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Constitntinmil ist & Etpahlit. BY JAMBS ©ARDMHR. GEORGIA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 28. Terms of Subscription. Daily Taper, per annum, in advance $8 00 Tri-Weekly 5 00 Weekly, per annum in advance 2 00 If paid within the year 2 50 Attheendof the year •_ 3 00 [l"?”The above torms will be rigidly enforced. fOR GOVERNOR, BON. HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, OF BALDWIN COUNTY. FOR CONGRESS, 1— JAS. L. SEWARD, of Thomas 2A. H. COLQUITT, of Baker. 3 DAVID J. BAILEY, of Butts. 4W. B. W. DENT, of Coweta. SE. W. CHASTAIN, of Gilmer. 7T. P. SAFFOLD, of Madison. 8— JOHN J. JONES, of Burke. [£7“ W. H. McDonald, 102 Nassau street New York, is our authorised agent for that city and any advertisement sent through his agency Will meet with prompt attention. Dank of St. Mary's. The bills of the Bank of St. Mary’s under five dollars, and the change bills of J. G. Winter, are still taken at par at this office. Election Tickets. We are prepared to print Election Tickets, at short notice, at the following rates: for SI,OOO tickets $3; 500 tickets $2. Any less number 50 cents per hundred. The money must accompa ny the order. Mr. Webster on the Buffalo Platform. Our readers have had before them the letter of Mr. Dix to Dr. Garvin. They there see that be is with Gen. Pierce—with the sound nation al Democracy of the North, and of the South, and stthe whole Union on the Baltimore platform,and giving the weight of his name his influence So acquiescence in the Compromise—to the faith ful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, and to a cessation of slavery agitation. On the same jjlatforrn stands every man who holds office un der Gen. Pierce. All their efforts are patrioti cally directed to put down sectionalism and agi tation—to preserve the Federal Constitution in its full efficiency, and to preserve the peace and harmony of the Union. And they deserve the support and co-operation of all good men and true of every section, and especially of the South. If any office-holder under the government can Ke proved, or is justly liable to the suspicion of, countenancing in any way the renewal of the freesoil heresies and the freesoil excitement, the President stands pledged to turn him out instantly The southern whig* who are now factiously striv ing to stir u,q cgita ’ region, have only w*—-. SO point out the ?* ' A ‘“- and the President promptly an l Z'dl remove him. — In a conversation with the writer, this summer, the President stated this to us plainly and em phatically in the presence es several members of his Cabinet. This he stands pledged toby his principles, by his feelings and by his declared policy, and he proclaims it frankly and empha tically to all who converse with him on the subject. We dely the opponents of his Admin istration—we defy the Whig orators and people of Georgia or elsewhere, to produce the proof of a single case where he hay declined or hesitated to do so on any applic-'.ron to him for this exer cise of the remo" - ' _ power. One such proof of infidelity to nis pledged and declared policy .WMhiV do more lor the Whig cause in Georgia than all the slang-whanging fustian which their demagogues of the press and of the stump ihave been dealing out to the people duiing the present canvass. Yet in the face of the steadfast and earnest ef forts of the President to build up and cement a national party true to the constitution, and op posed to freesoilism, sectionalism and agitation —in the face of the patriotic conduct of North ern men who have abandoned freesoil organiza tions and freesoil agitation and rallied to his support, these Whig demagogues are studious ly endeavoring to mislead the public mind on this subject, and to misrepiflsent the positions of the leading public men of the North who were »nce fi eesoilers, but are now so no longer. The Chronicle Sf Sentinel of the 23rd inst., puts forth an editorial disgusting to every candid mind, from which we extract the following char acteristic specimen. “Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men.” —People of Georgia, the above is the motto inscribed upon the banner which John Dix unfurled to the breeze in the Presidential election, in 1848. It embodied the principles which he defended in the United States Senate in 1847-48 and ’49. the period at which he left that body. It is the same banner which Gid dings, Hale, Chase, the Van Burens, Preston King, Vroom, Campbell, and Maloney, end all the Free soil faction, now spread to the winds. What think you, people of Georgia, of the new soalition formed by the Secessionists with these men? What think you of marshaling yoursel ves under such a banner, with Fred. Douglass as your standard bearer? For Fred, and John A. Dix stood shoulder to shoulder on the Buffalo Platform —they were party associates—political triends. Are the people of Georgia prepared for such a contract, ready for such a coalition ? If 60, let them vote for the Secession candidate. Herschel V. Johnson, who recommends it when be approves of the Free-soil appointments, ami ■advises a union of the Southern Secessionists with the Free soil Democracy of the North John A Dix and Fred. Douglass were both on the Buffa'o Platform, and may yet be allied to each other by the closest political affinities ” Then follow the Resolutions known as the ■Buffalo platform, after which the editors say : “Freemen of Georgia, in the above you have Ihe opinions and principles of John A. Dix in reference to slavery. He has no where and on no occasion retracted a single one, and he is to day as decided an advocate of the principles ol the Wihnot Proviso, as he was in 1848 aud ; 49.” Now we would suppose that these immaculate editors, if honest in all this show of indignation vould shrink with holy horror from political association with Buffalo platform men—men who had devoted their whole energies against sla very extension—in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, and in favor of '"free soil, free speech, free labor, and free men.’’ But what are the facts. This press supported a Buffalo platform man for President last year. The present candidate for Governor, Mr. Jenkins ran on the same ticket for Vice President. Hear what Daniel Webster said about this Buffalo platform, and about his being himself a Frcesoiler. Here is his language at Abington, Oct. 10, 1843. ‘‘Mr. Webster, declared that the Freesoiler? at Buffalo had stolen their sentiments from the Northern Whigs. It was a clear case of petty larceny —that there was nothing in the platform that did not n eet the unqualified approbation of the Northern Whigs—that if the Northern Whigs were to join the Freesoil party, “ We” said Mr. Webster, '''"should still be the Whig party, under a different name, and that would be all.” Again, the same year, hear him in his Marsh field speech. “I have read, gentlemen, the Buffalo platform, and although there are some rotten parts about it, I can stand on it pretty well. It is not wholly new nor original. What there is valuable about it is not new, and what is new is not valuable. If, my friends, the term‘Free Soil’ party, or‘Free Soil’ men, is meant to designate one who has been fixed, unalterable, to-day, yesterday, and for some time past—in opposition to slaveiy ex tension, then I may claim to be, and may hold myself, as good a Free Soil man as any member of that Buffalo Convention. 1 pray to know where is there soil freer than that on which 1 have stood? I pray to know what words they can use, or can dictate to me, freer than those which have dwelt on my lips? I pray to know with what feelings they can inspire my breast, more resolute to slavery extension or encroach ment, than have inhabited my bosom since the first time I opened iny mouth in public life? Hear what Robert C. Wintbrop another, dis tinguished Massachusetts authority said at the Massachusetts Whig Convention of that year. “THEY (the Whigs) WERE OPPOSED TO THE EXTENSION OF SLAVERY EAR NESTLY, ARDF.NTLY, UNCOMPROMIS INGLY, AND THEY DECLARED THEM SELVES SO. THEY HAD BEEN “FREE SOIL” MEN FROM THE FIRST; THEY WERE “FREE SOIL” MEN while Mr. Van Buren and his friends were admitting Texas into the Union, arid covering four-fifths of it with slavery. THEY HAVE ALWAYS BEEN “FREE SOIL” MEN.” Hear what the Boston Journal a leading whig paper said about the same time. “Daniel Webster, in his late noble Whig speech at Marshfield, shows conclusively that the Whig party of the United States has ever been the only Free Soil party in the Union ; and that he himself, and other distinguished Whigs, who now support the Whig candidate, have been foremost in resistance to the encroachments and advances of the slave power in this country. The truth is. there is no difference of opinion among the Whigs of the North on this great principle of introducing slavery into foreign ter ritory. The difference which exist now is only with regard to mm.” Hear what Mr. Webster said at Buffalo, in 1851 only a year before he was urged for the Presiden cy in this State. “My opinion remains unchanged, that it was not within the original scope or design of the Constitution to admit new States out of foreign territory and that tor one, I never would consent: and no matter what may be said at the Syracuse Convention, or at any other assemblage of in sane persons, l never would consent , and never have consented, that there should be one foot ot slave territory beyond what the old Thirteen States had at the time of the formation of the Union. Never! never! The man cannot show his face to me and say he can prove that I ever de- : parted from that doctrine. He would sneak j away, and slink away, or hire a mercenary pres- i that he might cry cut, what an apostate from liberty Daniel Webster has become. He knows himself to be a hypocrite and a falsifier.” We could nil column upon column all going to show that that whole National Whig party at the north, which Mr. Jenkins was so anxious last yearto unite with, were all like Mr. Web ster, on the Buffalo platform. How many Northern Whigs ever voted against the Wilmot Proviso in Congress? Time and again, it came up and they went in solid column in favor of it. And they stand Diedged to vote the same way again whenever they have an opportunity. Let (he factionists, North and South, succeed in destroying the confidence es the American people in the National Democracy, and in Gen. Pierce—let these (action ists get the power of the Government into their hands, and the whole freesoil and abolition host—Hale and Atwood annihilated by Gen. Pierce in New Hampshire, and Garrison, and Giddings, and Greely and and even Fred Douglass will be in the plenitude of their glory. But IV:r. Dix will not be found in that crowd. To-day we publish an admirable letter of the Hon. John P. King. It is full of patriotism and sound sense, and furnishes most appropriate commentaries on this whole subject of freesoil ism and the President’s appointments. We invite to it the readers attention. “Lame and Impotent Conclusion.” Secession and tiie Right or Secession. The Chronicle <s" Sentinel makes an effort as bungling as it is unfair, to prove to its readers that the Hon. Herschel V. Johnson once fa vored disunion, or secession. When an oppo nent undertakes to prove a proposition it is nothing less than bungling for him to quote language that flatly upsets his whole argument and tears to pieces his web of sophistry. Yet in the Chronicle of the 2lst in6t., in an editorial written to prove Judge Johnson was in favor of secession in 1850, is quoted the following lan guage of that gentleman stating that he is opposed to a dissolution of the Union by secession or any other way: “ It seems to me therefore, that our Conven tion should 1< ok to future security, rather than to redress past wrongs. Indeed I am frank to say, that I would not dissolve this Union, either by secession or otherwise, for what has already been done, if any assurance can be obtained from the North, that they will cease their aggressions and permit us to remain quietly in the Union. Our true policy then, in my poor Judgement, is to adopt such measures as will prevent all future encroachments upon our rights.” This is from Judge Johnson’s letter to a Wash ington county Committee, prior to the State Convention. The Chronicle goes on to qnote a passage from the letter in which Judge Johnson states what things he thought the Convention ought to do.— These are seven in number, not one of which was secession or disunion. We defy Judge Jolfts*n’s opponents to pro duce the first sentence he ever penned, or prove by a reputable witness that he ever uttered a sentence in favor of the secession of Georgia, or any other State from the Union. Judge John son never was a disunionist. He was in favor of preserving the Union when Mr. Jenkins was, in 1832, with his fellow nulliliers and secession ists calculating the value of the Union, and doing their best to prove it was not worth preserving. From that day to this be has never uttered a sen timent that we have read or heard of which squinted as decidedly towards disunion as was the well-known toast of Mr. Jenkins at the Lex ington dinner. “ The Union —formed to be val uable. why should not its value be calculated.” 1 he Union men ot those days cherished the opin ion tnat the value ol the Union was incalculable. But Mr. Jenkins and his political friends enter tained then a very different opinion, and were anxious to convince the Union men of their error. They did not succeed. On the contrary Mr. Jenkins was repeatedly beaten by the Unionists of Richmond county for the Legislature, because of this odor of disunion that attached to him. He finally got in by the Unionists relenting to wards him, and allowing his name to be put on a Compromise ticket which a portion of the Union party and the State Rights, or Disunion party, as it was sometimes called, united upon and elected. His previous defeats may be ac counted for because he was suspected not to have been quite as strong a Union man as the people thought he ought to be. He was a gen tleman admitted on all hands to possess fine ta lents and an unblemished character. This Com promise ticket was elected in 1836. The next year the Union party put a full ticket in op position to the State Rights ticket. Mr. Jenkins was on the State Rights ticket. Herschel V. Johnson was on the Union ticket. Judge John son was a Union man then. He is one still. The Chronicle finds fault with Judge Johnson’s views of the right of a State to secede—a right “ derived from the nature of the compact.” It does not quote from Judge Johnson’s letter to the Augusta Committee sufficiently to show its readers what are his views on this point. But Mr. Jenkins used to hold in the days of nullifi cation and secession that a State had this right, derived from the nature of the compact. He coincided then with the strictest sect of State Rights men. In a public speech in 1832, we heard him with his own lips emphatically declare that a State bad an unalienable right to secede “ whenever in her own sovereign wilt she chose to do so. : ’ We quote his exact words. They are indelibly impressed upon our memory. We be lieved then he was right. We believe so still. We were brought up in that school of State Rights politicians and have never recanted these opinions. We are not aware that Mr. Jenkins has ever recanted. He is a man that will stand up to his opinions and vie think all the better of him for it. t er.ator Toombs, Senator Dawson, Mr. Stephens—in fact all the leading State Rights men of that day, r.ow Whigs, held the same doctrine. For aught we know to the contrary, they hold the doctrine still. Judge Johnson belonged in those days to the Union, or Jackson Democracy who looked upon this doc trine as a political heresy. They insisted that Secession was not a peaceable, but a revolution ary remedy and would have to be vindicated by the sword. The Georgia Convention in 1850, failed to pronounce either way on this theoretical ques tion. It is of no practical importance at this time, and freemen have a perfect right in this country to enjoy their own opinions upon it. The contemptibls balderdash about Judge Johnson’s fraternizing with disunionists, and the Southern Rights party of Georgia having “ bold ly asserted their purpose to dissolve the Union and establish a Southern Confederacy,’ 1 we will answer by an extract from a late article »n t'vj' IJacon Telegraph, signed " *dn (Server." article is especially devoted 4ghe* twistings and turnings of that versatile®fire-eater, Senator Toombs, and the Honorable Representative to Congress from Georgia who is “no defender of slavery in the abstract,” and who, like the freesoilers of the North, has “no wish to extend it to other countries .” The “ twistings and turnings of the Southern Rights party (whom we presume is meant by the Fire-eating party) as exhibited by him. or any one else, can be no more than the different degrees of feeling between different individuals of the party. In all parlies there are always some firm on ex tremes, and others ivhn go by Jits and starts ; but the character of a party is always fixd by its action, which is directed by the great majority. Look over the Resolutions and actions ot the Southern Rights party, and there will be found no taint of change, nor of disunion ; but a determined resolution to unite, if possible, their brethren of the South for the protection of the rights of the South. Before the question was decided, some lew men became excited, and spoke of disun ion ; but they were t'men of excitable tempera ment who only echoed Mr. Toombs’ own speeches in Congress. There was in fact no thought of disunion until the violent speeches of Messrs. Toombs and Stephens echoed it in Georgia, and then it was only by the hot bloods who always run to extremes. Then it was ta ken up as a hue and cry by political tricksters, and their followers, to overwhelm the Southern Rights party, (who composed the great body of the people,) by alarming the people and excit ing the temporary belief that there must be some danger of disunion, when it was so loudly and constantly reiterated by the satellites of Toombs and Stephens, and those they had alarm ed. The violent speeches of Toombs and his Brother Pollux in Congress, echoing in Georgia, excited among the excitable, a feeling of the ne cessity of disunion for the preservation ot their rights, which reacting upon themselves in Washington, they became smitten with the fear of loss of position, and anticipated office, and came to Georgia, and shouted that the Southern Rights party are for disunion, —hurrah lor the Union—every one for himself, and the uevil take the hindmost, and created a perfect stam pede among the people. But the people soon recovered from the alarm, and finding they had been made to make a false step, they in conven tion, and with Toombs and Stephens and their satellites, passed the Resolution that if another right of the South was infringed, they -would dis- I rupt the Union. The people should now show Toombs, Stephens and their satellites that they may goon jumping Jim Crow, and playing Har lequin tricks for their own benefit or amuse ment ; but they, the people, now see through their tricks and will no long « be deceived by them. “ As goes Chatham, so goes the State.” This proud position has long been asserted lor old Chatham by her sons, and faithfully have her lion hearted Democracy toiled in every con test involving the great principles ot their creed to vindicate the claim. Again are they called upon to buckle on their armor for the fight, and the whole State is looking with eager interest to see on which banner the light of victory will g>am. The Democratic party of that county have every advantage in their favor. The late Municipal elections of Savannah proved the Democrats have a large majority in the city— they have the advantage of superior organization, and the prestige which is derivetftrom past suc cesses. It is fair to infer also, that the Federal and Municipal patronage in their hands is a source of additional strength. On the other hand the Whigs have not even put out a Legislative ticket in opposition. Whether this be a tacit concession of weakness, or is with a view to con centrate more effort and energy upon the ticket for Governor and for Congress, we aie unpre ; pared to say. Let not the Democracy of Chathan be selfish ly content to elect their Legislative ticket, which requires no effort, and forget that the Democracy of the whole State have a common interest in the Chatham vote for Johnson and Sf.ward. It is talked of in the streets of Augusta, that the election for Governor and for Congress will be used by some Democrats in Savannah as the occasion of venting oid personal grudges, and of yielding to personal, family and local influences to the injury of the Democratic cause. The Whigs here are making large calculations on these points. How truly founded these calcula tions are, time will show. That they have been greatly overestimated, as they are in the habit of doing, every advantage of this sort, is prover bial, and in the present case we expect to see ! them disappointed. In this city and county, the Democracy intend to stand square up to their duty—their whole duty. They bear in mind that every vote they give is for the common benefit of the common cause, and no local influences or discouragements will swerve or dishearten them. They will i inarch firmly up to the polls in the face of the I hot fire of a settled Whig majority. \ They cherish an abiding hope of yet overcoming : it, as the Democracy of Chatham overcame the I majority against them. They will fight on and ! fight ever, conscious of being in the right, till victory crowns their devotion to their principles. We hope the present battle will be fought in ' the same spirit throughout the State. More es | pecially do we hope the Chatham Democracy— i the friends of the Administration, the advocates jof a wholescme national feeling, which dis j countences further sectionalism and agitation, j will at that important point make a demonstra ) tion worthy of the Known energies of the party, ! and worthy the patriotic principles which it is ! organized to advance. ; Charles J. McDonald, David J. Bailey and Herschel V. Johnson. Three more upright and honest men in their i pecuniary dealings—thiee men more entirely above suspicion of “dirty and disreputable con duct” in regard to money, are not to be found in the broad expanse of the State or the Union. Yet the Chroncile <§■ Sentinel , on the heel of the canvass undertakes to impugn them. This Jackal of the Whig press digs up from the buried past, a business transaction over which it seeks to throw a coloring disreputable to these gentlemen. The following is its language : David J. Bailey and Herschel V. Johnson were practising law in partnership in Milledge ville. Bailey was appointed, under the statute, sole Director of the Central Bank by Gov. Mc- Donald. McDonald’s term of office as Governor j expired in November, 1843. Bailey’s term ex- I pired on the 31st day of December, 1843. Two j days before Bailey’s term of office expired, on the 29th day of December, the said Bailey (pro bably after consulting with them and arranging the whole thing,) determined to give his law partner, Herschel V. Johnson, and his special friend Charles J. McDonald some nice little pickings in the way ot collections for the Cen tral Bank. Hence he was about to hand over to these good friends, some $140,000 of notes due that Bank, to be collected by them ; on which, of course, they were to get a commission of 5 per cent., and the court costs in every case. Governor Crawford, happened to hear that some thing disreputable was probably going on ; and on the 29th of December, issued an Executive order prohibiting the giving out of the notes, j which effectually locked the ' l nice little game’’ of j Messrs. Bailey, Johnson and McDonald!—Chroni ! cle , 12 th inst. What chiefly strikes us as remarkable here is, that Gov. Crawford should have interfered to prevent the collection of these assets cf the Central Bank, by Judge Johnson. We do not doubt that his reason for doing so was that he wished: to deprive an honest Democratie lawyer of thechanceof earning the fees, and to bestow them on some of his Whig favorites, it is very certain that be did turn over a large amount of Central Bank claims to Col. Augustus B. Kenan, for collection, who made several thousanddollars by the operation. How many others came in for a share of this sort of patronage we do not know. But we do know that much more than five per cent was allowed, in some instances for their trouble. Col. Bailey made a good arrangement for the state in employing Judge Johnson to sue and collect these debts at five per cent. A more trustworthy and efficient attorney could not have been selected. The Central Bank would not have lost a dollar by him. We do not know that it lost any by delinquences of Gov. Craw ford’s favorites. But it is very certain that in respect to every quality which makes an attor ney reliable, prompt and efficient, Judge John son was as suitable a man to employ as could have been found in the whole state. Come out again, gentlemen of the Chronicle ! Have you any more charges of the same sort left * or have you any more “ buzzard ” Roosbashs in reserve ? Senator Toombs. We extract a portion of an editorial 1 from the Washington Union showing up the above gentle man, to which we invite attention. Two points in it, especially, we request our readers to note. Ist. The fact therein quoted from good Whig authority too.that the Hon. Peter J. Vroom has been grossly misrepresented and slandered by Mr. Toombs, and his co-adjutors in Georgia, in their work of Agitation, and of de traction of President Pierce. 2d. The claim asserted for a Tennesseean of high distinction of being the author of the Geor gia Platform, by whom, and not by Mr. Jenkins, says the editorial, “it was framed, its timbers squared, and every plank nailed.” Mr. Toombs and Mr. Stephens ought to know all abont this, for we are informed they played wild havoc with Mr. Jenkins’ programme as prepared by him and carried to Milledgeville. It seems now they plagiarised from the Minority Report of the Nashville Convention. Mr. Vroom’s is one of the few appointments to office which have served Messrs. Toombs and Stephens as a pretext for all their hellabulloo about the country being “in great and immi nent DANGER.” It may be as well here to remark that we have travelled some this summer in Georgia and else where, and have made some inquiry as to how people felt on the subject, and we have not met the first man that said he honestly enter tained the slighted apprehension for the sta bility of the government or the safety of the country. We have heard of no such man. We do not believe there is any such man to be found. Mr. Toombs can’t get up a panic. The election is near at hand, with strong probabili ties of Judge Johnson’s election. Yet nobody is Scared. Property don’t go down. People aie making no preparations for a break up. Dem ocrats under the full assurance of Judge John son’s triumphant election, and the consequent strengthening by the voice of Georgia of the pa triotic Administration ot President Pierce, are preparing to come by thousands in joyous spirits to our State Fair in October. Whigs, under painful apprehensions of the same result, also intei d coming by thousands to the Fair, knowing that there is no catastrophe at hand, ever., though the Democracy of Georgia should add our own no ble State to the other twenty-seven that stand firmly by the President of the people. The Republic is safe. Judge Johnson will be Governor elect. Yet, our Fair Grounds will be a scene of security, of serenity, and ( njoyment. Cotton will be brougot to market, and sold for a good price, and the merchants will sell their good s as asua!,and share in hope in the general prosperi ty. The season will roll on bringing seed time and. harvest as usual, and our noble Democratic State go on in her career of improvement, regardless of the agitators, and quite indifferentas to what may be the present state of Mr. Jenkins’ affec tions for the National Whig Party. Mr. Toombs must try anothei experiment. The election ov^r 41 What part will Roscius next enact?” Last Cards and Secret Circulars. The Whigs, true to their old tricks will, on the eve of the election, put afloat all sorts of mis representations to prejudice the Democratic can didates in the public mind. If any new stories are trumped up, or old ones dressed out in new colors and garish embellishments, the Demo crats may take for granted that they are Roor backs on a par with the famous one of 1844 that Mr. Polk branded his negroes in hot iron with the letter P. After the election is over they can be triumphantly refuted ; but in the mean time the iniquity will have worked out the de sign of wheedling honest men of their votes, if they are weak enough to yield credence to them and allow their minds to be influenced thereby. The Democrats may form some idea of what may be expected from those who habitually do the dirty work ot the Whig party, by referring to what honorable men of that party did in 1544 to defeat the Democracy. We beg leave to call their attention to the concluding portion of # circular issued on the eve of the Presidential election of that year: “Augusta, Oct. 26, 1844. * * * * * * # “ We add a single, but decisive motive: MR. POLK IS NOW THE AVOWED FAVORITE OF THE ABOLITIONISTS! MR CLAY, IS THE OBJECT OF THEIR BITTEREST CA LUMNY ! “ A print, procured from the office of “ The Liberator, an abolition paper in Boston, repre sents a negro woman, half naked, chained to a post, and a man, whose likeness to Mr. Clay, cannot be mistaken, with a lash in his hand, is whipping her—underneath is the motto, “The Mill Boy of the Slashes.” This vile print has been extensively circulated at the North, and its object is to excite the people against Mr. Clay. “It remained for Mr. Birney, the Leader of the abolitionists, not only to express hatred of Mr. Clay, hut preference for Mr Polk! THIS PRE FERENCE HE HAS EXPRESSED ! He de clares his pre'lerence for Mr. Polk, and too plain ly manifests his motive, and that of his party, to be this : Mr. Clay is a strong man, and pos sessing the confidence of his party, will be able to resist the abolitionists. Mr. Poik has neither personal nor party strength to resist them. Their first movement is to declare every slaveholder incapable of holding office. “The Spirit ot the Times,’’ a Democratic pa paper, published in Philadelphia, and widely cir culated, justifies Mr. Birney’s preference ot Mr. Polk, on the ground that the principles of the Democracy justify it. “MR. POLK IS THEN AVOWEDLY SUP PORTED BY THE ABOLITIONISTS ! “Mr. Birney their Nominee for the Presidency, avows his preference for Mr. Polk —and a Dem ocratic newspaper, of high authority in their ranks, speaking tor the party, justifies it. After this, what patriotic Georgian, Whig or Demo crat—what man of any party, who loves his State, and means to defend her institutions at any hazard, will consent to vote for Mr. Polk— to be found side by side with the abolitionists for his file leader—sacrificing his own dearest interests to elevate Mr. Polk to the Presidency, that his imbecility Apy enable them more easily to accomplish nefarious designs? We pray you to make this fact extensively known among your countrymen, before and early on the day of flection. We adjure you by all the motives w*ch may have value with patriotic Sons of Georgia, to devote yourself, unceasingly, to this.subject until the day of the election. We are, respectfully, your friends and fellow citizens, John M. Berrien, A. J. Miller, Robert Toombs, fit. M. Gamble, C. J. Jenkins, W. W. Holt. “A copy of this letter has been addressed to Esqs., of your county. The fact is mentioned, that you may. if you think proper, consult with them. We-would especially recommend that some hon orable persons be selected, distinguished for their activity and zeal, as the time is short, to aid you, especially on the day of.th^kction.” It is worthy of Mr. Jenkins whose name was attached to the above, was a candidate for Presidential Elector on the Whig ticket for that year, and received the smallest vote of the whole ten candidates of his own party.— Even in Richmond county Mr. Jenkins was the hindmost man on the ticket. What influence this ciicular had on this result, we leave the public to determine. It ought to be a warning to the Whigs how they trifle with the intelligence of the people. The Democrats of Georgia, who proved that they knew who Janus K. Polk was, will not readily forget the abuse heaped upon that vir tuous and enlightened statesman, whose Admin istration was the most brilliant and able in the history of our country, and that shed an undy ing lustre %on the American name. Mr. King's Letter. We find in the last Cassville Standard a very forcible and convincing letter of the Hon. John P. King in vindication of the Administration of Gen. Pierce, and in support of the Democratic party of Georgia, its policy and its nominees. It is in reply to the Committee of Invitation to the Kingston Mass Meeting. Knowing the high appreciation in which Mr. King’s opinions are held in Georgia, and believ ing that the reasons he urges why, not Demo crats alone, but every patriotic citizen of the South should rally to tne Democratic standard, will carry conviction to every unbiassed mind) we shall lay the letter before our readers to morrow. We cannot refrain, thus in advance expressing our gratification at the timely ap pearance of Mr. King in the field for a cause, the triumph of which is essential to the peace, the welfare, and best interest of the country. The Debate at La Payette. The Whigs are famous for their spirit of brag gadocio, and the Democrats aie quite accustom ed to their habit of claiming every debate to a Whig triumph, and every election a Whig vie. tory, until the votes are counted out. They take for granted that every encounter with Mr. Toombs must result in the overthrow of his ad versary and the demolition of his principles.— But it happens some-how that the people do not always in casting their votes assign the laurel to the Whig champion, and it is quite notorious that Mr. Toombs and other Whig knights have been in vain for years running tilts against the Democracy of the mountains. There is not the slightest indication of their having shaken, in the least, that Gibralterof Democratic principles. . The recent debate between Mr. Toombs and Col. Underwood at La Fayette, is another case in which the lance of the former has fallen point less, if not shivered, before a young and less ex perienced adversary. The following is an account of it, varying somewhat from what is found in the Chronicle $• Sentinel. Col. Underwood is a gentleman of superior intelligence, and of independence enough to fol low his convictions of duty, though they carry jr him into the ranks of the national Demociacy. He is one of the large number of intelligent and influential Whigs in Cherokee Georgia, who finding the Whig party abo!itionized,bave ranged themselves on the side of the Administration.— Hence the bitterness of the Chronicle towards him. [From the Rome Southerner, 2 2d in*/.] Mr. Editor: —lt so happened that the an pointment of Mr. Toombs and Col. Chastain to speak at this place fell on the same day. Owing to Col. C.’s illness, he was represented by Col. J. W. H. Underwood of your place. The order of speaking was as follows : Mr. Underwood to open the debate in a speech of one hour—Mr. Toombs to reply in one hour and forty minuted time—and Col. U. to conclude in a speech of thirty minutes—then to be followed by Col. Chisolm, 46 minutes, to be replied to by Col. Crook in the same length of time. Fearing that this will hardly reach you in time for publication, I will simply state that Col. Underwood greatly distinguished himself in his contest with Senator Toombs. It is not my intention to disparage Mr. T. in the least but candor and justice compel me to say that he had no advantage of Col. Underwood as the ef fect on the audience plainly testified. Col. Crook tore up his competitor into perfect doll-rags. * The Democracy was much strengthened by the debate. i*ut down Walker 250 majority for the demo cratic ticket. Yours in haste. Lafayette. Tho Buzzard Story .again. Asa set off to the certificate of the fifteen whose card we published on Sunday, we now present the following, which we find in the last Macon Telegraph : Cherokee County, Sept. 17th, 1853. The undersigned, citizens of said county, have seen, with much surprise, a certificate signed by fifteen persons, published in the Southern Re coider of the 13th inst., in relation to a speech delivered by the Hon. H. V. Johnson, at Can ton, sometime in August, 1852, by which he is reported to have said, in said speech, that ** he had no confidence in Union Democrats—that they could not be trusted—that they stunk , and that they would be dead and eat up by the buzzards be]ore the dog-days were out P The undersigned heard every word of Judge Johnson’s speech on that occasion, and without saying anything of the persons who have sign ed said certificate, or of their motives, the un dersigned fee! it to be their duty, as an act of justice, to say that both the language and sense of the speech, are entirely perverted by the cer tificate. Judge Johnson was, at the tpne, a can didate ujron the democratic electoral ticket for Pierce and King, and was attempting to concil iate Union democrats, of whom there were sev eral hundred in the county, and to induce them and the Union whigs who favored the election of Pierce and King to vote for the ticket. He stated that the Union party was divided; that some of its members would vote for each of the tickets then in the field lor Pierce and King; and predicted that at the conventions then soon to assemble in Macon, an electoral ticket would be nominated for Scott, and another for Webster. He 6poke of the probable dissolution of the Un ion party by its own divisions, and the epithets whieh he used , were used in reference to the death of the party, and were not used in reference to Union democrats or whigs, but only in reference to the par ty orgpnization of the Union party, which he pro nounced to be on the point of dissolution. Ho spoke freelv of party and party organization, but said nothing disrespectful of, or justly offensive to, Union democrats, whom were the very per sons whom he was most particularly striving te conciliate. L. M. Hook, P. F. Wood, Stephen Kemp, E. M. Field, J Wm. Densmore, James M. Fielder, f. Hiram Johnson, Philip Graham, John Johnson, Elijah Long, John M. Nuchalls, James E. Rusk, R. F. Daniel, Frederick Burtz, Wm. T. Day H. R. Carmichael. Joseph E. Brown, J. H. Hardin, Joseph McConnell, M. J. Milliford, J.L. Galt. G. R. McCurby, James McConnell, Wm. M. Bell, Anderson D. Smith, David Putman, Elias E. Field, Samuel Orr, Levi Rudasil!, David E. Garrison, James Jordan, E. G. Grambiing, S. Z. Harris, The signers of this certificate are, no doubt ail truthful and respectable men. We have per sonal acquaintance with some of them, and know them to be among the most estimable and intel ligent men of the State. The idea that Judge Johnson would use the language attributed to him is as absurd, as to suppose that a 3uitor paying his addresses to a young lady, would tell her that her face was ugly enough to break up a camp-meeting, and her temper sour enough to turn a whole dairy of sweet milk into clabber, by her just poking her head into it. The story is absurd on it*, face. It has not the first element of plausibility to recommend it, and must, therefore, go along with the Roorbacks of ! 44, and the Foss ani Fogg slanders of ’52. Property Qualification for Governor. We did Mr. Jenkins no injustice in publish ing the charge that he did make the speech in the Legislature against the repeal of the Proper ty Qualification to the office of Governor. We did him no injustice in supposing that he had made the speech, and forgotten it. We are now prepared to reiterate the charge, that he did, in 1547, leave the speaker’s chair, and make a speech in opposition to the repeal. We are furnished with the names of gentle men, who were members of the Legislature of 1847, as authority for the charge. Mr. Jenkins has not denied it. He will no* deny it, nor wiil any one else deny it for him. The certificates of some of the most respecta ble citizens of the state, testifying that they heard the will be furnished if neces sary.