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Ml; Ifflwlltlt IbaOiUWMJMLLI ® Mull.
BY JAMES GARDNER.
PRESI DENT’S MESSAGE
/•WZcrtr-cßYsens oj f'.e Senate
and o/ Iht House of Reprtscnlatire*
Tte past lias been an eventful year, and will
be hereafter referred to as a marked epoch in the
history ot the world. While we have been hap
pily preserved from the calamities ot war. our
domestic prosperity has not been entirely unin
terrupted. The crops, in portions of the country, !
have been nearly cut off. Disease bas prevailed i
to a greater extent than usual, end the sacrifice;
of human life, through caAialities by sea and :
land, is without a parallel? But the pestilence I
r.as swept by, and restored salubrity invites the
absent to their homes, and the return ot business
to its oidinary channels. It the earth,has re
warded the labor of the bounti
fully than in preceeding seasopeflt has est him
with abundance tor domestufwants, and a large
surplus tor exportation. In the present, there
fore, as in the past, we ’find ample grounds for
reverent thankfulness to the God of Grace and
Providence, for His protecting care and merciful
dealings with us as a people.
Although our attention has been arrested by
painful interest in passing events, yet our coun
try feels no more than the slight vibrations ol
tne convulsions, which have shaken Europe. As
individuals, we cannot repress sympathy with
human suffering, nor regret for the causes which
produce it. As a nation, we are reminded, that
whatever interrupts the peace,or checks the pros-.
perity of snvjvutHjrTT^r^f ends, more
**ol less, to involve our own. The condition ot
States is riot unlike that of individuals. They
are mutually depend-nt upon each other. Ami
cable relations between them, and reciprocal
good will, are essential for the promotion of
whatever is desirable in their moral, social, and
political condition. Hence, it bas been my ear
nest endeavor to maintain peace and friendly in
tercourse with all nations.
The wise theory of this government, so early
adopted and steadily pursued, of avoiding al! en
tangling alliances, has hitherto exempted if from
many complications, in which it would other
wise have become involved. Notwithstanding
this our clearly defined and well sustained course
of action, and our geographical position so remote
from Europe, increasing position has been
mauii’es'ed, by some of its governments, to super
vise, and. in certain respects, to direct, our foreign
policy. In plans for adjusting the balance ot
power among themselves, they have assumed to
Sake us into account, and would constrain us to
aonform our conduct to their views. One or
another ot the powers of Eur >pe has, from time
tc time, undertaken to enforce aibitary regula
tions, contrary tu many respects to established
principles oi international law That law, the
Doited States have, in their foreign intercourse,
uniformly respected and observed, and they can
not recognize any such interpolations therein, as
the temporary interests of others may suggest.
Tney do not admit, that the sovereigns or one
continent, or of a particular community oi states
can legislate for ail others.
Leaving the trans-atlantic nations to adjust.
tn< ir.political system.in the way 'hey may think
be.-t for their common welfare, the independent
powers of this continent may well assert the
riant io be exempt from all annoying interfer
rtitice on their part Systematic abstinence
from intima*e political connexion with distant
foreign nations does not conflict with giving
the widest range to our foreign commerce. I’hi
distinction, so clearly marked in his’ory, seems
to have been overlooked, or disregarded, by some
leading foreign States. Our refusal to be brought
wjthin,i and subjected to, their peculiar system,
has, I fear, created a jealous distrust of onr con
duct, and induced, on their part, occasional acts
of disturbing effect upon our foreign relations.
Our present attitude aud past course give assur
ances, which should not be questioned, that our
pt rposes are not aggressive, nor threatening to
the safety and welfare of other nations. Our
military establishments, in time ot peace, is
adapted to maintain exterior defences, an ! to
preserve order among the aboriginal tribes with
in the limits of the Union. Our naval force is
intended only for the protection of our citizens
abroad, and of our commerce, diffused, as it is,
over all the seas of the globe. The govern
ment of the United States being essentially pa
cific in policy, stands prepared to repel invasion
by the voluntary service of a patriotic people
and provides no permanent means of foreign ag
gression. These considerations should allay all
apprehension, that we are disposed to encroach
ea the rights, or endanger the security of other
Mates.
Sonne European powers have regarded, with
rfiequieting concern, the territorial expansion ot
the United States. This rapid growth has result
ed from the legitimate exercise of sovereign
rights,belongin galike to ail nations,ami fiyjmany
bberally exercised. Under sttch circumstances,
it could hardly have been expected that those
among them, which have. w,tbin a compara
tively recent period, subdued and absorbed an
uieot kingdoms, planted their standards on eve-
Sjf dliu LUW puSSeaS, U 4 Ciditfl tfiC COII-
trol of, the inland* ot every ocean as ttieir ap
propriate domain, would look with unfriendly
seutrmeuts upon the acquisitions of the country,
iu every instance honorably obtained, or would
feel themselves justified in rmputing our ad
vancement to a spirit of aggression or to a pas
sion for political predominance.
Our foreign commerce bas reached a magni
tude and extent neaiiy equal to that ot the
irst maralime power oi the earth, and exceed
ing that of any other. Over this great interest,
ur which not only our merchants, but ail classes
•f eitizens at least indirectly, are concerned, it
h the duty ot the executive legislative
branches of the government to exercise a care
ial supervision, and adopt proper measures for its
protection. The policy which I have had in
view, in regard to tins interest, embraces its fu
ture as well as its present security.
Lzmg experience has shown that, in general,
when the principal powers of Europe are en
gaged in warn ,the rights of neutral nations are
endangered. This consideration led, in the pro- [
gross of the war of our independence, to the for- I
•nation of the celebrated confederacy of armed ,
neutrality, a primary object of which was, to
assert the doctrine, that free ships make free
goods, except in the case ot articles contraband
of war ; a doctrine which, from the very com
mencement of our national being, has been a
cherished idea ol tne statesmen ol this country.
At one period or another, every rraritime power
has, by some solemn treaty stipulation, recog
nrsed that principle ; and it might have been
hoped that it would come to be universally re
nerved and respected as a rule of international
law. But the refusal of one power prevented
zhis, and in Ue next great war which ensiu-d.
'.hatot the French revolution, it failed tn b<- re.
ep-icted among the belligerent states of Europe
Aictwitbstau'lrng this, the principle is generally
admitted to be a sound and salutary one : so
oracti so, that, at the commencement of the ex
isting war in Europe, Great Biitain and France j
anaouaced their purpose to observe it for the
p/esont; not, however, as a recognised inter
natforiaJ r.’gbt, but as a mere concession tor the
litne beie& co-operation, however, of
Ifaeee two powerful maritime nations in the in
terest of neuhral rights, appeared to me to afford
ao occasion, iirkitrog and justifying on the part
•f the United States, a renewed effort to irrelre
the doctrine in question a principle of inter
national law, by tnsans of special conventions
between the several powers of Europe and
Aaji riai. Accordingly, a proposition, embrac
ing not only the rule, that free ships make free
rxi'rj't cooirMb'und articles, t>u- also liu*
' AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 6, LSS4.
less contested one, that neutral property, other I
than contraband, though on biard enemy’s ships ■
shall be exempt from confiscation, has been sub- I
miffed by this government to those of Europe ,
arid America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and a •
convention was concluded, between that coun
try aud the United States, providing fur the ob- i
servance of the principles announcer), not only as '
between themselves, but also as between them I
and all other nations, which shall enter into like I
stipulations. None of the other powers have as ;
■ yet taken final action on the subject. I am not i
I aware, however, that any objection to the pro- i
posed stipulation lias been made; but, on the con- !
trary, they are acknowledged to be essential to I
the security of neutral commeice ; and the only;
apparent obstacle to their general adoption is in
the possibility ihat it may be encumbered by in
admissable conditions.
The King of the Two Sicilies has expressed to
our minister at Naples his readiness to concur in
: our proposition relative to neutral rights, and to I
enter into a convention on that subject.
The King of Prussia entirely aupioves of the!
project of a treaty to the same effect, submitted l
to him, but proposes an additional article provid
; j ing for the renunciation of privateering. Such
, .an article, for most obvious reasons, is much. d-y.
■ sired by nations having naval estab 1 ;, Bll ments,
( i large in proportion to their IfSergn commerce
; ! If it were as an international rule, the
jornaow v | a nation having comparatively a
, small naval force, would be very much at the
f I metcy of its enemy, in case of war with a power
.J of decided naval superiority. The bare state
i. ' ment of the condition in which the United States
I ; would be placed, after having surrendered the
; right to resort to privateers, in the event ot a
I i war with a belligerent of naval supremacy, will
show that this government could never listen to
such a proposition. The navy of the first mari
time power in Europe is at least ten times as
I large as that of the United States. The foreign
1’ ; commerce of the two countries is nearly equal,
" and about equally exposed to hostile depredations.
3 Tn a war between that power and the United
' ; States, without resort on our part to our mer
» ! cantile marine, the means of our enemy to inflict
e I injury upon our commerce would be tenfold
e ; greater than ours to retaliate. We could not ex-
I | trieate . ur country from this unequal condition.
" ! with such an enemy, unless we at once departed
* from our present peaceful policy, and became a
' i great naval power. Nor would this country be
II i better situated, in war with one of the secondary
0 | nava 1 powers. Though the naval disparity
r ! would be less, the greater extent, and more ex
-0 j posed condition ol out wide-spread commerce,
" would give any oi them a like advaulage over
| The proposition to enter into engagements to
I forego resort to privateers, in case this country
I should ba forced into war with a great naval
i power, is not entitled to more favorable consid
; eration than would be a proposition t.> agree not
i to accept tne services ol volunteers for operations
jon land. When the honor or the rights ol our
I country require to assume a hostile attitude, it
I confidently relies upon the patriotism of its citi
zens, not ordinarily devoted to the military pro
i session, to augment the army and the navy’, so as
! th make them fully adequate to the emerge cy
I which calls them into action. The proposal to
i surrender the right to employ privateers is pro
I lessedly founded upon the principle, that private
i property of unoffending non-combatants, though
; euernies, should be exempt from the ravages <d
i war; but the proposed suirender goes but little
way in carrying out that principle, which eq'ial-
I ly requires that such private property should not
j be seized or molested by national ships of war.
I Should the leading powers of Europe concur in
' proposing, as a rule ot international law, to ex-
I empt private property, upon the ocean, from sei
i zure by armed cruisers, as well as by privateers,
I the United States w ifi readily meet them upon
j that broad ground
Since the adjournment of Congress, the ratifi-
I cations of the treaty between the United States
i nnd Great Britain, relative to the coast fuherie;-,
and to reciprocal trade with the British North
; Ameiican provinces, have been exchanged, and
some of its anticipated advantages are already en
ijoyed by us, although its full execution was to
i abide certain acts ot legislation not yet fully per
i formed. So soon as it was ratified, Great Britain
1 opened to our commerce the free navigation of
the river St. Larwrence, and to our fishermen
unmolested access to the shores and bays, from
which they had been previously excluded,on the
coasts of her North American provinces: in re
turn for which, she asked for the introduction,
free of duty, into tne ports ot the United States,
of the fish caught on the same coast by British
fishermen. This being the compensation, stipu
lated in the treaty, for privileges oi the bighes l
I importance and value tothe United States, which
i were thus voluntarily yielded before it became
i effective, the request seemed tome tobearea
■ sonable one; but it could not be acceded to, from
I want of authority to suspend our laws imposing
I duties on all foreign fish. In the meantime, the
i Treasury Department issued a regulation, for as
ceitaining tne duties paid or secured by bonds on
fish caught on the coasts of the British provinces,
and brought to cur markets oy British subjects,
after the fishing-grounds had been made fully ac
cessible to the citizens o* the United States. 1
recommend to your favorable consideration a
’ proposition which will be submitted to you, for
i authority to refund the duties and cancel the
; bonds thus received. The provinces of Canada
' and New Brunswick have also anticipated the
’ full operation ol the treaty, by legislative ar-
I rangements, respectively, to admit, free of duty,
, the products oi the United States mentioned in
I the free list of the treaty; ant an arrangement,
i similar to that regarding British fish, has been
j made for duties now chargeable on the products
‘of fhose provinces enumerated iu the same free
i list, and introduced tberelrom into the United
I Slates; a proposition for refunding which will, in
' my judgment, be in like mariner entitled to your
I favorable consideration.
There is difference of opinion between the
' United States and Great Britain, as to the boun
dary line of the Territory of Washington adjoin
ing the British possessions on the Pacific, which
bas already led to difficulties on the part of the
citizens and local authorities of the two govern
ments. I recommend that provision be made
for a commission, to be joined, by one on the part
of her Britannic Majesty, toi the purpose of run
ning and establishing the line in controversy.
Certain stipulations oi the third anil fourth arti
cles of the treaty concluded by the Unitad States
and Grert Britain in 1846, regarding possessory
rights of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and pro
perty ol the Puget’s Sound Agricultural Com- I
pany, have given rise to serious disputes, and it I
is important to all concerned, that summary
means of settling them amicably should bsdevis- I
ed. 1 have reason to believe, that an arrange
ment can be made on just terms, for the extin
guishment ot the rights in question, embracing,
also, the right ol the Hudson’s Bay Company to
the navigation of the river Columbia: and 1 there
fore suggest to your consideration, the expedi
ency ot making a contingent appiopriation lor
that purpose.
!■ rance was the early and efficient ally of the
United Mates in their struggle for independence,
is? '■hat time to the present, with occasional
slight interruptions,cordial relations of friendship
have existed between the governments and the
peop eof the two countries. The kindly »enti
ments, Cherished alike by both nations, have led
Bn ' l Cl;rn mercial inteicourse,
which 1 trust, will not be interrupted or checked
by any casual event of an apparently unsatisfac
tory character. The French consul at Sun Finn
wa?, nctJoog • into U: it u
States District Court at that place, by compel- |
sory process, as a witness in tav< r of anotiier
foreign consul, in violation, as the French gov
ernment conceives. of his privileges under our
consular convention with Fiance. There being
nothing in the transaction which could Imply
any disrespect to France or its consul, sue.: ex
planation has been made, as I hope will lie satis
factory. Subsequently, misunderstanding arose
on the subject ol the French government ha 'ing,
as it appeared, abruptly excluded the American
Minister to Spain from passing through Fiance,
on his way from London to Madrid. But tnat
government has unequivocally disavow’d any
! design to deny the right of transit, to the Minister
lof the United States; «nd, after explanations to
i this effect, he has resumed his journey; and
actually returned through France to Spain. I
herewith lay before Congiess the coi respondence
on this s: bject between our envoy at Paris, and
the .Minister of Foreign Relat ons of the French
Government.
The position of our affairs with Spain remains
las at the close of your last session. Internal
I agitation, assumin'’ - j nearly the character of
| political revolut’.n, has recent!}’ convulsed that
i country. The iate ministers were violently ex
; pelled. irom power, and men. of very different
’views in relation to its internal affairs, have suc
ceeded. Since this change, there has been no
propitious opportunity to resume, and pie >, .hi,
negotiations for the adjustment of serious ques
tions of difficulty between the Spanish Govern
ment and the United States. There is reason to
believe that our minister will find the present
government more favorably inclined t* s: the
: preceding, to comply with our just demands.end
I to make suitable arrangements for restoring nar-
I mony and preserving peace between the Two
I countries.
i Negotiations are pending with Dentnar 'to
discontinue the practice,of levying tolls on our
vessels and their cargoes passing through the
Sound. Ido not Joubt that we can claim ex
emption therefrom as a matter of right, i is
admitted on all hands, that this exaction is sanc
tioned, not by the general principles of the ‘iw
iof nations, but only by special conventions,
; which most ot the commercial nations have >:n
--! tered into with Denmark. The fifth articla of
: our treaty of 18'26 with Denmark provides, .at
i there shall not be paid, on the vessels of the Uni
ted States and the r cargoes when part’ag
through the Sound, higher duties than the- o>
the most favored nations. This may be regirttad
as an implied agreement to submit to the sols
duiing the continuance of the treaty, and, eo. -e
--quently, may embarrass the assertion of our
li. fit to be released therefrom. There aie dso
‘other provisions in the treaty which ought t».be
modified. It was to remain in force for *en
years, and until one year alter eit er ps’ty
should give notice to the, other of intention to
terminate it. 1 deem it expedient that the c.
templateil notice should be given to the govc; ..-
ment ol Denmark.
The naval expedition, despatched about t "o
years since for the purpose ot est if dishing r- a
tions with the empire ol Japan, Las been ably
i and skilfully conducted to a successful termina-
I tion by the officer to whom it was entrusted, A
I treaty, opening certain ot the ports ot that p<
Ilous country, has been negotiated ; and in crdi -
to give lull effect thereto, it only remains to k
change ratifications, and adopt requisite c inj
merciul regulations.
I The treaty lately concluded between the Uni
ted States and Mexico settled some or our most
embarrassing difficulties with that country, bi.t
numerous claims upon it for wiongs and injuries
to our citizens remained unadjusted, and many
new cases have been recently added to the for
mer list of grievances. Our legation has been
earnest in its endeavors to obtain, from the Mex
ican government, a favorable consideration o!
these claims but hitherto without success. This
failure is, proably, in some measure, to be - ■
cribed to the distuibed condition < 1 teat country.
llt has been my anxious desire to man.tav
[friendly relations with the Mexican rep.’hl.>
! and io cause its rights anu territories to be in
spected. not only by onr citizens, but by foreign
ers, who have resorted to the United States tor
the purpose ol organizing hostile expeditions
against some of the States of that Republic. The
defenceless condition, in which its frontiers have
been left, has stimulated lawless adventurers to
embark in these enterprises, and greatly in
creased the difficulty oi enforcing our obligations
ot neutrality. Regarding it as my solemn duty
to fulfil, efficiently these obligations, not only
towards Mexico, but other foreign nations, I.
have exerted all the powers v ith which I am
invested to defeat such criminal proceedings.and
bring to punishment those who, by taking a part
i therein, violated our laws. The energy and ac-
I tivity of our civil and military authorities have
I frustrated the designs of those who meditated
I expeditions of this character, except in two in
stances. One of these, composed of foreigners,
' was at first countenanced and aided by the Mex
i ican government itself, it having been deceived
ias to their leal object. The other, small in r.um
l her. eluded the vigillance of the magistrates at
; San Francisco, and succeeded in reaching *he
Mexican territories; but the effective measures
taken by this government compiled the aban
donment of the undertaking.
The commission to establish the new line be
tween toe United States and Mexico, according
to the provisions of the treaty of the 30th ot
December last, has been organized, and the woik
is already commenced.
Ori treaties with the Argentine Confedera
tion, and with the Republics of Uruguay and
Paraguay, secure to us the free navigation of the
river La Plata, and some of its larger tributaries ;
but the same success has not attended our endeav
ors to open tbe Amazon. The reasons in favor
I of the free use of that river, 1 had occasion to
| present fully, in a former message ; aud coiisid
; ering the cordial relations which have long ex
i isted between this government and Brazil, it
! may be expected that pending negotiations will.
I eventually, reach a favorable result.
Convenient means of transit, between the
several parts of a country, are not only desirable
tor the object of commercial and personal com
munication, but essential to its existence under
one government. Separated as are the Atlantic
and Pacific coasts of the United States by the
whole breadth of the continent, still the inhabi
tants of each are closely bound together by cotn
muity ol origin and institutions, and by strong
attachment to the Union. Hence the constant
and increasing intercourse, and vast interchange
of commercial product ions,’.between these remote
divisions of the Republic. At the present time,
the most practical and only commodious routes
for communication between them are by the
Isthmus of Central America It is the duty ol
the government to secure these avenues against
all danger of interruption.
In relation to Cental America, perplexing
questions existed between the United States and
Great Britain at the timeof the cession of Cali
fornia. These, as well as questions which sub
sequently arose concerning inter-oceanic com
munication across the Isthmus, were, as it was
supposed, adjusted by the treaty ot April 19. i
1850: but, unfortunately, they have been re
opened by serious misunderstanding as to the
import ol some of its provisions, a re-adjustment
of which is now under consideration. Our min
ister at London has made strenuous efforts to ac
complish this desirable object, but han not yet
found it possible to bring the negotiations to a
term nation.
As incidental to these questions, I deem it
projier to notice an occurrence which happened
in Central Amerii a, near the close ci the lust
»sion of Congress. Bo soon as tiio necessity
siaa p ivod >! eslablizhiog intcr-weanic unn-
munications across the Isthmus, a company was I
organized, under authority of the State of Nina- j
lagua, but composed, lor the most part, of citi
zens of the United States, for the purpose of I
opening such a transit way, by the river San i
Juan and Lake Nicaragua, which soon became I
an eligible and much used route in the transput- I
ration of our citizens and their propeity between I
the Atlantic and Paciffo. Meanwhile, and in I
anticipation of the completion and importance
of this transit way, a number of adventures bad
taken possesion of the old Spanish port at the
mouth of the river San Juan, in open defiance
ot the States of Central America, which, upon
tbeii becoming independent, had lighfully suc
ceeded to the local sovereignty and jurisdiction
of Spain. These adventures undertook to change
the name of the place from San Juan del Norte
to Greytown, and, though at first pretending to
act as the subjects ot the fictitious sovereign ol
the Mosquito Indians, they subsequently repudi
ated the control of any power whatever, assum
ed to adopt a distinct political organization, and
themselves an independent sovereign State. If,
at some time, a faint hope was enteitained that
they might become a stable and respectable
community, that hope soon vanished. They
proceeded to assert unfounded claims to c.vil
jurisdiction over Punta Arenas, a position was
on the opposite side of the river San Juan,
which was in possession, under a title wholly
independent of them, of citizens of the United
States, interested in the Nicaragua Transit Com
pany, and which was indispensably necessary to
the prosperous operation of that route across the
Isthmus. The company resisted their ground
less claims; whereupon they proceeded to des
troy some of its buildings, and attempted vio
lently to dispossess it.
At a latter period they organized a strong
force for the purpose the estab
lishment at Punta Arflpi, but this mischievous
design was defeated by the interposition of one
of our ships of war, at that time in the harbor of
San Juan. Subsequently to this, iu May last,
a body of men from Greytown crossed over to
Punta Arenas, arrogating authority to arrest, on
the charge of murder, a captain ot one ot the
steamboats ot the Transit Company. Being
well aware that the claim to exercise jutisdi- -
tion there would be resisted then, as it had been
on previous occasions, they went prepared to
I assert it by force of arms. Our minister to Cen
tral America happened to be present on that oc
casion. Believing that the captain of the steam
boat was innocent for he witnessed the transac
tion on which the charge was founded, and be
lieving, also, that the intruding party, having no
jurisdiction over the place where they proposed
to make the arrest, would encounter desperate
resistance if they peisisted in their purpose, he
intel posed, effectually, to prevent violence and
bloodshed. The American minister afterwards
visited Greytown, and whilst he was there, a
j mob,.including certain of the so called public
j functionaries ol the place, surrounded the house
in which he was, avowing that they bad come
I to airest him by older ot some person exercising
the chief authority. While pt.ileying with them
he was wounded by a inissle from the crowd.
A beat, despatched from the American steamer
‘•Northern Light” to release linn from the peril
ous situation in which he was understood to be,
was fired into by the town guard, and compelled
to return. These incidents, together with the
known character ot the population ol Greytown
and iheir excited state, induced just apprehen
sions that the lives and property of our citizens
at Punta Arenas would be in imminent danger
after the departure ot the steamer, with her pas
sengers, for New-York, unless a guard was left
for their protection. For this purpose, and in
order to ensure the safety of passengers and
property passing over the route, a temporary
force was organized, at considerable expense to
the United States, lor which provision was
made at the last session of Congress.
| This pretended community, a heterogenous as
. ..imblage gathered from various countries, and
-imposed, for the most pn’', oi blacks andper
'«nsof mixed blooti, had previously given other
indications of mischievous and dangerous propen
sities. Early in the same month, property was
clandestinely abstraoted Irorri the depot of the
Transit Company, and taken to Greytown. The
plunderers obtained shelter there, and their pur
suers were driven back by its people, who not
only protected the wrong-doers and shared the
plunder, but treated witii rudeness and violence
those who sought to recover their property.
Such, in substance, are the facts submitted to
my consideration, and proved by trustworthy
evidence. I could not doubt that the case de
manded the interposition of this government.—
Justice required that reparation should be made
for so many and such gross wrongs, and that a
course of insolence and plunder, tending directly
to the insecurity of the lives of numerous travel
lers, and of the rich treasure belonging to our
citizens, passing over this transit way, should be
peremptorily arrested. Whatever it might be
in other respects, the community in question, in
power to do mischief, was not despicable, ft
was well provided with ordnance,small arms, and
ammunition, and might easily seize on the un
armed boats, freighted with millions of property,
which passed almost daily within its reach. It
did not profess to belong to any regular govern
ment, aud haJ, in fact, no recognized indepen
dence on, or connection with, any one to which
the United States or their injured citizens might
apply for redress, or which could be held respon
sible, in any way, for the outrages committed.—
Not standing before the world in an attitude of
an organized political society, being neither
competent to exercise the rights nor to discharge
the obligations of a government, it was, in fact,
a marauding establishment, too dangeious to be
disregarded, and too guilty to pass unpunished,
and yet incapable of being treated in any other
way than as a piiatical resort ot outlaws, or a
camp of savages, depredating on emigrant trains
or caravans aud the frontier settlements of ci
vilized States.
Seasonable notica was given to the people of
Greytown that this government required them
to repair the injuries they had done to our citi
zens, and to make suitable apology for their in
sult of our minister, and that a ship-of-war would
I be despatched thither to enforce compliance with
these demands. But the notice passed unheeded.
Thereupon, a commander of the navy, in charge
of the sloop-of-war Cyane, was ordered to repeat
the demands, and to insist upon a compliance
therewith. Finding that neither the populace,
nor those assuming to have authority over them,
manifested any di.-position to make the required
reparation, or even to offer excuse for their con
duct, he warned them, by a public proclamation,
that if they did not give satisfaction within a
time specified, he would bombard the town.—
By this procedure he afforded them opportunity
to provide for their personal safety. To those
also who desired to avoid loss of property, in the
punishment about to be inflicted on the offending
town, he furnished the means of removing their
effects, by the boats of his own ship, and of a
steamer which be procured and tendered to them
for that purpose. At length, perceiving no dis
position on the part of the town to comply with
his requisitions, he appealed to the commander
other Britannic Majesty’s schooner Bermuda,
who was seen to have intercourse, and apparent
ly much influence with the leaders among them
—to interpose, and persuade them to take some
course calculated to save the necessity of resort
ing to the extreme measure indicated in his pro
clamation; but that officer, instead of acceding
to the request, did nothing more than to protests
against the contemplated bombardment.
No steps of any sort were taken, by the peo
ple, to give the satisfaction required. No indi
viduals, rl any theie were, who regarded them-
VOL. 33.-NEW SERIES -VOL.-9 -A() :J2
selves as not responsible for the misconduct of;
the community, adopted any means to separate ;
themselves from the fate of the guilty. The ,
several charges, on which the demands for re- ’
dress were founded, had been publicly known to i
all for some time, and vr;ere again announced to 1
them. They did not deny any of these charges; ■
they offered no explanation, nothing in extenua- |
lion of their conduct; but contumaciously refused ‘
to hold any intercourse with the commander of
the “ Cyane.” By their obstinate silence, they
seemed rather desirous to provoke chastisement
than to escape it. There is ample reason to be
lieve that this conduct of wanton defiance on
their part, is imputable chiefly to the delusive
idea that the American government would be
deterred from punishing them, through fear of
displeasing a formidable foreign power, which,
they presumed to think, looked with complacen
cy upor. their aggressive and insulting deport
ment towards the United States. The "Cyane”
at length fired upon the town. Before much in
jury had been done, the fire was twice suspend
ed, in order to afford opportunity for an airange
ment; but this was declined. Most of the
buildings of the place, of little value generally,
were, in the sequel, destroyed.; but, owing to
the considerate precautions taken by our naval
Commander, there was no destruction of life.
When the “Cyane” was ordered to Central
America, it was confidently hoped and expected
that no occasion would arise for "a resort to vio
lence and destruction of property and loss of life.”
Instructions to that effect were given to her com
mander; and no extreme act would have been
requisite had not the people themselves, by their
extraordinary conduct in the affair, frustrated ail
the possible mild measures for obtaining satisfac
tion. A withdrawal from the place, the object
of his visit entirely defeated, would, under the
circumstances in which the .commander of the
Cayne found himself, have been absolute aban
donment of all claim ot our citizens for indemni
fication, and submissive acquiescence in national
indignity. It would have encouraged in these
lawless men a spirit oi insolence and rapine most
dangerous to the lives and property of our citi
zens at Punta Arenas, and probably emboldened
them to grasp at the treasures and valuable mer
! ehatidise continually passing over the Nicaragua
j route. It certainly would have been most satis
| factory to me if the objects of the '‘Cyane’s”
I mission could have been cousumated without any
! act of public force ; but the arrogant contumacy
j of the offenders rendered it impossible to avoid
; the alternative, either to break up their estab
lishment, or to leave them impressed with the
> idea that they might persevere with impunity
in a career of insolence and plunder.
This transaction has been the subject of com
j plaint on the part of some foreign powers, mid
has been characterizeil with more of harshness
than of Justice. If comparisons were to be in
stituted, it would not be difficult to present re
peated instances in the history ot stares, stand
ing in the very front of modern civiliza’i >n,
wnere communities, far less offending and more
j defenceless than Graytown, have been chastised
with much greaterseverity.jand where not dlties
j only have been laid in ruins, but human life
1 has been recklessly saccrificed, and the blood of
I the innccent made profusely to mingle with
j thatof tne guilty. 1
Passing from foreign to domestic affaiijs, your
attention is naturally directed to the frnaucial
condition of always a subject of gen
eral interest. For complete and exact informa
tion regarding the finances and the various
branches of the public service connected there
with, 1 refer you to the report of the Secretary
of the Treasury ; from which it will appear, that
the amount of revenue during the last fiscal year,
from all sources, was seventy-three million, five
hundred and forty-nine thousand seven hundred
and five dollars; and that the public expenditures
for the same period, exclusive of payments on
account of the public debt, amounted to fifty-one
million eighteen thousand two hundred and for
ty-nine dollars. During the same period, the
I payments mr.de in redemption of the public debt,
including interest and premium, amounted to
twenty-four million three hundred and thirty-six
thousand three hundred and eighty dollars.—
To the sum total ot the receipts ol that year is
to be added a balance remaining in the Treasury
at the commencement thereof, amounting to
twenty-one million nine hundred and forty-two
thousand eight hundred and ninty-two dollars;
and at the close of the same year, a correspond
ing balance amounting to twenty million one
hundred and thirty-seven thousand nine hund
red and sixty-seven dollars ol receipts above ex
penditures, also remained in the Treasury. Al
though, in the opinion of tire Secretary of the
Treasury, the receipts of the current fiscal year
are not likely to equal in amount those ot the
last, yet they will undoubtedly exceed the a
mount of expenditures by at least fifteen mil
lions of dollars.
i I shall, therefore, continue to direct that tho
j surplus revenue be applied, so far as it can bo ju
I diciously and economically done, to the reduction
I of the public debt, tho amount of which, at tho
I commencement of the last fiscal year, was sixty-
I seven million throe hundred and forty thousand
I six hundred and twenty-eight dollars, of whieh
I there had been paid on the twentieth day of No
| vembor, 1854, the sum of twenty-two million three
I hundred and sixty-five thousand one hundred and
j seventy-two dollars; leaving a balance of out
j standing public debt of only forty-four million
i nine hundred and seventy five thousand four hun
j dred and fifty six dollars, redeemable at different
| periods within fourteen years, There are also
| remnants of o'her government stocks, most of
which are already duo. and on which the interest
; has ceased, but which have not yet been presented
I for payment, amounting to two hundred and thir-
■ tv three thousand one hundred and seventy-nine
dollars. This statement exhibits the fact, that the
■ annual income of the government greatly exceeds
I the amount of its public debt, which latter re
j mains unpaid, only because the time of payment
' has not yet matured, and it cannot be discharged
j at once, except at the option of public creditors.
I who prefer to retain tho securities of the United
States; and the other fact, not loss striking, that
the annual revenue from all sources exceeds, by
many millions of uollars, tho amount needed for a
prudent and economical administration of the Gov
ernment.
The estimates presented to Congress from the
different Executive Departments, at the last session
amounted to thirty-eight million four hundred and
six tnousand five hundred and eighty-one dollars;
and the appropriations made to the sum of fifty
eight millions one hundred and sixteen thousand
nine hundred and fifty eight dollars. Os this ex
cess of appropriations over estimates, however,
more than twenty millions was applicable to ex
traordinary objects, having no reference to the
usual annual expenditures. Among these objects
was embraced ten millions to met tho third article
of tho treaty between tho United States and Mex
ico, so that, in fact, for objects of ordinary expen
diture, tho appropriations were limited to consider
ably loss than forty millions of dollars. I there
fore renew my recommendation for a reduction of
the duties on imports. The report of tho secretary
of tho Treasury presents a series of tables, showing
tho operations of the revenue system for several
successive years, and as the general principle of
reduction of duties with a view to revenue andjnot
protection may now bo regarded as the settled pol
icy of the country, I trust that little difficulty will
bo encountered in settling the details of a measure
to that effect.
In connexion with this subject, I recommend a
change in tho laws, which recent experience has
shown to bo essential in tho protection of the gov
ernment. There is no express provision of law.
requiring the records endpapers of a public char
acter, of tho several officers of the government, to
bo loft in their offices for tho use of thoir suoeS
sors, nor any provision declaring it felony on their
part to mako false entries in tho books, or return
false accounts In the absence of such express
provision by law, tho outgoing officers, in many
instances, have elftimod unii exercised the right to
take into their own possession, important hooks
and papers, on the ground that these were rh< .
private property: and have placed them beyond
the reaeb of the government. Conduct of this
character, brought in several instances to the no-
I tico of the present Secretary of the Treasury, nat
urally awakened his suspicion, and resulted’in the
j disclosure that at four ports, namely, Oswego. Tc
| lodo. Sandusky, and Milwaukie, the treasury had,
I by fil.se entries, been defrauded, within the four
I years next preceding March. 1853, of the sum of
I one hundred and ninety-eight thousand dollars.
Ilhogroat difficulty with which the detection cf
! these irauds ha® been attended, in conpeque nco cf
I the abstraction of books and papers by the retiriug
; officers, and the facility with which similar Irauds
j in the public service maybe perpetrated, render
j the necessity of new legal enactments, in the re
! spects above referred to, quite obvious. For other
| material modifications of the revenue law, which
: seem to me desirable, I refer you to the report ci
the Secretary of the Treasury. That ropoit. ar; 1
i the accompany it. furnish ample procfs
; of the solid foundation cn which the financial secu
rity of the couuntry rests, aud of the salutary ir
i fluence of the independent treasury systc.- upta
; commerce and all monetary operations.
| The experience of the last year furnishes addi-
I tional reasons, I regret to say, of a painful chara ti
ter, for the recommendation heretofore made, to
proyido for increasing the military force employed
lin the territory inhabited by the Indians. The
I settlers on the frontier have suffered much from
the incursions of predatory bands, and large prrtic s
:ol emigrants to our Pacific possessions have been
I massacred with impunity. The recurrence of such
iscenes can only be prevented by teaching there
j wild tribes the power of. and their responsibility
: to, the United States. From the garrisons of our
frontier posts, it is only possible to detach troojs
j in small bo lies: and though those have on ail oc
casions displayed a gallantry and a stern devoticn
| to duty, which on a larger field would have uom
i Branded universal admiration, they have usually
■ suffered severely in these conflicts with superior
; numbers, and have sometimes been entirely sacri
i flood.
I All the disposable force of the army is already
' employed on this service,.and is known to be whol
ly inadequate to the protection which should bo
afforded. The public mind of the country has
been recently shocked by savage atrocities commit
ted upon defenceless emigrants and border settle
ments, and hardly less by the unnecessary destruc
tion of valuable I'ves, where inadequate detach
ments of troops have undertaken co furnish the
neededaid Without increase of themilitary force,
these scenes will be repeated, it is to ho feared cn
ia larger seale, and with more disastrous conse
! queneos. Congress, Inm sure, will perceive that
i the plainest duties and responsibilities of govorn
| ment are involved in this question, and I doubt
; not that prompt fiction may be confidently antici
pated when delay must be attended by such fcarfol
, hazards.
Thu bill ol last session, providing f an increase
j of the pay of the rank and silo of the army has
' hai beneficial results, not only in f.o'ilitatiug on
[ listments. but in obvious improvement in the clask
;of men who enter the service. I regret that cor
responding consideration was not bestowed on the
officers, who, ip view of their character and scr
! vices, and the expenses to which they are necessa-
I rily subject, receive at present what is, in my jtidg-
I moot, inadequa'e compensation.
' The valuable services constantly rendered by the
Army, and its inestimable importance, as tire nu
cleus around which the volunteer forces of the na
tion can promptly gather in the hour of danger,
> sufficiently attest the wisdom of maintaining n mil
itary peace establishment; but the theory of our
system, and the wise practice under it, require that
any proposed augmentation, in time of pe. co, be
only commensurate with our extended .units aud
frontier relations. Whiio scrupulously adhering to
thia principle, I find, in existing circumstances, a.
necessity tor increase of our military force, and it
is believed that four now regiments, two of infant
ry and two of mounted mon, will bo sufficient tu
meet the present exigency. If it were necessary
carefully to weigh the cost in a case of such urgen
cy, it would be shown that the additional expense
would be comparatively light.
With the increase of the numerical force of tbo
army should, I think, be combined certain mens
urcsof reform in its organic arrangement nnd ad
ministration- Tbo present organization is the re
sult of partial legislation often ‘Preet.d t«
objects and interests : and the laws regulating
rank and command having been adopted many
years ago from the British code, are not always ap
plicable to our service. It is not surprisising,
therefore, that the system should be deficient in
the symmetry and simplicity essential to the har
monious working of it- several parts, and require
a careful revision.
I The present organization, by maintaining largo
! staff corps of departments, separates many officers
from that close connexion with troops, and those
active duties in the field, which are deemed requi
site to qualify them for the varied responsibilities
of high command. Were the duties of tbo army
staff mainly discharged by officers detached from
their regiments, it is believed that the . j ■ cial ser
vice would be equally well performed, and the d
cipline and instructions of the army be improvec’-
While due regard to the security of the lights e!
officers and to the nice sense ofhonor which should
i bo cultivated among them, would seem to exact
I compliance with the established rule of promotion
in ordinary cases, stiff it can hardly bo doubted
that the range of promotion by selection, which is
now practically confined to the grade of general
officers, might be somewhat extended with benefit
to the public service. Observance of the rule of
seniority sometimes leads, especially in time <■ ’
peace, to the promotion of officers who, after mer
itorious and even distinguished service, may have
been rendered by age or infirmity incapable of
performing active duty, and whose advancement,
therefore, would tend to impair the efficiency of
I the army- Suitable provision for this class ot offi
! cers. by tho creation of a retired list, would reme-
I dy tho evil, without wounding the just pride of
I men, who, by past services, have established o
j claim to high consideration. In again commend-
I ing this measure to the favorable consideration v
■ Congress. I would suggest that the power o 1 ’ plac
; ing officers on tho retired list be limited to onu
Hear. The practical operation of th' measure
j would thus be tested, and if, after the lapse of years,
I there should be occasion to renew th- provision,
it can be reproduced witii any improvements which
experience may indicate. The present organiza
tion of the artillery into regiments, is liable to ob
vious objections. The service.of artillery is tho?,
of batteries, and an organization of batteries into
a corps of artillery would be more consistent with
the nature of their duties. A large part of the
troops now called artillery are, and have been, or
duty as infantry ; the distinctions between the two
I arms being merely nominal. The nominal artille
ry in our service is entirety disproportionate to tho
whole force, and greater than the wants of the coun
try demand. I therefore commend the discontin
uance of a distinction, which has no foundation in
either the arms used ortho character ot iho service
expected to bo performed.
In connection with tho proposition for the in
crease of the army, I have presented there sugges
tions with regard to certain measures of reform,
as the complement of a system, which would pro
duce tho happiest results from a given expenditure
which I hope may attract tho early attention, and
bo deemed worthy of the approval, of Congress.
The commendation of the Secretary of the Navy,
having reference to more ample provisions for the
discipline and general improvement in the charac
ter of seamen,|and for tho re organization nnd
gradual increase of tho Navy, I doom eminently
worthy of your favorably consideration. Tho
principles, which have controlled our policy in re
lation to the permanent military force, by sea and
land, are sound, consistent with tho theory of our
system, and should by no means bo disregarded
But, limiting the force to the objects particularly
set forth in the preceding par: of this message, we
should not overlook tho present magnitude and
prospective extension of our commercial marine,
nor fail to give due weight to the fact that, besides
two thousand miles ofAtlantie seaboard, we have
now a Pacific const, stretching from Mexico to the
British possessions in tho North, teeming with
wealth and enterprise, and demanding the constant
presence of ships ol war. The augmentation of
the Navy has not kept pace with the duties proper
ly and profitably assigned to it in time of pence,
and it is inadequate for the large field of its opera
tion?, not merely in tho preent but stiff r- ?ro in
Concluded on Bth Fane.