those resolutions of the Georgia Con vention, which were sent out to tranquilize the troubled waters of sectional strife, and to bring hack like Noah’s dove,the olive branch to all who acquiesce in the adjustment made by Congress of the sectional questions at issue, new lends him self to agitators, as an instrument of building up ag’in a sectional party—a party arrayed against both the national parties of the country —agitators who declare that both national par ties are faithless to their pft repented pledges, in the expenditure of the public money. Mr. Jenkins, the Nullifier and Secessionist, of 1832, who was repeatedly beaten for the Legislature in Richmond eountv, because he had talked too strongly of resistance to the Federal Government because of its laws for raising public money— who held then, the inherent right of State seces sion in all the broad latitude of the hotest Fire- I eater of the present day, now stands forth the j champion of a new excitement, because of its j laws for the expenditure of public money. The old role of characters in the Nullification and Secession drama of 1832-3, in which Mr. Jenk ins and Mr. Toombs, were among the rising stars, is to he vamped and rehearsed with the same cast, and only a slight deviation as to the j plot—the change being from a plot founded on laws to raise money, to one founded on laws to expend money. Rut the question arises, what has the national j Whig party now charged with being faithless j to its pledges, done since July last, to lose the j confidence of Mr. Jenkins. What laws has it j enacted or helped to enact, what betrayal of | popular rights has it committed since the day j Mr Jenkins expressed an anxiety stronger Ilian ! ever before to adhere to it. and give to its nominees j his feeble support, but which feeble support he thought proper to withhold ? We leave this question to he settled between Mr. Jenkins and I the Scott Whigs, being utterly unable ourselves j to offer a satisfactory solution to it. As for the Whig.denunciation of the nalional Democratic party as faithless, that is no new | thing to Democrats, and creates no new uneasi | ness among them Whom did Mr. Jenkins and his political supporters ever do anything else than denounce and make war upon that party? Their present course is now a covert mode of making war upon the Democratic party, the victories when obtained, if ever, to enure ultimately to the benefit of the National Whig party, or to permanent sectional strifes. T his result- can only he accomplished by the j aid of Union Democratic voters. ft is for Union Democrats to decide with the lights now before them, whether patriotism, duty, or self-res?p c t would not all be sacrificed | by voting for Mr. Jenkins. Sentence or Death — Lewis Montague, con victed at Petersburg, Va , of the murder of j Thompson, has been denied a new trial, and ! sentenced t 0 he executed on Ihe sth of August | The prisoner made a speech to the court in j which he admitted that he killed the deceased hut denied that it was his intention to commit : murder He charged that Thompson had re I peatprlly threatened him, and abused his family, j and made an affecting appeal on behalf of his wife and children. ) Judicial Resignations and Appointments. The intelligence reached our city on Monday, ! that Judge Warner had resigned his seat on the Bench of the Supreme Court, and that the Gov ernor had appointed Judge Starnes to the vacan • cy thus occasioned, and the Hon. Andrew J. I Miller, to the Bench of the Superior Court, thus • vacated by Judge Starnes. These appointments will give great satisfac tion to the legal profession and to the public ■ generally. Judge Starnes has acquired a high judicial reputation, and it must be conceded that he is in all sespects, as well adapted for the posi i tion so ably filled by Judge Warner, as by any • one the Governor could have selected. The same may be said of Mr. Miller, in reference to the position just vacated by Judge Starnes, for he has long held a leading rank as a jurist, and ; at the bar, second in ability to none other in | the State. Mr. Miller, is entitled to much credit, for ac j cepting the office tendered him, lor he does so at j much personal inconvenience, and to the serious interruption of his large prolessional practice. He accepts it for the short period of the term still unexpired, as a matter of temporary accom modation to the profession and to the public in terest. lie has no desire to hold the office, and will positively not be a candidate for it at the ensuing election. Judge Starnes will leave this week, for i Americus.to take his seat at the regular term of j the Supreme Court, to be hoklen there next I Mon Jay. Celebration of the Fourth, j Our national anniversary was celebrated in this city on Monday with becoming spirit. The boom- I ing of cannon announced by a Federal salute the ! dawn of the seventy-seventh anniversary of our ' National Independence. At sunrise the enliving music ol military bands summoned our volun teer corps to their respective drill rooms. The procession was formed according to programme in front of the United States Hotel, and moved thence to the City Hail Park, where w’ere as sembled a number of our citizens. Many ladies, as usual graced the patriotic occasion with their j presence. A suitable prayer to the throne of j divine grace was offered up by the Rev. Mr. Tunrer, after the Declaration of American Inde pendence was read by Wm. Walton, Esq.— That great document so eloquent in language and sublime in its associations, is well calculated to kindle with fresh fervor the devotion of free men to popular rights, and preserve a healthy | antagonism between republican institutions and j monarchical government It was read in a style so effective as to give additional impressiveness to its significant truths. An oration was then delivered by James G. Gourd, Esq., marked by masculine thought, noble sentiments and s:ngu lar beauty of style. Its delivery was forcible and graceful, ar.d every way worthy of its merits as j a composition. After a benediction was pro nounced, the procession returned to the United States Hotel, and was there dismissed. The early morning was appropriately selected j for the ceremonies. The air was cooled by a | most refreshing and much needed rain, which j fell the evening before, but for which the heat j would have been very oppressive, j A national salute at meridium. and a federal i salute at sundown concluded the public cere monies of the day. In 1810 the total wine crop of this country was only 124,000 gal lons. In 1800 it was 221,- 249 gallons, being an increase of almost a hun dred per cent, in ten years. The amount im ported last year was 0,100,000 gallons—an amount which our country will be able to sup ! ply for its own consumption in sixty years, even at the present rate of i ncrease. Execution of John S. Worm ley, for. the | Murder of his Son-in-Itaw —John S Worm i ley was hung at Chesterfield Court House, Va., on Frulay last, for the murder of Anthony T. i Robiou, his son-in-law. The execution was i witnessed by about 2.500 persons, whom the ! prisoner addressed for about a quarter of an hour. He confessed the murder of Robiou, remarked that under similar circumstances he would re ! peat the crime, and then gave an account of the i facts which led to the unfortunate event. j At a meeting ofthe stockholders ot the Chat tanooga, Harrison, Georgetown, and Charleston I Railroad Company, held in Chattanooga, on the j 28th inst. V. K. Stevenson, Esq:, was elected I President, and Ker Boyce, James Williams, I Robert M. Hooke, Win. Williams, Robert Cra ' vens add James A. Whiteside were elected Di | rectors of the Company. | Girls Beware.— Jean Paul thus cautions j young girls. The young men fall upon their knees before you ; but remember, it is but as the infantry, that they may conquer and kill; or as the hunter, who only on bended knees takes aim at his victim. Shipbuilding is in a promising condition at Frankfort, Maine. There are on the stocks two large ships, one of 1300 tons, and the other of 1000 tons burthen'; also two brigs of 200 tons ; each. The Charleston Standard in noticing the divi j dend recently declared by the Central Railroad | Company of Savannah, remarks: I “Itis a source of satisfaction to know that a 1 large part of this, as in fact of much other stock ! in Georgia, is owned by citizens of South Caro | lina. ,? ! Lightning. — Mr E. Mariam, of New-York, j a distinguished scientific writer and practical i philosopher, savs that persons struck by light | nir.g. should not be given up as dead, for at least | three hours. During the first two hours, they j should be drenched freely with cold water, and if this fails to produce restoration, then add salt, and continue the drenching for another hour. The Montreal Riot. —Mayor Wilson, of Montreal, it is said, has lett the city—public opinion running strong against him, as the one who gave the troops th<? order to fire. Alder man Atwater, a native of Vermont, has been elected Mayor pro tern, by the Common Coun cil. _ _ Big Libel Suit.— Geo. Smith & Co., pro i prietors of the Atlanta Bank, in Georgia, have j commenced two suits against \\ . L. Curmei, i editor and proprietor of the Daily Wisconsin, ; Milwaukee, for alleged libel upon said hanking I concern. The damages are laid at $7:3,000. The Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad Company have been subjected to SSOOO damages for breaking the leg oi a passenger named Mas sino. The counsel lor the plaintiff plead that the accident was the result of the negligence ot I the engineer, and the Jury’s verdict seems to 1 have been rendered accordingly.