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About Weekly Georgia constitutionalist and republic. (Augusta, Ga.) 1851-185? | View Entire Issue (Dec. 6, 1854)
Ml; Ifflwlltlt IbaOiUWMJMLLI ® Mull. BY JAMES GARDNER. PRESI DENT’S MESSAGE /•WZcrtr-cßYsens oj f'.e Senate and o/ Iht House of Reprtscnlatire* Tte past lias been an eventful year, and will be hereafter referred to as a marked epoch in the history ot the world. While we have been hap pily preserved from the calamities ot war. our domestic prosperity has not been entirely unin terrupted. The crops, in portions of the country, ! have been nearly cut off. Disease bas prevailed i to a greater extent than usual, end the sacrifice; of human life, through caAialities by sea and : land, is without a parallel? But the pestilence I r.as swept by, and restored salubrity invites the absent to their homes, and the return ot business to its oidinary channels. It the earth,has re warded the labor of the bounti fully than in preceeding seasopeflt has est him with abundance tor domestufwants, and a large surplus tor exportation. In the present, there fore, as in the past, we ’find ample grounds for reverent thankfulness to the God of Grace and Providence, for His protecting care and merciful dealings with us as a people. Although our attention has been arrested by painful interest in passing events, yet our coun try feels no more than the slight vibrations ol tne convulsions, which have shaken Europe. As individuals, we cannot repress sympathy with human suffering, nor regret for the causes which produce it. As a nation, we are reminded, that whatever interrupts the peace,or checks the pros-. perity of snvjvutHjrTT^r^f ends, more **ol less, to involve our own. The condition ot States is riot unlike that of individuals. They are mutually depend-nt upon each other. Ami cable relations between them, and reciprocal good will, are essential for the promotion of whatever is desirable in their moral, social, and political condition. Hence, it bas been my ear nest endeavor to maintain peace and friendly in tercourse with all nations. The wise theory of this government, so early adopted and steadily pursued, of avoiding al! en tangling alliances, has hitherto exempted if from many complications, in which it would other wise have become involved. Notwithstanding this our clearly defined and well sustained course of action, and our geographical position so remote from Europe, increasing position has been mauii’es'ed, by some of its governments, to super vise, and. in certain respects, to direct, our foreign policy. In plans for adjusting the balance ot power among themselves, they have assumed to Sake us into account, and would constrain us to aonform our conduct to their views. One or another ot the powers of Eur >pe has, from time tc time, undertaken to enforce aibitary regula tions, contrary tu many respects to established principles oi international law That law, the Doited States have, in their foreign intercourse, uniformly respected and observed, and they can not recognize any such interpolations therein, as the temporary interests of others may suggest. Tney do not admit, that the sovereigns or one continent, or of a particular community oi states can legislate for ail others. Leaving the trans-atlantic nations to adjust. tn< ir.political system.in the way 'hey may think be.-t for their common welfare, the independent powers of this continent may well assert the riant io be exempt from all annoying interfer rtitice on their part Systematic abstinence from intima*e political connexion with distant foreign nations does not conflict with giving the widest range to our foreign commerce. I’hi distinction, so clearly marked in his’ory, seems to have been overlooked, or disregarded, by some leading foreign States. Our refusal to be brought wjthin,i and subjected to, their peculiar system, has, I fear, created a jealous distrust of onr con duct, and induced, on their part, occasional acts of disturbing effect upon our foreign relations. Our present attitude aud past course give assur ances, which should not be questioned, that our pt rposes are not aggressive, nor threatening to the safety and welfare of other nations. Our military establishments, in time ot peace, is adapted to maintain exterior defences, an ! to preserve order among the aboriginal tribes with in the limits of the Union. Our naval force is intended only for the protection of our citizens abroad, and of our commerce, diffused, as it is, over all the seas of the globe. The govern ment of the United States being essentially pa cific in policy, stands prepared to repel invasion by the voluntary service of a patriotic people and provides no permanent means of foreign ag gression. These considerations should allay all apprehension, that we are disposed to encroach ea the rights, or endanger the security of other Mates. Sonne European powers have regarded, with rfiequieting concern, the territorial expansion ot the United States. This rapid growth has result ed from the legitimate exercise of sovereign rights,belongin galike to ail nations,ami fiyjmany bberally exercised. Under sttch circumstances, it could hardly have been expected that those among them, which have. w,tbin a compara tively recent period, subdued and absorbed an uieot kingdoms, planted their standards on eve- Sjf dliu LUW puSSeaS, U 4 Ciditfl tfiC COII- trol of, the inland* ot every ocean as ttieir ap propriate domain, would look with unfriendly seutrmeuts upon the acquisitions of the country, iu every instance honorably obtained, or would feel themselves justified in rmputing our ad vancement to a spirit of aggression or to a pas sion for political predominance. Our foreign commerce bas reached a magni tude and extent neaiiy equal to that ot the irst maralime power oi the earth, and exceed ing that of any other. Over this great interest, ur which not only our merchants, but ail classes •f eitizens at least indirectly, are concerned, it h the duty ot the executive legislative branches of the government to exercise a care ial supervision, and adopt proper measures for its protection. The policy which I have had in view, in regard to tins interest, embraces its fu ture as well as its present security. Lzmg experience has shown that, in general, when the principal powers of Europe are en gaged in warn ,the rights of neutral nations are endangered. This consideration led, in the pro- [ gross of the war of our independence, to the for- I •nation of the celebrated confederacy of armed , neutrality, a primary object of which was, to assert the doctrine, that free ships make free goods, except in the case ot articles contraband of war ; a doctrine which, from the very com mencement of our national being, has been a cherished idea ol tne statesmen ol this country. At one period or another, every rraritime power has, by some solemn treaty stipulation, recog nrsed that principle ; and it might have been hoped that it would come to be universally re nerved and respected as a rule of international law. But the refusal of one power prevented zhis, and in Ue next great war which ensiu-d. '.hatot the French revolution, it failed tn b<- re. ep-icted among the belligerent states of Europe Aictwitbstau'lrng this, the principle is generally admitted to be a sound and salutary one : so oracti so, that, at the commencement of the ex isting war in Europe, Great Biitain and France j anaouaced their purpose to observe it for the p/esont; not, however, as a recognised inter natforiaJ r.’gbt, but as a mere concession tor the litne beie& co-operation, however, of Ifaeee two powerful maritime nations in the in terest of neuhral rights, appeared to me to afford ao occasion, iirkitrog and justifying on the part •f the United States, a renewed effort to irrelre the doctrine in question a principle of inter national law, by tnsans of special conventions between the several powers of Europe and Aaji riai. Accordingly, a proposition, embrac ing not only the rule, that free ships make free rxi'rj't cooirMb'und articles, t>u- also liu* ' AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 6, LSS4. less contested one, that neutral property, other I than contraband, though on biard enemy’s ships ■ shall be exempt from confiscation, has been sub- I miffed by this government to those of Europe , arid America. Russia acted promptly in this matter, and a • convention was concluded, between that coun try aud the United States, providing fur the ob- i servance of the principles announcer), not only as ' between themselves, but also as between them I and all other nations, which shall enter into like I stipulations. None of the other powers have as ; ■ yet taken final action on the subject. I am not i I aware, however, that any objection to the pro- i posed stipulation lias been made; but, on the con- ! trary, they are acknowledged to be essential to I the security of neutral commeice ; and the only; apparent obstacle to their general adoption is in the possibility ihat it may be encumbered by in admissable conditions. The King of the Two Sicilies has expressed to our minister at Naples his readiness to concur in : our proposition relative to neutral rights, and to I enter into a convention on that subject. The King of Prussia entirely aupioves of the! project of a treaty to the same effect, submitted l to him, but proposes an additional article provid ; j ing for the renunciation of privateering. Such , .an article, for most obvious reasons, is much. d-y. ■ sired by nations having naval estab 1 ;, Bll ments, ( i large in proportion to their IfSergn commerce ; ! If it were as an international rule, the jornaow v | a nation having comparatively a , small naval force, would be very much at the f I metcy of its enemy, in case of war with a power .J of decided naval superiority. The bare state i. ' ment of the condition in which the United States I ; would be placed, after having surrendered the ; right to resort to privateers, in the event ot a I i war with a belligerent of naval supremacy, will show that this government could never listen to such a proposition. The navy of the first mari time power in Europe is at least ten times as I large as that of the United States. The foreign 1’ ; commerce of the two countries is nearly equal, " and about equally exposed to hostile depredations. 3 Tn a war between that power and the United ' ; States, without resort on our part to our mer » ! cantile marine, the means of our enemy to inflict e I injury upon our commerce would be tenfold e ; greater than ours to retaliate. We could not ex- I | trieate . ur country from this unequal condition. " ! with such an enemy, unless we at once departed * from our present peaceful policy, and became a ' i great naval power. Nor would this country be II i better situated, in war with one of the secondary 0 | nava 1 powers. Though the naval disparity r ! would be less, the greater extent, and more ex -0 j posed condition ol out wide-spread commerce, " would give any oi them a like advaulage over | The proposition to enter into engagements to I forego resort to privateers, in case this country I should ba forced into war with a great naval i power, is not entitled to more favorable consid ; eration than would be a proposition t.> agree not i to accept tne services ol volunteers for operations jon land. When the honor or the rights ol our I country require to assume a hostile attitude, it I confidently relies upon the patriotism of its citi zens, not ordinarily devoted to the military pro i session, to augment the army and the navy’, so as ! th make them fully adequate to the emerge cy I which calls them into action. The proposal to i surrender the right to employ privateers is pro I lessedly founded upon the principle, that private i property of unoffending non-combatants, though ; euernies, should be exempt from the ravages <d i war; but the proposed suirender goes but little way in carrying out that principle, which eq'ial- I ly requires that such private property should not j be seized or molested by national ships of war. I Should the leading powers of Europe concur in ' proposing, as a rule ot international law, to ex- I empt private property, upon the ocean, from sei i zure by armed cruisers, as well as by privateers, I the United States w ifi readily meet them upon j that broad ground Since the adjournment of Congress, the ratifi- I cations of the treaty between the United States i nnd Great Britain, relative to the coast fuherie;-, and to reciprocal trade with the British North ; Ameiican provinces, have been exchanged, and some of its anticipated advantages are already en ijoyed by us, although its full execution was to i abide certain acts ot legislation not yet fully per i formed. So soon as it was ratified, Great Britain 1 opened to our commerce the free navigation of the river St. Larwrence, and to our fishermen unmolested access to the shores and bays, from which they had been previously excluded,on the coasts of her North American provinces: in re turn for which, she asked for the introduction, free of duty, into tne ports ot the United States, of the fish caught on the same coast by British fishermen. This being the compensation, stipu lated in the treaty, for privileges oi the bighes l I importance and value tothe United States, which i were thus voluntarily yielded before it became i effective, the request seemed tome tobearea ■ sonable one; but it could not be acceded to, from I want of authority to suspend our laws imposing I duties on all foreign fish. In the meantime, the i Treasury Department issued a regulation, for as ceitaining tne duties paid or secured by bonds on fish caught on the coasts of the British provinces, and brought to cur markets oy British subjects, after the fishing-grounds had been made fully ac cessible to the citizens o* the United States. 1 recommend to your favorable consideration a ’ proposition which will be submitted to you, for i authority to refund the duties and cancel the ; bonds thus received. The provinces of Canada ' and New Brunswick have also anticipated the ’ full operation ol the treaty, by legislative ar- I rangements, respectively, to admit, free of duty, , the products oi the United States mentioned in I the free list of the treaty; ant an arrangement, i similar to that regarding British fish, has been j made for duties now chargeable on the products ‘of fhose provinces enumerated iu the same free i list, and introduced tberelrom into the United I Slates; a proposition for refunding which will, in ' my judgment, be in like mariner entitled to your I favorable consideration. There is difference of opinion between the ' United States and Great Britain, as to the boun dary line of the Territory of Washington adjoin ing the British possessions on the Pacific, which bas already led to difficulties on the part of the citizens and local authorities of the two govern ments. I recommend that provision be made for a commission, to be joined, by one on the part of her Britannic Majesty, toi the purpose of run ning and establishing the line in controversy. Certain stipulations oi the third anil fourth arti cles of the treaty concluded by the Unitad States and Grert Britain in 1846, regarding possessory rights of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and pro perty ol the Puget’s Sound Agricultural Com- I pany, have given rise to serious disputes, and it I is important to all concerned, that summary means of settling them amicably should bsdevis- I ed. 1 have reason to believe, that an arrange ment can be made on just terms, for the extin guishment ot the rights in question, embracing, also, the right ol the Hudson’s Bay Company to the navigation of the river Columbia: and 1 there fore suggest to your consideration, the expedi ency ot making a contingent appiopriation lor that purpose. !■ rance was the early and efficient ally of the United Mates in their struggle for independence, is? '■hat time to the present, with occasional slight interruptions,cordial relations of friendship have existed between the governments and the peop eof the two countries. The kindly »enti ments, Cherished alike by both nations, have led Bn ' l Cl;rn mercial inteicourse, which 1 trust, will not be interrupted or checked by any casual event of an apparently unsatisfac tory character. The French consul at Sun Finn wa?, nctJoog • into U: it u States District Court at that place, by compel- | sory process, as a witness in tav< r of anotiier foreign consul, in violation, as the French gov ernment conceives. of his privileges under our consular convention with Fiance. There being nothing in the transaction which could Imply any disrespect to France or its consul, sue.: ex planation has been made, as I hope will lie satis factory. Subsequently, misunderstanding arose on the subject ol the French government ha 'ing, as it appeared, abruptly excluded the American Minister to Spain from passing through Fiance, on his way from London to Madrid. But tnat government has unequivocally disavow’d any ! design to deny the right of transit, to the Minister lof the United States; «nd, after explanations to i this effect, he has resumed his journey; and actually returned through France to Spain. I herewith lay before Congiess the coi respondence on this s: bject between our envoy at Paris, and the .Minister of Foreign Relat ons of the French Government. The position of our affairs with Spain remains las at the close of your last session. Internal I agitation, assumin'’ - j nearly the character of | political revolut’.n, has recent!}’ convulsed that i country. The iate ministers were violently ex ; pelled. irom power, and men. of very different ’views in relation to its internal affairs, have suc ceeded. Since this change, there has been no propitious opportunity to resume, and pie >, .hi, negotiations for the adjustment of serious ques tions of difficulty between the Spanish Govern ment and the United States. There is reason to believe that our minister will find the present government more favorably inclined t* s: the : preceding, to comply with our just demands.end I to make suitable arrangements for restoring nar- I mony and preserving peace between the Two I countries. i Negotiations are pending with Dentnar 'to discontinue the practice,of levying tolls on our vessels and their cargoes passing through the Sound. Ido not Joubt that we can claim ex emption therefrom as a matter of right, i is admitted on all hands, that this exaction is sanc tioned, not by the general principles of the ‘iw iof nations, but only by special conventions, ; which most ot the commercial nations have >:n --! tered into with Denmark. The fifth articla of : our treaty of 18'26 with Denmark provides, .at i there shall not be paid, on the vessels of the Uni ted States and the r cargoes when part’ag through the Sound, higher duties than the- o> the most favored nations. This may be regirttad as an implied agreement to submit to the sols duiing the continuance of the treaty, and, eo. -e --quently, may embarrass the assertion of our li. fit to be released therefrom. There aie dso ‘other provisions in the treaty which ought t».be modified. It was to remain in force for *en years, and until one year alter eit er ps’ty should give notice to the, other of intention to terminate it. 1 deem it expedient that the c. templateil notice should be given to the govc; ..- ment ol Denmark. The naval expedition, despatched about t "o years since for the purpose ot est if dishing r- a tions with the empire ol Japan, Las been ably i and skilfully conducted to a successful termina- I tion by the officer to whom it was entrusted, A I treaty, opening certain ot the ports ot that p< Ilous country, has been negotiated ; and in crdi - to give lull effect thereto, it only remains to k change ratifications, and adopt requisite c inj merciul regulations. I The treaty lately concluded between the Uni ted States and Mexico settled some or our most embarrassing difficulties with that country, bi.t numerous claims upon it for wiongs and injuries to our citizens remained unadjusted, and many new cases have been recently added to the for mer list of grievances. Our legation has been earnest in its endeavors to obtain, from the Mex ican government, a favorable consideration o! these claims but hitherto without success. This failure is, proably, in some measure, to be - ■ cribed to the distuibed condition < 1 teat country. llt has been my anxious desire to man.tav [friendly relations with the Mexican rep.’hl.> ! and io cause its rights anu territories to be in spected. not only by onr citizens, but by foreign ers, who have resorted to the United States tor the purpose ol organizing hostile expeditions against some of the States of that Republic. The defenceless condition, in which its frontiers have been left, has stimulated lawless adventurers to embark in these enterprises, and greatly in creased the difficulty oi enforcing our obligations ot neutrality. Regarding it as my solemn duty to fulfil, efficiently these obligations, not only towards Mexico, but other foreign nations, I. have exerted all the powers v ith which I am invested to defeat such criminal proceedings.and bring to punishment those who, by taking a part i therein, violated our laws. The energy and ac- I tivity of our civil and military authorities have I frustrated the designs of those who meditated I expeditions of this character, except in two in stances. One of these, composed of foreigners, ' was at first countenanced and aided by the Mex i ican government itself, it having been deceived ias to their leal object. The other, small in r.um l her. eluded the vigillance of the magistrates at ; San Francisco, and succeeded in reaching *he Mexican territories; but the effective measures taken by this government compiled the aban donment of the undertaking. The commission to establish the new line be tween toe United States and Mexico, according to the provisions of the treaty of the 30th ot December last, has been organized, and the woik is already commenced. Ori treaties with the Argentine Confedera tion, and with the Republics of Uruguay and Paraguay, secure to us the free navigation of the river La Plata, and some of its larger tributaries ; but the same success has not attended our endeav ors to open tbe Amazon. The reasons in favor I of the free use of that river, 1 had occasion to | present fully, in a former message ; aud coiisid ; ering the cordial relations which have long ex i isted between this government and Brazil, it ! may be expected that pending negotiations will. I eventually, reach a favorable result. Convenient means of transit, between the several parts of a country, are not only desirable tor the object of commercial and personal com munication, but essential to its existence under one government. Separated as are the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States by the whole breadth of the continent, still the inhabi tants of each are closely bound together by cotn muity ol origin and institutions, and by strong attachment to the Union. Hence the constant and increasing intercourse, and vast interchange of commercial product ions,’.between these remote divisions of the Republic. At the present time, the most practical and only commodious routes for communication between them are by the Isthmus of Central America It is the duty ol the government to secure these avenues against all danger of interruption. In relation to Cental America, perplexing questions existed between the United States and Great Britain at the timeof the cession of Cali fornia. These, as well as questions which sub sequently arose concerning inter-oceanic com munication across the Isthmus, were, as it was supposed, adjusted by the treaty ot April 19. i 1850: but, unfortunately, they have been re opened by serious misunderstanding as to the import ol some of its provisions, a re-adjustment of which is now under consideration. Our min ister at London has made strenuous efforts to ac complish this desirable object, but han not yet found it possible to bring the negotiations to a term nation. As incidental to these questions, I deem it projier to notice an occurrence which happened in Central Amerii a, near the close ci the lust »sion of Congress. Bo soon as tiio necessity siaa p ivod >! eslablizhiog intcr-weanic unn- munications across the Isthmus, a company was I organized, under authority of the State of Nina- j lagua, but composed, lor the most part, of citi zens of the United States, for the purpose of I opening such a transit way, by the river San i Juan and Lake Nicaragua, which soon became I an eligible and much used route in the transput- I ration of our citizens and their propeity between I the Atlantic and Paciffo. Meanwhile, and in I anticipation of the completion and importance of this transit way, a number of adventures bad taken possesion of the old Spanish port at the mouth of the river San Juan, in open defiance ot the States of Central America, which, upon tbeii becoming independent, had lighfully suc ceeded to the local sovereignty and jurisdiction of Spain. These adventures undertook to change the name of the place from San Juan del Norte to Greytown, and, though at first pretending to act as the subjects ot the fictitious sovereign ol the Mosquito Indians, they subsequently repudi ated the control of any power whatever, assum ed to adopt a distinct political organization, and themselves an independent sovereign State. If, at some time, a faint hope was enteitained that they might become a stable and respectable community, that hope soon vanished. They proceeded to assert unfounded claims to c.vil jurisdiction over Punta Arenas, a position was on the opposite side of the river San Juan, which was in possession, under a title wholly independent of them, of citizens of the United States, interested in the Nicaragua Transit Com pany, and which was indispensably necessary to the prosperous operation of that route across the Isthmus. The company resisted their ground less claims; whereupon they proceeded to des troy some of its buildings, and attempted vio lently to dispossess it. At a latter period they organized a strong force for the purpose the estab lishment at Punta Arflpi, but this mischievous design was defeated by the interposition of one of our ships of war, at that time in the harbor of San Juan. Subsequently to this, iu May last, a body of men from Greytown crossed over to Punta Arenas, arrogating authority to arrest, on the charge of murder, a captain ot one ot the steamboats ot the Transit Company. Being well aware that the claim to exercise jutisdi- - tion there would be resisted then, as it had been on previous occasions, they went prepared to I assert it by force of arms. Our minister to Cen tral America happened to be present on that oc casion. Believing that the captain of the steam boat was innocent for he witnessed the transac tion on which the charge was founded, and be lieving, also, that the intruding party, having no jurisdiction over the place where they proposed to make the arrest, would encounter desperate resistance if they peisisted in their purpose, he intel posed, effectually, to prevent violence and bloodshed. The American minister afterwards visited Greytown, and whilst he was there, a j mob,.including certain of the so called public j functionaries ol the place, surrounded the house in which he was, avowing that they bad come I to airest him by older ot some person exercising the chief authority. While pt.ileying with them he was wounded by a inissle from the crowd. A beat, despatched from the American steamer ‘•Northern Light” to release linn from the peril ous situation in which he was understood to be, was fired into by the town guard, and compelled to return. These incidents, together with the known character ot the population ol Greytown and iheir excited state, induced just apprehen sions that the lives and property of our citizens at Punta Arenas would be in imminent danger after the departure ot the steamer, with her pas sengers, for New-York, unless a guard was left for their protection. For this purpose, and in order to ensure the safety of passengers and property passing over the route, a temporary force was organized, at considerable expense to the United States, lor which provision was made at the last session of Congress. | This pretended community, a heterogenous as . ..imblage gathered from various countries, and -imposed, for the most pn’', oi blacks andper '«nsof mixed blooti, had previously given other indications of mischievous and dangerous propen sities. Early in the same month, property was clandestinely abstraoted Irorri the depot of the Transit Company, and taken to Greytown. The plunderers obtained shelter there, and their pur suers were driven back by its people, who not only protected the wrong-doers and shared the plunder, but treated witii rudeness and violence those who sought to recover their property. Such, in substance, are the facts submitted to my consideration, and proved by trustworthy evidence. I could not doubt that the case de manded the interposition of this government.— Justice required that reparation should be made for so many and such gross wrongs, and that a course of insolence and plunder, tending directly to the insecurity of the lives of numerous travel lers, and of the rich treasure belonging to our citizens, passing over this transit way, should be peremptorily arrested. Whatever it might be in other respects, the community in question, in power to do mischief, was not despicable, ft was well provided with ordnance,small arms, and ammunition, and might easily seize on the un armed boats, freighted with millions of property, which passed almost daily within its reach. It did not profess to belong to any regular govern ment, aud haJ, in fact, no recognized indepen dence on, or connection with, any one to which the United States or their injured citizens might apply for redress, or which could be held respon sible, in any way, for the outrages committed.— Not standing before the world in an attitude of an organized political society, being neither competent to exercise the rights nor to discharge the obligations of a government, it was, in fact, a marauding establishment, too dangeious to be disregarded, and too guilty to pass unpunished, and yet incapable of being treated in any other way than as a piiatical resort ot outlaws, or a camp of savages, depredating on emigrant trains or caravans aud the frontier settlements of ci vilized States. Seasonable notica was given to the people of Greytown that this government required them to repair the injuries they had done to our citi zens, and to make suitable apology for their in sult of our minister, and that a ship-of-war would I be despatched thither to enforce compliance with these demands. But the notice passed unheeded. Thereupon, a commander of the navy, in charge of the sloop-of-war Cyane, was ordered to repeat the demands, and to insist upon a compliance therewith. Finding that neither the populace, nor those assuming to have authority over them, manifested any di.-position to make the required reparation, or even to offer excuse for their con duct, he warned them, by a public proclamation, that if they did not give satisfaction within a time specified, he would bombard the town.— By this procedure he afforded them opportunity to provide for their personal safety. To those also who desired to avoid loss of property, in the punishment about to be inflicted on the offending town, he furnished the means of removing their effects, by the boats of his own ship, and of a steamer which be procured and tendered to them for that purpose. At length, perceiving no dis position on the part of the town to comply with his requisitions, he appealed to the commander other Britannic Majesty’s schooner Bermuda, who was seen to have intercourse, and apparent ly much influence with the leaders among them —to interpose, and persuade them to take some course calculated to save the necessity of resort ing to the extreme measure indicated in his pro clamation; but that officer, instead of acceding to the request, did nothing more than to protests against the contemplated bombardment. No steps of any sort were taken, by the peo ple, to give the satisfaction required. No indi viduals, rl any theie were, who regarded them- VOL. 33.-NEW SERIES -VOL.-9 -A() :J2 selves as not responsible for the misconduct of; the community, adopted any means to separate ; themselves from the fate of the guilty. The , several charges, on which the demands for re- ’ dress were founded, had been publicly known to i all for some time, and vr;ere again announced to 1 them. They did not deny any of these charges; ■ they offered no explanation, nothing in extenua- | lion of their conduct; but contumaciously refused ‘ to hold any intercourse with the commander of the “ Cyane.” By their obstinate silence, they seemed rather desirous to provoke chastisement than to escape it. There is ample reason to be lieve that this conduct of wanton defiance on their part, is imputable chiefly to the delusive idea that the American government would be deterred from punishing them, through fear of displeasing a formidable foreign power, which, they presumed to think, looked with complacen cy upor. their aggressive and insulting deport ment towards the United States. The "Cyane” at length fired upon the town. Before much in jury had been done, the fire was twice suspend ed, in order to afford opportunity for an airange ment; but this was declined. Most of the buildings of the place, of little value generally, were, in the sequel, destroyed.; but, owing to the considerate precautions taken by our naval Commander, there was no destruction of life. When the “Cyane” was ordered to Central America, it was confidently hoped and expected that no occasion would arise for "a resort to vio lence and destruction of property and loss of life.” Instructions to that effect were given to her com mander; and no extreme act would have been requisite had not the people themselves, by their extraordinary conduct in the affair, frustrated ail the possible mild measures for obtaining satisfac tion. A withdrawal from the place, the object of his visit entirely defeated, would, under the circumstances in which the .commander of the Cayne found himself, have been absolute aban donment of all claim ot our citizens for indemni fication, and submissive acquiescence in national indignity. It would have encouraged in these lawless men a spirit oi insolence and rapine most dangerous to the lives and property of our citi zens at Punta Arenas, and probably emboldened them to grasp at the treasures and valuable mer ! ehatidise continually passing over the Nicaragua j route. It certainly would have been most satis | factory to me if the objects of the '‘Cyane’s” I mission could have been cousumated without any ! act of public force ; but the arrogant contumacy j of the offenders rendered it impossible to avoid ; the alternative, either to break up their estab lishment, or to leave them impressed with the > idea that they might persevere with impunity in a career of insolence and plunder. This transaction has been the subject of com j plaint on the part of some foreign powers, mid has been characterizeil with more of harshness than of Justice. If comparisons were to be in stituted, it would not be difficult to present re peated instances in the history ot stares, stand ing in the very front of modern civiliza’i >n, wnere communities, far less offending and more j defenceless than Graytown, have been chastised with much greaterseverity.jand where not dlties j only have been laid in ruins, but human life 1 has been recklessly saccrificed, and the blood of I the innccent made profusely to mingle with j thatof tne guilty. 1 Passing from foreign to domestic affaiijs, your attention is naturally directed to the frnaucial condition of always a subject of gen eral interest. For complete and exact informa tion regarding the finances and the various branches of the public service connected there with, 1 refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury ; from which it will appear, that the amount of revenue during the last fiscal year, from all sources, was seventy-three million, five hundred and forty-nine thousand seven hundred and five dollars; and that the public expenditures for the same period, exclusive of payments on account of the public debt, amounted to fifty-one million eighteen thousand two hundred and for ty-nine dollars. During the same period, the I payments mr.de in redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, amounted to twenty-four million three hundred and thirty-six thousand three hundred and eighty dollars.— To the sum total ot the receipts ol that year is to be added a balance remaining in the Treasury at the commencement thereof, amounting to twenty-one million nine hundred and forty-two thousand eight hundred and ninty-two dollars; and at the close of the same year, a correspond ing balance amounting to twenty million one hundred and thirty-seven thousand nine hund red and sixty-seven dollars ol receipts above ex penditures, also remained in the Treasury. Al though, in the opinion of tire Secretary of the Treasury, the receipts of the current fiscal year are not likely to equal in amount those ot the last, yet they will undoubtedly exceed the a mount of expenditures by at least fifteen mil lions of dollars. i I shall, therefore, continue to direct that tho j surplus revenue be applied, so far as it can bo ju I diciously and economically done, to the reduction I of the public debt, tho amount of which, at tho I commencement of the last fiscal year, was sixty- I seven million throe hundred and forty thousand I six hundred and twenty-eight dollars, of whieh I there had been paid on the twentieth day of No | vembor, 1854, the sum of twenty-two million three I hundred and sixty-five thousand one hundred and j seventy-two dollars; leaving a balance of out j standing public debt of only forty-four million i nine hundred and seventy five thousand four hun j dred and fifty six dollars, redeemable at different | periods within fourteen years, There are also | remnants of o'her government stocks, most of which are already duo. and on which the interest ; has ceased, but which have not yet been presented I for payment, amounting to two hundred and thir- ■ tv three thousand one hundred and seventy-nine dollars. This statement exhibits the fact, that the ■ annual income of the government greatly exceeds I the amount of its public debt, which latter re j mains unpaid, only because the time of payment ' has not yet matured, and it cannot be discharged j at once, except at the option of public creditors. I who prefer to retain tho securities of the United States; and the other fact, not loss striking, that the annual revenue from all sources exceeds, by many millions of uollars, tho amount needed for a prudent and economical administration of the Gov ernment. The estimates presented to Congress from the different Executive Departments, at the last session amounted to thirty-eight million four hundred and six tnousand five hundred and eighty-one dollars; and the appropriations made to the sum of fifty eight millions one hundred and sixteen thousand nine hundred and fifty eight dollars. Os this ex cess of appropriations over estimates, however, more than twenty millions was applicable to ex traordinary objects, having no reference to the usual annual expenditures. Among these objects was embraced ten millions to met tho third article of tho treaty between tho United States and Mex ico, so that, in fact, for objects of ordinary expen diture, tho appropriations were limited to consider ably loss than forty millions of dollars. I there fore renew my recommendation for a reduction of the duties on imports. The report of tho secretary of tho Treasury presents a series of tables, showing tho operations of the revenue system for several successive years, and as the general principle of reduction of duties with a view to revenue andjnot protection may now bo regarded as the settled pol icy of the country, I trust that little difficulty will bo encountered in settling the details of a measure to that effect. In connexion with this subject, I recommend a change in tho laws, which recent experience has shown to bo essential in tho protection of the gov ernment. There is no express provision of law. requiring the records endpapers of a public char acter, of tho several officers of the government, to bo loft in their offices for tho use of thoir suoeS sors, nor any provision declaring it felony on their part to mako false entries in tho books, or return false accounts In the absence of such express provision by law, tho outgoing officers, in many instances, have elftimod unii exercised the right to take into their own possession, important hooks and papers, on the ground that these were rh< . private property: and have placed them beyond the reaeb of the government. Conduct of this character, brought in several instances to the no- I tico of the present Secretary of the Treasury, nat urally awakened his suspicion, and resulted’in the j disclosure that at four ports, namely, Oswego. Tc | lodo. Sandusky, and Milwaukie, the treasury had, I by fil.se entries, been defrauded, within the four I years next preceding March. 1853, of the sum of I one hundred and ninety-eight thousand dollars. Ilhogroat difficulty with which the detection cf ! these irauds ha® been attended, in conpeque nco cf I the abstraction of books and papers by the retiriug ; officers, and the facility with which similar Irauds j in the public service maybe perpetrated, render j the necessity of new legal enactments, in the re ! spects above referred to, quite obvious. For other | material modifications of the revenue law, which : seem to me desirable, I refer you to the report ci the Secretary of the Treasury. That ropoit. ar; 1 i the accompany it. furnish ample procfs ; of the solid foundation cn which the financial secu rity of the couuntry rests, aud of the salutary ir i fluence of the independent treasury systc.- upta ; commerce and all monetary operations. | The experience of the last year furnishes addi- I tional reasons, I regret to say, of a painful chara ti ter, for the recommendation heretofore made, to proyido for increasing the military force employed lin the territory inhabited by the Indians. The I settlers on the frontier have suffered much from the incursions of predatory bands, and large prrtic s :ol emigrants to our Pacific possessions have been I massacred with impunity. The recurrence of such iscenes can only be prevented by teaching there j wild tribes the power of. and their responsibility : to, the United States. From the garrisons of our frontier posts, it is only possible to detach troojs j in small bo lies: and though those have on ail oc casions displayed a gallantry and a stern devoticn | to duty, which on a larger field would have uom i Branded universal admiration, they have usually ■ suffered severely in these conflicts with superior ; numbers, and have sometimes been entirely sacri i flood. I All the disposable force of the army is already ' employed on this service,.and is known to be whol ly inadequate to the protection which should bo afforded. The public mind of the country has been recently shocked by savage atrocities commit ted upon defenceless emigrants and border settle ments, and hardly less by the unnecessary destruc tion of valuable I'ves, where inadequate detach ments of troops have undertaken co furnish the neededaid Without increase of themilitary force, these scenes will be repeated, it is to ho feared cn ia larger seale, and with more disastrous conse ! queneos. Congress, Inm sure, will perceive that i the plainest duties and responsibilities of govorn | ment are involved in this question, and I doubt ; not that prompt fiction may be confidently antici pated when delay must be attended by such fcarfol , hazards. Thu bill ol last session, providing f an increase j of the pay of the rank and silo of the army has ' hai beneficial results, not only in f.o'ilitatiug on [ listments. but in obvious improvement in the clask ;of men who enter the service. I regret that cor responding consideration was not bestowed on the officers, who, ip view of their character and scr ! vices, and the expenses to which they are necessa- I rily subject, receive at present what is, in my jtidg- I moot, inadequa'e compensation. ' The valuable services constantly rendered by the Army, and its inestimable importance, as tire nu cleus around which the volunteer forces of the na tion can promptly gather in the hour of danger, > sufficiently attest the wisdom of maintaining n mil itary peace establishment; but the theory of our system, and the wise practice under it, require that any proposed augmentation, in time of pe. co, be only commensurate with our extended .units aud frontier relations. Whiio scrupulously adhering to thia principle, I find, in existing circumstances, a. necessity tor increase of our military force, and it is believed that four now regiments, two of infant ry and two of mounted mon, will bo sufficient tu meet the present exigency. If it were necessary carefully to weigh the cost in a case of such urgen cy, it would be shown that the additional expense would be comparatively light. With the increase of the numerical force of tbo army should, I think, be combined certain mens urcsof reform in its organic arrangement nnd ad ministration- Tbo present organization is the re sult of partial legislation often ‘Preet.d t« objects and interests : and the laws regulating rank and command having been adopted many years ago from the British code, are not always ap plicable to our service. It is not surprisising, therefore, that the system should be deficient in the symmetry and simplicity essential to the har monious working of it- several parts, and require a careful revision. I The present organization, by maintaining largo ! staff corps of departments, separates many officers from that close connexion with troops, and those active duties in the field, which are deemed requi site to qualify them for the varied responsibilities of high command. Were the duties of tbo army staff mainly discharged by officers detached from their regiments, it is believed that the . j ■ cial ser vice would be equally well performed, and the d cipline and instructions of the army be improvec’- While due regard to the security of the lights e! officers and to the nice sense ofhonor which should i bo cultivated among them, would seem to exact I compliance with the established rule of promotion in ordinary cases, stiff it can hardly bo doubted that the range of promotion by selection, which is now practically confined to the grade of general officers, might be somewhat extended with benefit to the public service. Observance of the rule of seniority sometimes leads, especially in time <■ ’ peace, to the promotion of officers who, after mer itorious and even distinguished service, may have been rendered by age or infirmity incapable of performing active duty, and whose advancement, therefore, would tend to impair the efficiency of I the army- Suitable provision for this class ot offi ! cers. by tho creation of a retired list, would reme- I dy tho evil, without wounding the just pride of I men, who, by past services, have established o j claim to high consideration. In again commend- I ing this measure to the favorable consideration v ■ Congress. I would suggest that the power o 1 ’ plac ; ing officers on tho retired list be limited to onu Hear. The practical operation of th' measure j would thus be tested, and if, after the lapse of years, I there should be occasion to renew th- provision, it can be reproduced witii any improvements which experience may indicate. The present organiza tion of the artillery into regiments, is liable to ob vious objections. The service.of artillery is tho?, of batteries, and an organization of batteries into a corps of artillery would be more consistent with the nature of their duties. A large part of the troops now called artillery are, and have been, or duty as infantry ; the distinctions between the two I arms being merely nominal. The nominal artille ry in our service is entirety disproportionate to tho whole force, and greater than the wants of the coun try demand. I therefore commend the discontin uance of a distinction, which has no foundation in either the arms used ortho character ot iho service expected to bo performed. In connection with tho proposition for the in crease of the army, I have presented there sugges tions with regard to certain measures of reform, as the complement of a system, which would pro duce tho happiest results from a given expenditure which I hope may attract tho early attention, and bo deemed worthy of the approval, of Congress. The commendation of the Secretary of the Navy, having reference to more ample provisions for the discipline and general improvement in the charac ter of seamen,|and for tho re organization nnd gradual increase of tho Navy, I doom eminently worthy of your favorably consideration. Tho principles, which have controlled our policy in re lation to the permanent military force, by sea and land, are sound, consistent with tho theory of our system, and should by no means bo disregarded But, limiting the force to the objects particularly set forth in the preceding par: of this message, we should not overlook tho present magnitude and prospective extension of our commercial marine, nor fail to give due weight to the fact that, besides two thousand miles ofAtlantie seaboard, we have now a Pacific const, stretching from Mexico to the British possessions in tho North, teeming with wealth and enterprise, and demanding the constant presence of ships ol war. The augmentation of the Navy has not kept pace with the duties proper ly and profitably assigned to it in time of pence, and it is inadequate for the large field of its opera tion?, not merely in tho preent but stiff r- ?ro in Concluded on Bth Fane.
