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EUROPEAN NEWS. Further per Steam Ship Arctic. The files from Liverpool to the 17th instant by the steamer Arctie. have come to hand : Great Britain —The Queen had terminated her visit to Ireland, and has gone to her resi • dence at Balmoral, Scotland. The principal members of the cabinet remain ed in London, awaiting the development of the Turkish affair. J. ar.d J. Alexander, commission merchants, Derry, had failed; liabilities .£35,000. The weavers of domestics by power looms, in Manchester, have struck. Five mills, with 3,000 looms had been idle for some days, and three mills with 2,000 more looms were to come to a on the 7th. The operatives demand 10 per cent additional. The cotton skein dyers, from twenty-two establishments, had also struck work. The harvest operations were proceeding rapidly in all parts of Britain and Ireland. Weather, oif the whole, fine. The British ship Collector, from Callao, for Liverpool, with 1,200 tons of guano, was lost in the channel 25th ult. Crew saved by the Pro mise, of Quebec. The London Times bas been forbidden to cir culate in any part of the Spanish dominions. The extensive strike of collieis at the Dowlais Iron Works is over. One death is reported from Asiatic Cholera at Liverpool. The victim was a Geiman emigiant C who brought the disease from Hamburg. v The Eastern Question.—Our information on the Eastern question is as vague as ever. In Britain the public appear to have decided that the subject either is settled, or will be settled with out more ado, and, therefore, little or nothing is now’ said on the subject. At Paris (says a letter) the opinion of many political persons is the same as that expiessed by the Austrian and Rus sian embassies, namely, that the Emperor ol Russia will raise no objection to the modifica tions made by the Porte in the Vienna note.— But this opinion is not that which prevails among the Russians recently arrived at Paris.— Many ot them receive the assurances of the evacuation of the Danubian provinces with de rision. If we may believe certain letter writers of the London press, a teeiing of annoyance is gaining ground in France that the obstacles to a final settlement should now rest with Turkey. Mercantile men consider that the trade of the allies of Turkey has been long enough obstruct ed and injured by her difficulties. In these opin ions the Emperor of France is said to share.— The Times makes this important statement, if true: “We have reason to believe that the French Cabinet has already signified to the Sul tan that the ulterior steps he may adopt, contra ry to the advices of his allies, must be taken at his own peril.” From Constantinople, August 22d, it is men-, tioned in correspondence that the Turkish Goy ernment had issued a manifesto to the represen tatives of the four Powers, in which it-t'tates the reasons of its modifying the Vienna note. —i The Manifesto is signed by Reschid Pacha, begins by expressing regret that the note 4 pre pared by the Porte itself had not heen accented by the Conference. The Porte professes itself greatly pained to hesitate in the course of action indicated by the four Powers. “But the Government of His Majesty the Sultan, which had in the com mencement of the affair been declared alone competent to judge of questions relative to its rights and independence, having, unfortunately, not been consulted on th deduction ol the new Note, was consequently placed in a difficult po sition.” The Manifesto winds up with the avowal that the “Government of the Sublime Porte still awaits a solit. guarantee on the part of the great powers against all interference in future, and all occupation, from time to time, ol the Principalities ot Moldavia and Wallachia.” From Belgrade, August, 22d, a quieter state of j public feeling was reported, and there was no • Jongtu any lear ot ail outbreak. The despatches that now' find theii way to the newspapers, from th Piincipalities, are as studiously indicative of peace as they formerly were of war. Among the rumors was a doubtful one, that the Hospo- i dars had decided to revolt together against the Sultan, if he took any steps to supersede them. Letters written by the officers of British ships, atßesika Bay, say it was the general belief that the fleet would return in the course of the pres- ; eut i iontb to Malta. France;—Numerous vessels had arrived at ’Marseilles, with wheat from Odessa. Later accounts from the grain markets, re ceived at Paris sth inst., announced that there: had been large arrivals of English and American \ breadstuffs at Havre, and prices had consequent- j ly declined by 2 francs per bbl. At Marseilles, wheie prices had fallen in consequence ol the J increased supply, quotations were again looking i up. The Bordeaux markets were quiet, and at j Nantes there had been a decline ot lrom 50 cents . to l franc per hectolitre. At Strasburg the mar- j ket was quiet. The Emperor was to leave Dieppe for Bou-, Iqgrie, on the 6th inst. A seditious address was posted upon trie walls of Rheims, during the night ot the Ist inst., but t»o disposition to make a disturbance was mani fest. Prussia. —From Beilin, Aug 30th.—It was affirmed that depending on its own resources alone, there was no apprehension of scarcity in Prussia, although the harvest h:d been, indiffer ent. A destructive fire had happened at Lubec. The Customs Conference had closed its dis cussions, having made but an insignificant change in the tariff. German papers say that the Prussian Govern ment had concluded not to interfere in the grain trade by legal enactment. Austria. —A letter from Vienna of Aug. 31, : state that on that day an interview had been ap- j pointed between the Turkish Minister, Arifi Effendi, and the Russian ambassadoi. Tais I meeting was looked on as a decisive proof that all difficulties were settled, except such as nego- j tiations could remove. Italy. —The funeral of Bartholemi Battary, a democratic priest, at Genoa, had been made the occasion of a grand political demonstration. His death was sudden, and a post mortem examina tion of his body showed traces of poison. Capt. Ingrapham, of the St, Louis, was still at LaSpezzia. Markets. — London Money Mo ?. Sept. G.— It will be seen that we received no specie from the United States last week. The market for the English F mded Securi ties is very heavy to-day, in ec.i ■ q ience of a variety of rumors, all more or less connected with the state of affairs in the East; and the job bers are, in consequence, again somewhat un easy as to the final settlement of the question. Three o’clock—The Stock markets are all very dull and fiat. Consols are 97* to T—Lon don Paper., Tuesday , P. M. Liverpool , September 6. —A prevalence ot fine weather, with a high barometer, has given a check to speculation in grain, and the advices from France have also limited the inquiry for shipments in that quarter. Many of the late operatious have again been placed on the market, and some eager sellers appearing, prices of wheat have given away 3d. to Id. pei 70 lbs., and flour Is. per bbl., the demand being confined to the wants of dealers, and restricted in extent.— Indian corn on the spot has not altered in value, although in more limited request, but cargoes to arrive were slightly easier to purphase. Wright, Gandt Sc Co. Latest by the Arctic. The Turin Gazette publishes the law author izing the Sardinian Minister of Finance to carry out the convention with the Trans-Atlantic company at Genoa, to establish steam commu nication between Sardinia and America. The rise in the price of raw silk had been much felt by the manufacturers at Lyons, Nis mes and St. Etienne, but fortunately for them,! the large orders received from the United States enable them to keep their operatives employed. There are several failures of second-rate mer cantile houses reported from Amsterdam, chiefly in the oil and corn trade. Three new cases of Asiatic cholera had ap peared at Liverpool. POLITICAL. I Fromine nastangton Union, l&th inst.\ Senator Toomb3 and the Administration. ***** It is a somewhat remarkable coincidence that on the very day when Mr. Toombs was solemn ly digging up the charge that Geri. Dix is a free soiler and abolitionist, for the purpose of proving the free-soil sympathies of the President, Gen. Dix himselt was writing a letter to a gentleman in Georgia branding the charge as unfounded. We have published that letter, and it comes di rectly and flatly in the teeth of Mr. Toombs’s assertion. What Gen. Dix has thus written was known to the President when he appointed him to office, and without such knowledge he never would have appointed him. The democrats of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Alabama put the seal of their condemnation on this charge, upon the authorized announcement that the President had appointed no man to office who was known to him, or believed by him, to be a free-soiler. As a specimen of the view taken of this question at the South, we give the following article from the Mississippian: “The appointments of the administration were the points selected for its assailment by the whigs in the recent State- contests. In Ten nessee, where the democrats have elected their candidate lor governor by an unexpectedly large majority, Henry, the whig candidate, made the presidential appointments the burden of his com plaint. A like course was adopted in all the other States. But the result is a triumphant answer to their charges. The people of the South have seen nothing in Mr. Pierce’s coiiKe not entirely consistent with the Baltimore pWt form : on the contrary, they have seen that the effect of his discreet but straightiorward and manly coutse has been to put down agitation to an extent scarcely to have been expected. Let the whig leaders in this State who are waging a factious war against his administration profit by the late of their confederates elsewhere.” But we are not content to leave the matter to rest upon southern democratic testimony, either derived from the late elections, or southern jour nals known to be as much devoted to the con stitutional rights of the South as Mr. Toombs. The New York Times, an able and influential whig paper, gives to Mr. Toombs a rebuke which is paiticu'arly worthy of notice. The Times quotes the foregoing extract*)!' Mr. Toombs’s speech, and thus comments on it: ‘Mr. Toombs does less than justice to three very respectable gentlemen in this paragraph. “1. ToHpn. John A. Dix, who, in his letter ; to Dr. Gai-vin, has *iost explicitly declared him self a fps'to abolitionism ; a friend to the Coin- ; promise ; and upon the whole, a more strict con structionist Jhan Mr. Toombs himself. I ‘2. ToJlon. Peter D. Vroom, who has in no instance, through a consistent political lile, ex | hibit?A the slightest partiality tor Garrison and his creatures. Baltimore never contrived a plat form so awkward and shapeless that Mr. Vroom Hesitated to mount it. He clave to General Cass fin 134 S ; advocated the Compromise, both before ; and after its passage: and lent the whole force of his character and name to repress the spirit of opposition us manifest in the . first instance, in New Jersey as anywhere else. No man less properly merits the name Mr. Toombs lends him. “3. To the President, who is thus acquitted of | appointing any other abolitionists than such as J may be included under “the examples not given;’ and should accordingly be discharged, cleared.” There are point and force in this rebuke ad ; ministered to Mr. Toornbs by the Times: it comes from a liberal whig, and, if we mistake not, lrom one who occupied a somewhat similar | position with Mr. Toombs himself in the late I presidential contest. We desire especially to call the attention of southern whigs to the lib eral and conclusive testimony of the Times against the charge that Gov. Vroom is affected with iree-soilism. A more unfounded charge was never made, and we aie astonished that a gentleman accupying Mr. Toombs's position j should have fallen into so gross an error. We have still one other witness, whose testi- I tnony will carry with it great weight from his j peculiar relation to the whig party and the sec tional question. The New York Tribune quotes ! the late letter of Gen. Dix, preceded by the fol lowing comments and admissions: j “Hon. John A. Dix, whose name appeared on the Van Buren free-soil ticket in IS4S between : tho»*-’pf Charles Francis Adam* and Seth M. j Gates, being now a candidate before Pierce for the French mission, has felt constrained to wiite ! the following letier to a southron. We give it i with all the honors. There now remain of the I democratic bolters of 1848 only John Van Buren : and Benj. F. Butler uncommitted to the fugitive | slave law, and we may be called to record their i adhesion any moment, though it will doubtless i be given sooner or later according as they shall i discover anything within reach in the olfice line \ that they happen to want.” Mark the admission of the Tribune : “ There j now remain of the democratic bolters of 1548 only ' John Van Buren and Benjamin F. Bathr uncom ! milted to the fugitive slave lau), ,J t'c. What a commentary is this upon the grave declaration of Senator Toombs that the President has been false to the pledges of southern democrats come it: solid phal anx and repel the chaige—they gave to the President a triumphant support, and They pay the highest tribute to the wisdom of nis policy in looking to the harmony and the par ty as a leading object to be Accomplished. The northern whigs step forward and admit that he has been faithful to his pledges. But Mr. Toombs, who neither regards the whigs or the democrats as good enough associates for him, appropriates to himsell all the real len’e of the Union, and calls upon the people of Georgia to disregard all this overwhelming evidence. He proclaims to I his deluded followers%bat the Union is in dan j ger. Listen to this second Webster: “ The danger exists, is increasing and ought to jbe diminished. Ones allow the enemies of the j Comm omise to obtain control of the public offices , they will gradully force their way into the high places of the then farewell to the Union. With a irom the non-slave holding States in dotßjousps of Congiess, what guarantee has the South that its vital institution will not be crushed ? The prospect of danger is the time to avert it. A President with Ireesoil sympathies, as evinced in his appointments to office, is not a fit representive oi the Union— blowing hot and cold at the same time. Profes sions cost nothing, and often accomplish at great deal ; but action proves the man, his g:it and stature.” “ A President with freesoil sympathies, as evinced in his appointments!” The charge stands rebuked by every word and every act of the administration. After having once more saved the Union, Mr. Toombs dwelt awhile on “ home matters ’ — and, after all, we suspect that he has much more fears as to these than as to the Union. The idea of seeing such a man as Judge Johnson elected governor of Georgia seems particu arly offensive to the senator. He repels it in a blaze of elo quence which eclipses anything that®ever fell lrom other lips but Webster’s. "He said, speak ing of Judge Johnson : “ A man of ability, of honorable character, yet of contracted views, he is not the leader foi the crisis : he is not the pilot to guide the ship of State amid the storms and rocks of the politi cal ocean, lashed into fury by the wild, malig nant harpies who would deluge the land in bloold to secure the downfall of southern insti tutions. The reign of abolition, encouraged by the President, will ruin the country. Let us withdraw our gupportfrom the man who thus mocks our sensibilities and disregards our wel fare.” How wretched must be the plight of that cause which forces a man in the position of Mr. Toombs—a senator of the United States—thus to charge that “ the reign of abolition is cncour- . aged by the President !” It is but one remove J from the calumny of Foss and Fogg, which in ! the canvass assailed the President himself as an , abolitionist! Does Mr. Toombs imagine that ; the people of Georgia will listen patiently to i such an accusation l Air. Toombs closed with a eulogy upon “ plain i Chas. J. Jenkins" as the proper man for the crisis. He spoke of him as the workman “ who framed trie Georgia platform, who squared every timber, fitted and nailed every plank in it,' - ’ and ; for this he should be placed in the executive ! chair. This is the first time that we have seen j the construction of the Georgia platform attribu | ted to Mr. Jenkins. Indeed, we have labored tinder the impression that the Georgia platform is but a substantial tianseript of the minority project in the second Nashville convention, and that it was framed, its timbers squared, and every plank nailed, by a member of.that convention from Tennessee, who has been supposed to have strong southern sympathies. This is a matter of historical interest, and we hope Mr. Toombs has not ventured, without good authority, to rob a Tennessee statesman of high distinction of his ! thunder for the purpose of giving strength to Mr. Jenkins. [From the Oglethorpe Democrat, 1 Oth intt ] Hon. H. V. Johnson. The Democratic party did honor to themselves [ in selecting a standard bearer ot as high toned j character as Judge Johnson.—Worthy, and well 1 qualified to adorn and giace the executive chair, ■ we have no doubt but the people will trium phantly elect him to the highest station known to the state. He is known to them as a high toned gentleman, of commanding talents and sterling integrity, who has never betrayed them, and whose past life ii a sufficient guarantee for his future course. He is a plain republican of i the Jeffersonian school of politics, whose re liance is upon the wisdom, the justice and patiio tism ot the people. He is r.ot the man to con centrate power in the few—he recognizes no distinction in society, but regards the upright and honest man, however humble his position ! may be, as equally entitled to a voice in the ; government, and to fill its offices of honor and ! profit. An economical administration of the ! government, low taxes, and opposition to cor ' rupt expenditures of the people’s money, are j cardinal principles of his creed. Under his ad ministration the state would advance in pros iperity, and the development of the mighty re ■ sources that constitutes Georgia the Empire j State of the South. No man has been better abused than Judge Johnson, but a bitter reproof j awaits his revilers at the ballot box, on the first j Monday in October next. Defeat, however, would not produce annihilation, for there is a moral grandeur about his character, unknown to the mushroom politician, worthy of all emulation. | Like the eagle.— I ‘Proudly careering his course with joy, ; Firar on his mountain vigor relying, ! Breasting the dark storm, the red bolt defying ; Ilis wing on the wind, and his eye on the sun, | He swerves not a hair, but bears ouward, right on.’’ [ From the Milledgeville Federal Union, 20th ms/.] Mass Meeting in Jefferson, Jackson County. A meeting of the people of the 6th Congres sional District, was held at Jefferson, Jackson Co., on the 15th inst., and notwithstanding the i invidious report, that had gone forth, of its being a decided failure, we confidently assert and be lieve that there could not have been less than Two Thousand persons present, and the unanimi ty of feeling, and enthusiasm, for the Democia tic cause could not be surpassed. A laige number of the most distinguished gen | tlemen of the party were in attendance, and ad dressed the meeting. His excellency Governor Cobb, Judge Johnson, our candidate for Governor, and Gen. Wofford were of the number. Governor Cobb was met by a large concourse of people about ®th of a mile from the village and escorted in. An excellent band of Music from Franklin was engaged, and duiing the march, discoursed most excellent music. Enthusiastic cheers greet ed him from all sides, and his reception was one that certainly afforded him the most unbounded pleasure, and also as certainly quieted all ap prehensions, as to his personal and political popu larity. Judge Johnson addressed the meeting at con siderable length, and in a most able and credita ble manner, completely vindicated the principles of the party who have chosen him to bear their standard to the field on the Ist Monday in Octo ber next. Judge Johnson was frequently inter rupted by long and continued cheering from the whole assemblage. He was followed by Gov. Cobb, in his usual masterly and agreeable man ner, urging upon the |)eopl of the District to comxjtorw ird to the p'Ois, an d give their undivi ded support to Judge Johnson, as a man eminent- I ly capable to serve them, and whose distinguish |ed services in various capacities, and his entire | devotion to the party for years past, point him | out as the man for the people, the whole people. I have never listened to a more pleasing ad- I dress, and the delight and appreciation in which . it was received was shown by the most enthu siastic applause. Gen. Wofford also addressed the meeting in his usual happy manner. A very excellent Barbecue, was served up at which all partook. The meeting was dissolved in the most friendly manner—no disturbances occurred to mar the good feeling and spirit which | everywhere prevailed, and the occasion will | long he remembered with pleasure, by those who • had the good fortune to participate in it. Uniox Democrat. [ From the Athens Banner, 22d insf] The Mass Meeting. On Thursday, the 15th, the Mass Meeting, at Jefferson, was held according to appointment. About two thousand persons were assembled on the ground, the day was propitious, the barbacue was admirable, the crowd were enthusiastic, and everything went off well. The meeting was held in the beautiful grove near the academy, Richard Pentecost in the chair. Judge Johnson was the firstr speaker, and occupied about two hours, in a masterly de fence of the principles and policy of the Demo cratic party, and a conclusive vindication of his own position. It is the first time we ever heard Judge Johnson on the stump, and we must confess, that we had a very inadequate idea of his powers as an orator. He is undoubtedly one of the greatest popular speakers in this country. As to his doctrines, we will only say, that if we | know what genuine, national, Jacksonian De : mocracy is then Judge Johnson is sound. j How any Union Democrat could have heard ! his speech at Jefferson, and yet oppose him, pas | ses our comprehension. Yet there was no un | rnanly shiiking or dodging of past differences; but a trank and dignified explanation, as of a : misunderstanding among friends. The effect of | his speech upon the crowd was unmistakeable. | Many, who had come doubting, went away sat ; isfied. Some, who had come determined to vote 1 against him, were convinced, and openly avow jed their change of purpose. Union and South ern Rights men, Whigs and Democrats perceived that on the platform where Judge Johnson stood, every man in Georgia, opposed to local and sectional issues, and wishing to associate with a National party, ought to stand in this crisis. He was succeeded by Gov. Cobb, who devo ted an hour to an argument, addressed principal ly to the Union Democracy, showing that his present position is a necessary consequence, from that occupied by the Union party in 1850 and 1851, and that the jiosition of the Jenkins party is utterly inconsistent therewith. On the subject of the policy of the Administration, he dwelt at some length. He admitted that some objectionable appointments had been made, but said that every administration had made such; and that, considering the difficulties which sur round the President of a country so vast as ours, and the infinite diversity of interests and opin ions, that a wise ruler must at least attempt to conciliate, and his liability to be imposed on by j false information, it is hardly to be expected that errors in appointments will not be made. As to the appointment of freesoilers, he drew a j paiallel between the present and the late Ad- ; j ministration, showing, that while both had up- ; | iiointed men of that class, yet that Pierce has at ( least this advantage; that he proclaims to the ' world, that any attempt to renew that agitation, 'on the part of an office-holder, will be followed by instant removal; which is more than Mr. j i Fillmore ever said. Gov. Cobb used this argu-' i tnent, not as an attack on Mr. Fillmore, whom ' u co " sil! «ed a patriotic and sound National J ” “ig; but to show the influence which the exi- I gencies, real or supposed, or nis position always : bring to bear on the Executive. 1 Alter he had concluded, Gen. Wofford made a • short but spirited speech, in true Democratic I style, and concluded by urging upon the party, ' u ascer ta'n, by inquiry, whether he or Judge ' "dlyer is the strongest candidate ; and, in view ot the distracted state of the Congressional can vass in the District, and the danger that, among i Democratic divisions, a Whig may be elected” ' he exhorttd them to waive all personal prefer- I ences and go for the strongest man. 1 Judge Hillver was present, but, from indispo i sition, did not speak ; but merely rose, and ex i pressed his entire concurrence in the request made by Gen. Wofford. I he crowd then adjourned to the dinner table, where a plentiful repast was spread, to which they did ample justice A band of music from Franklin enlivened the i meeting, and heightened the enjoyment of the occasion. . On the whole, it was a glorious day ; and its effects will be seen in the election. Theenthu s'astic applause which greeted Judge Johnson 31 j u G ° V - showed that Democracy is alive and harmonious. Our friends may look out for heavy majorities from the 6th. Hon. J. P. King’s Letter. Augusta, Sept. 7, 1853. Gentlemen: —l have received your invitation j to attend a Mass meeting of the democracy of the Gth Congressional district, to be held at Kingston on the 9th inst. It will not be conve nient for me to attend, but for your invitation you will please accept my thanks. I do not consider the approaching election for Governor of the State, as of great importance in its immediate effect upon our State interests. Our domestic policy is pretty well settled, and both the candidates are able and experienced men, well acquainted with the resources of the State, and the wants of the people, and either of them, is no doubt, in all respects, well qualified 1 j ‘A,'perform the duties of the office, i In a national point of view, and in its influ- J ence upon our federal relations, the approaching : : election is vastly more important. Every year ! I added to our age as a nation, strengthens the ■ | conviction of the excellence of the institutions ' | under which we live. History furnishes no ex • ample of such wonderful advances, in power, prosperity and true national greatness. Rome is often relerred to as the classic model of an cient republics, yet we have advanced more in seventy, than Rome did in seven hundred years ; , the condition ot our citizens, individually, com pared with other nations, is not less enviable. I hey are prosperous, secure and happy, under the combined influences of liberty and law. Other causes may have contributed something . to these great results, but they are mainly owing i to the admirable form of our government, and . the principles upon which it has been adminis , tered. Such a government, hones'ly adminis ! tered, should be honestly sustained. We have , some diversity of interests to reconcile, but these will never breed disturbance or civil strile. un , der a firm, faithful, and impartial administration of the government. Such we have in theadmin . iteration of Mr. Pierce, and are we not bound , |by every obligation of duty to sustain him ? r He has not been treacherous to his own section, but his whole history is one of unwavering de ’ votion to the constitutional rights of all the , States— the South included. He has been no , holiday-friend to the South, but whatever the political turns around him—whatever dangers , seemed to threaten him at home, he has never I lor 4 a moment hesitated between policy and du ty. He is truly and consistently a national dem > otrat; standing up firmly lor“ the rights of the I States and the union of the States.” If not sus . j tained by the South what encouragement do we . I offer to a northern man to do his whole duty, j under ail circumstances, to every section es the . I country ? 1 cannot see the consistency of the present , j organized opposition to the national adminisis r | tration. They have dissolved the Constitution' . j al Union party, as having accomplished its objects ; . ' have discarded the time honored name of IVhig, , and though appealing to Union men, have certain• , ly the only sectional organization in the State. i Wh'-t is the basis and object ol this organiza ,i. ‘f v* Vo secuur the execution of the comp-.v . ,i#. Ti We vfJR told in* Ji.iy, 1852, that thru object war. accom pJOMnL anil the Constitutional . Union party was th<J®lore dissolved. Then the , country was agitated by riots, rescues and for i midable combinations, which rendered the exe cution ot the law difficult and doubtful. Now, all is comparatively quiet; fugitives are general , i ly returned without difficulty, and if the com ; promise has been attacked in any other feature, I am not apprized of it. But the South is to be frightened because the president has appointed some freesoilers and Southern Rights tnen to office. When did free soilers become so obnoxious to the Whig party ; of Georgia ? It may be safely assumed that the whole whig party ol Georgia would have voted lor Webster, Scott, Fillmore or Clay ? If they i could not have united upon one of them — some one of them, would have taken the whig vote. Now, these distinguished statesmen were all, in an abstract sense,either freesoilers or abolitionists. Even Mr. Clay, a Southern man, not only re peatedly committed himself against the further extension of slavery, but actually introduced a scheme for the abolition of slavery in his own State; the whigs would have entrusted the whole executive power of the government in the hands of these gentlemen for a constitutional term, but or ganize against danger, if a democratic president appoints a freesoiler to a subordinate office, to be removed al pleasure. I don’t wish to deal harshly with these late whig preferences. I would only ask a decent respect for consistency. The South should make no war on abstract opinion» upon the subject ot slavery. This would be to disfranchise all the citizens of the free States, and effect a disso lution of the Union at once. We ask only that our constitutional rights be respected. But Southern Rights men has . been appoint ed to office ; is this a subject of alarm to the South —that requites a sectional organization to .meet the danger ? I hardly think so. The fault charged upon the Southern Rights men wa», that their Southern attachments ran into a dan gerous passion. That they wonld sacrifice by rashness what might be preserved and securer! iby prudence. That their remedy was fraught | with unmitigated evil, and no goed could come ofit—in 3hort, that it was no remedy at all. Their attachment to the South was never ques tioned, but their rashness was signally rebuked by the sober judgement of the masses, and I was glad of it. Like sensible men, they submitted to this imposing judgment, and are now the most quiet and orderly citizens we have. lam sorry to see our Iriends the whigs, striving to occupy their vacant place, by a sectional organi zation. The object of the president in making these appointments has been national in character, and pure and patriotic 'in motive. His object has been to silence sectional complaints, and quiet agitation He has wished to show his own con fidence, in a general submission to the late measures of adjustment. He has wished to prove to every class of our citizens, and every section of our country, that they have a common interest in a common government. If he should be disappointed in his instruments, he has the rem edy in his own hands, and will doubtless apply it. Will not the president be sustained by Union Democrats l This class ol our citizens I have considered as em nently patriotic. When they believed the State in danger, they broke old parties, and rallied around the standard of their ; country. They will do so again if the occasion should require, but it will not be by sectional or ganization, which they so lately contributed to put down. Much more might be said on this subject, but ■ I must come to a dose. Should the democratic party be defeated on this issue, Georgia would present rather a grange figure among her South ern sisters. They are all quiet—having nearly all recently decided that the South is perfectly j secure, anil that the president has dime his duty. i Will Georgia be found standiug “solitary ai d — lß — gl — ———— alone” upon a platform hastily erected—with her lance poised against enem'es nowhere to be found, and prepared to meet dangers long since parsed away ? Is our State prepared to cut so ridiculous a figure ? I hope not. Yours, very respectiully, John P. King. Messrs. Clayton and others, committee. ■ Dix va. Stephens. We publish below, in juxtaposition, the letter of Mr. Dix and an extract from the speech of Mr. Stephens, on the annexation of Texas in 1845. Read them over carefully and then tell us reader, if Mr. Dix is a freesoiler, what is Alexander Hamilton Stephens, the represen tative from Georgia, from the seventh district, in Congress ? Mr. Dix’s U tter, 1803. Mr. Stephens’ speech on j Ist That lam not the annexation of Tex aml rrover have been an us. 1646. abolitionist in any sense “Nor do I wish “to of that term. On the hoax’’ gentlemen from j contrary, I have been other sections upon this • an open and uniform op- point, as some have inti ponont of all abolition mated. lam candid and movements in this state, frank in my acknowledg aud elsewhere, since ment. This acquisition they commenced in 1835, will give additional pow to the present time.— or to the southwestern While in the Senate of seetion in the national tho United States lop- councils; and for this posed the extension of purpose I want it—not slavery to iree territory that lam desirous to see —a question entirely dis- an extention of tho “area tinct from the interfer- of slavery,” as some gen enee with slavery where tlemen have said its ef it already exists. In the feet would be. lam no latter caso, I havo stca- defender of sloven/ in dily opposed all external the abstract. Liberty interference with it. always had charms for 2d. That I have on all me, and I would rejoice occasions, public and to see all the sons of private, since ttaeFugi- Adam’s family,in every tivo Slave Law passed, land and clime, in the declared myself in favor enjoyment of those rights of carrying it into oxccu- which are set forth in tion in good faith, like our Declaration of In every other law of the dependence as “ natural land. and inalienable,'’ if a 3d. That I was in fa- stern necessity, bearing vor of the union of the the marks and impress democracy of this state, of the hand of tho Urea which was consummated tor himself, did not, in in 1850, continued in some cases,interpose and 1851 on tho basis of the prevent. Such is tho Compromise Measures, case with States whore and in 1852, on the basis slavery now exists. But of tho Baltimore Plat- I have NO WISH TO form. SEE IT EXTENDED 4th. That I have,since TO OTHER C 0 U li the Baltiinero Convon- TRIES ; and if the an- j tion, in June, 1852, re- nexation of Texas wore peatedly given my pub for the sole purpose of lfc assent to its proceed- I extending slavery where ings and acquiesced in | it does not now, and its declarations, as an | would not otherwise adjustment of disturbing I exist, I SHOULD OP quesiions, by which I POSE IT. ; was willing to abide. | The Algerine Law. Section -1. Be it enacted by the Senate and. House of Representatives of the State of Georgia, in , General Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by ti e authority of the same, That on the Second Monday in April next, and annually thereafter, the citizens ot the respective districts in the city [ of Augusta, having the qualifications hereinafter i prescribed, shall, under the superintendence ol the persons appointed to hold the elections for . Mayor and members of Council, elect two Al . ilermen to serve lor one year and until their , successors are qualified. . Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That no per -5 son shall he allowed to vote lor Aldermen, who, t in addition to the qualifications now required of . voters, does not own real estate of the value of . one thousand dollars, according to the annual > tax assessment next previously made by the au . tnoiity of the City Council; or has actually paid , a tax to said city of twenty-five dollars on real and personal estate, or either, within the same ; year preceding such election ; and no person shall be elegible tor Alderman, who does not possess t the qualifications herein prescribed for voters. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That said Al . dermen, when elected, shall take a similar oath • or affirmation to that prescribed for members ol ) Council, before the Mayor ot said city ; shall . form a separate board; appoint one of their body chairman; meet at such a times as they may . lip, and make all necessary rules for the transac tion of their business; andif agy vacajjjv jj'toard shall occur, t'ie same may be filled liy such I* buctid. . Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That said . board of Aldermen shall have the control of the . finances of said city; and that no loan of money, or contract for the payment of money, shall be made by the City Council of Augusta; nor any , tax assessed by them, nor any salaries of officers fixed without the concurrence of said board ol Aldermen. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the members of the City Council of Augusta shall continue to exercise all the power now by law vested in them, subject to the restrictions con i tained in the fourth section ol this act. Discussion in Walton.—The candidates for , Governor met in debate, on Friday last, in Mon roe, Walton county. We were not present, but , are informed that the speeches ot both gentle men were characterized by ability, frankness , and courtesy. The effect was satisfactory to the Democratic party of the county. Able and eloquent as Mr. Jenkins confessedly , is, he has evently met his match, and he nor his , party made any capital out of the contest. The r steady old Democracy of Walton recognised, in Judge Johnson, the defender of their cherished . principles, and were satisfied with his exposition ; of them. We learned, moreover, that in the course of his , remarks, he took occasion to speak of the riili ’. culous stories about “ contemptible pack,” “ buz [ sards wouldn’t eat them,” and all that sort of | stuff, all of which he pronounced false. A large crowd was drawn fogether to hear the distin guished speakers. —Athens Banner, 22 d inst. Gov. Cobb.—The Jenkins papers have taken a duck fit because Gov. Cob 1 .) has addressed his fellow citizens on the qustions of the day. Noth ; ing to them could be more unwise. It is no ' doubt very distrassing to them for Gov. Cobb to ‘ pay a visit to the up country just at this time. 1 They had set their traps to catch Union Demo crats, and sprinkled as little “Union” meal under them, and Gov. Cobb has gone tip to ex pose the cheat and put Union Democrats on their guard against Coon claw’s ; hence the per turbation among tha Webster Tertium Quid Whigs. These same papers have taught the people to think very highly of Gov. Cobb, and the people will not be apt to turn somersets be cause they do. Gov. Cobb, because he is Governer, does riot lose his right to defend himself against the mis representations of the Whigs—his office does not prevent him from an expression of his politi cal opinions, at snch times, and on such occasions as he pleases. Union Democrats can judge of the extent of the love the Republican Citizens bear them by reading their abuse of Gov. Cobb. —Federal Union, 20th inst. ’ i The Prospect.—ls the Democracy do thei duty, Judge Johnson will be triumphantly elec ted Governor of Georgia. The signs are omi nous of a glorious victory. We hear the most encouraging accxjunts from every quaiter. Even in the strong hold of whiggery, the 7th and BLh districts, our prospects are brighter than ever before. There are hundreds ot whigs who can not and will not vote for Mr. Jenkins, on ac count of his Algerine Law'—they may not vote for Judge Johnson, and will abstain from voting. We have conversed with several whigs in the last week at our very door, who will noP vote for Jenkins on account of his Property qualifi cation law. The State abounds with similar in sances.—lb. y Tiif. Loudon BRibGE.jp-We understand that! the greater portion of the masonry of the railroad j bridge at Loudon is now in the hands of the j energetic contractors who have been engaged i upon the bridge of the Memphis and Charleston | road at Decatur. They have given an earnest in the prosecution of that work, that they] know how to “pile up the rocks."— K'ik-cvAc j Register, 21 s! inst. I [Front the Greenville (S. C.,) Mountaineer.] : Public Folly—The Savannah Valley Rail Road. There are some things done by Sbites and j communities, as well as by individuals, so un- I w °ithy their average character for sagacity and | proper conduct that it is difficult to account for them on any other ground than the doctrine ol 1 urkish fatalism. Among suc'u anomalous, un accountable things we rank pre-eminent the chartering by the State of the Savannah Valley Railroad Company, and the aid and comfork which the road has received Irom Charleston, through the Mercury and perhaps other prints ot the city, though now we cannot specify them. One would suppose that a State would be vigi lant to guard the vested interest of herself and citizens generally, when it could do so by sim- I ply fusing to charter a company to destroy : them. Rut the Legislature of South Carolina j has not thus acted. The justification of general ] public good to counterbalance the public injury ! cannot be pleaded in behalf of the Savannah | Valley Railroad. If ever there has been a super j fluous Railroad chartered, this is one. Every j district.it touches already possesses Railroads run ning through them. Edgefield has two: one 1 running through her lower border, the old Ham burg and Chaileston road; the other the Greeny ville Road through the upper pait of the District. Abbeville likewise may be said to have two Railroads, the main trunk of the Greenville Rail road running through her noith eastern length and a branch from it to her center, the village ol Abbeville. Anderson may be said, likewise, to have two railioads traversing her territory: the main trunk ol the Greenville load and the ex tension from Belton to her-center at the Court House. 'I l'u-.-e three districts, thus situated, are all to have another Railroad, it seems for the es pecial benefit ol Hamburg, forsooth, which means j for the more particular benefit of Augusta, Geor ! gia. But the beneficial results of the road thus lim ited, are counterbalanced by the most general and destructive effects, should it be built on the interest of the State at large; but especially will the results be serious and perpetually disastrous to Charleston trade and commerce, consequently to all the interest of Charleston. In the first .place, let us consider the effects of the Road on the interests of the State at large. That interest may be viewed in connection with the millions of dollars invested by the State in Railroads, and the guarantees afforded to the building of Roads, and also to the interests the whole State posse.-ses in the trade and prosperi ty ot her own towns and cities. The Savannah ] Valley Railroad, he it remembered stretches along the western border of the State in a few miles of the river, separating us from Georgia, and is thus considered a halt way Georgia road. Further, by its length, extending from Anderson to Augusta, (we give the town proper of its ter mination, for Hamburg is only the suburb lite rally of Augusta.) the Road will act like a light ning conductor, carrying off'freight and passen | gers and trade from the Greenville and Columbia | Railroad, and all the Roads connected therewith ! and disgorge all the accumulated surplus of heavy \ freights, as well as passengers, on the banks of i the Savannah at Augusta, and thu? beget a j splendid business for that city and the Railroad , J making from that point to the city of Savannah, I and particularly a capital business for the steam -1 boats on the river at Augusta in the bacon,flour ! wheat and corn of Tennessee, and the cottos from Georgia aiukCarolina side of the Savannah, . 1 which has flowed down this skimming conduc ' tor. So great will be the concentration of hea | vy freights at Augusta, by the operation of the ' j Savannah Valley Railroad, that the steamboat j companies will be stimulated into wnpieeeden j ted activity and enlargement of their means of | transportation, so as to underbid effectually the I j South Carolina Railroad on cotton, but more par j j ticularly in the provision produce of the West, | destined for foreign exportation. So absolutely j will this be accomplished that we must here bring in one of our capital arguments, as to the I injury Charleston must receive from this road. | Charleston can never expect to become a city, ’! for the exportation of provisions or assorted car- J j goes as has been her ambition to be, and for . J which she has been prodigal of expense and la r j bor. The Savannah Valley Railrord termina ' ting at Augusta will, of course, receive at An derson from the Rabun or Rtjjge Railroad , vail the heavy produce of Tent, intended for h'tbe seaboard lr >, rkyjseil .. 0ut..,.c ol «ve^. the long anil cir :_ *i deflec tina Greenvme o . Columbia Rail. ~ road. The Savannah river at Augusta offers far / the cheapest means of shipment to the sea coast / by the city of Savannah, from whence, therefore, \ all the heavy heights oi the Rabun Road will \ find their way to t the West Indies, Brazil, and \ eur own Northern cities, and to every other des tination beyond Savannah, and Charleston will only receive a sufficiency lor her own actual consumption. The reasons are obvious, from • the facts stated, but there is another fact which proves that the heavy fiieghts irom the end of the road at Hamburg and Augusta will take the river route. There are several miles of heavy and high grading on the South Carolina Railroad near Aiken made to avoid the inclined plane, which will have to be surmounted by all the produce of the West intended 1 for the seaboard which lands at Hamburg and *Ai<gusta, and which will therefore seek the descending'flow of the Savannah river in preference. The State ot South Carolina has therefore pledged her million and a quarter oi dollars to the Rabun Road, main ly for the benefit of the Steamboat companies on the Savannah river, and the city of Augusta arid her railroad, and for the benefit ot the inter nal and foreign commerce of the city of Savan nah. The City of Charleston has subscribed her million of dollars lor the Rabun Road, and it is with amazing and incredible lolly (through some oi her citizens) favoring the Valley Road that is to turn away the benefits of the Rabun Road from herself to other recipients. The State at large will suffer also by the great damage to the Railroads already built by her ci tizens, and in which the State has invi-fed near a million of dollars, anther citizens u. u.y mil lions. The South Carolina Railroad wi i suffer greatly,and the Greenville and Columbia Rail road, so far as the value of the stock is concerned, ‘ will be extinguished hopelessly and forever, from the Broad River Bridge up, ior it is ceitain that the trade and travel of the western part of the State, irom Greenviii to Edgefield inclusive, which now seeks the Greenville Railroad, will betake itself almost entirely to the Savannah Valley Railroad, as soon as that is finished, for the simple reason that it will he a shorter and a better route to Augusta, Charleston, Savannah and New York, than the circumbendibus road by Newberry and Columbia. The wit of man. could not invent a scheme more injurious to all the great and general interests of the trade and capital of the State than the aforesaid Savannah Valley Railroad, and that too, without an: great compensating advantage to her people, for it runs so near skimming along the line of Geor gia that it cannot be called a State enterprise. There is anly one hope of remedy for the evils of the Savannah Valley Road, and it remainsjtu ‘ be seen whether the State has sagacity enough in her councils to adopt this remedy.” It is°a . 1 measure which ought to be adopted, even with ! out regard to the question of the Valley Road. I We mean the construction of a Railroad from ! Aiken connecting with the Greenville and Co lumbia Railroad it) the vicinity of Cambridge, ir. ! Abbeville. Such a road would make the dis tance to Charleston 10 or IS miles Jess than by Hamburg, and forty miles less from Belton or Anderson and Greenville, byway of Columbia Such a Road might receive most, if not the whole, of the Rabun Railroad freight (except • that intended for the interval trade at Colum bia,) at Cambridge, and land it on the South. Carolina Railroad at Aiken, past the high grade j where it could descend to Charleston more ex peditiously and about as cheaply as it would from Augusta by the river. Thus securing to ourex | isting Railroads a heavy participation in the bu j siness of the Blue Ridge Railroad, and to the | city of Charleston the prize of the trade of the West, beyond the hope of successful rivalry.— j We have other reasons for our position in regard to the Valley Road, equally cogent but have not space to state them.