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AUGUSTA, GA. HATIKDA Y, M vKCIi M. Report of the Committee oa Finance. We resume our extracts from this Report to show the condition of the different public insti tutions which it devolved ou the committee to exanrne. TQS PENITENTIARY. The exhibit of this institution is abou f as fa vorable. financially, and its management as ju dicious as has beeu the case at any time previ oos. But a radical re-organization of the system, the erection of an entire new set of buildings, and in a different locality, are recommended. Also, some other recommendations are made, as will be found in the following extracts, which must meet with the favor of the just and hu mane : *• We assume ns a fact, that which the experi ence of this institution will establish, that it has •vor since its establishment at Milledgeville, been osomtant charge upon the State Treasury. “It never has at any period supported itself; sustained hitherto by legislative appropriations, we see no termination to this state of things, un til there it a radical re-or "animation of the system, " Such a change cannot be accomplished by the nse of tho present buildings or with any to be iwooted within its walls. It necessarily involves directly as essential to any desired suocess, the selection ot a new and more eligibio site for tho erection of buildings of proper construction and whose materials shall bo exclusively r> ck and iron, excluding the possibility of destruction by fire from within, all to be enclosed with walls of such height and thickness and strength as to crush all hopes of escape. “ That such a ohange will require a large expen diture of money is l'reoly admitted. “ Many, many years must elapco after the erec tion of such buildings and walls as recommended, , before th<re can be any proper coll for repairs. “ At this time there are m >re than one hundred " and sixty convicts ; the number is annually increa sing. Provision was not made for anything like such a number; it should be made now for at least double this numbor, looking to the increase of erime with tho increase of our population. ' " Can a question of greater publio interest claim the attention of legislators, than that involved in the means employed to prevent crimo, if possible, and to punish it if demanded by the well boing of society, with a view to prevention ? “Who does not feel tho necessity for thesepara Hon of the fomale eonviot from the male, the boy from the man, the corrigible from the incorrigible ! Why should not tho person who, in heat of blood and from pride of churactor, has committed man slaughter, an offeneo which does not degrade a man and put an enduring stamp of infamy on him thro’ hfe, be separated from forgers and felons ? ‘‘Whyßhould ho be stripped of tho citizen’s garb and clad in the stripes, and with the badges of the most abondoned rascals ? “ Considerations of morality, and a regard to the principles upon which tho right to punish rests demand aiiko a thorough reform by rc-organir.a tion. “ A system whioh makes no prevision or ctrc for the reformation of an offender, and only con cerns itself in locking him up for a low years, aud thus ridding society only for a time from tho an noyance ho may give, restoring him at, length a much worse arid moro dangerous man than the Rock found him, cannot but bo denounced ns vi tlotw and immoral, and discreditable to our State.” THE LUNATIC ASYLUM. The remarks appropriated to this institution, we insert in full, fully approving of the sugges tions they contain:— “On visiting this noble public charity our first feel, ingswere those ofr gret that the benovolent purpose W tho last Legislature to provide moro amply for our unfortunate insane, had not been put success , la',ty on the way. Near twelve months have elaps ed since a munificent appropriation was made to plaoe this first of charities on a footing worthy of Georgia, and the first step only has been taken. Why this is so, your committee think may bo pro perly traced to the impolitic footing on whieh the ■aw places tho contemplated improvements. That five commissioners, a mujnrity of whom rcsido re lootefrom Millodgeviile, ana actively engaged in profesional pursuits, should control ai d superin tend a woids of such magnitude, wilt be soarcely realized. ViH» intend no reflection upon the com uiiMqca —w« Snow thorn to bo philanuhropie and r Highly quah+syd for fcnu dotdas required oi them, hut from their professional engagements, and dis tance ihom scene of improvement, und judging of tho future by tho past, we cannot expect the work to advance speedily. We therefore suggest to your Excellency tho propriety of engaging tho ser vices of a competent resident architect, if thesamo ean be done for a reason ale compensation • trust ing to tho justice and liberality of the next Leg „ Mature to sanction the act. It will not be for gotten by your Excellency, that tho State has now only provided for the care of lets than one half of pauper lunatics—some fifty applications for admission into the Asylum arc now on hand, whilst tho wealthy Lunatics of our own and neighboring •tatoa aro from necessity taken to institutions North of ns. This state of things should not ex in Georgia, and we hope will not much longer I exist. Tho financial affairs k of tne Institution have been managed during the past year, with the same skill and ability that has marked tho admin istration of Dr. Green at all times. The Institu tion owes nothing, end has a surplus on hand.” ASYLUM FOR THE DEAF AND DUMB. Tho condition of this institution is such as to need the further fostering care of tne State. I'he beddings require enlargement, and a proper adaptation to the health and comfort of the pu pils. Mr. Fannin, the head of the Asylum is highly complimented for bis efficiency. ACADEMY FOR THE BLIND lu reference to this Institution the committee speak:— “ A a sister charity for the Blind has Neerf&itJHMhed at, Macon. Originating in private it has at length commanded the no kcJsf'Jlto Legislature and been a small recipient xe nsDounty. Tho appropriation made by the •Stole has boon mostly absorbed in the purchase of tho building occupied by it. “ Under the supervision of those highly intelli gent gentlemen, Mr. N. Munroc, I)r. das- Green, and Robert Smith, Esq., whose disinterested devo tion to this ygnhavpy chss of oar people, com mands our waturest admiration; the build,ng oc cupied vvas jSKhased, doubtless, under the con viction that tho appropriation was but the com mencement of the State's parental care of this por tion of tier children. Like tho Asylum at Cave Spring, this requires much enlargement- The rea son? ia the one oaso aro the same fur the other. “ Wo cannot withhold tho expressions of our earnest wishes, that theso institutions may com mand. as h * - Lunatic Asylum, the cordial and unfiiuehii'.g . port of every lriend of suffering hu manity. <■ We are not insensible to the repugnance of the Representatives of tho people in increasing the burdens of their constituents by additional taxa tiouTand in a great degree share with them that feeling. But vvhon we petcoivo the moans of sus taining creditably, and as becomes the pride o' our people, and the position of our State, these hu rnaiie Institution?, without imposing an additional dollar by taxation to that now paid, we teol con strained bv a sense of publio duty to indicate the means as they have developed tbomsolves to us in the oourse of our examination as a Financial Com mittee.’’ CLERKtj OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. The committee cali attention to a great and unnecessary expenditure of money fer this branch of the public service, as follows : “ By recurring to the Presidents and Speakers warrants of tile in the Treasury, dating back as far as lE3-1 and ’lls —and up to tho proscat time—it will bo perceived that tho payment for the services of Clerks in both branches ol the General Assem bly, has been a largo item, and tho number and pay aiiko increasing year by year, until at length, looking to tho last ton years ot cur history we fiud this source of expenditulo has reached a sum va rying front twenty to thirty thousand dollars. W e do not refer to this subject with a view to denounce it as an abuse, for that may not probably tall within our province, if it did it will be found an examination to have been tolerated by, or partici patad in by nil parties, and should therefore secure their joint action in arresting it; but it is to it as a t-d>jcet of expenditure which tuny bo largely re trenched by direct ana unambiguoas legislation, fixing by law the number and pay of tho Olortr From a pretty considerable f.iowicdgo of this lyanph oi the public service ??•: are peri: Haded i&ej. tho sum of fivo thousand dollars would be a liber al allowance for Clerk hiro of both branches of the General Assembly per Session. In ti is sug gested retrenchment may be found means to the extent of $25,000 to be applied by legislative wis dom to ends honorable to tho human heart.” PUBLISHING THE LAWS. A large saving in this item is also suggested in the following brief par aph devoted to the subject:— “Another sonroe of supply might be found in retrenching the usoless expense now incurred in printing an unnecessary number of the Journals of the Legislature and such a multitude of private lawß. We have been assured by a gentleman, once an editor and pnbl’ghor of a leading newspa per of the State, and at one time the printer of the Laws and Journals, that a saving of ten thou sand dollars might be made by attention to this subjeet, without, in any degree, withholding from the people a knowledge of their laws, or of the aots of their representatives.” In addition to the remarks of the Committee on the subject of expense in publishing the Laws, we take occasion to attach the following, which appeared some weeks ago in the Savannah Morning News. What was then said is still true. “We believe that the laws of the session of 1854 have not yet been delivered to the people.” Some of these laws were enacted in November and December 1853. Yet they are known to the people only by a rumor of their existence. They have never yet seen them in print. Publishing the Laws.— The Harrisburg Herald is down on the Legislature for rejecting a resolution to inquire into the expediency of pub lishing in one paper in each o mnty the laws en acted each session of the Legislature. It says the legal maxim that ignorance of the law cxeuseth no man, is an absurdity when no pains are taken by the Legislature to let the people know what laws have been enacted. There, says the Philadelphia Ledger, is some foree in this reasoning, but unless tbe Legislature also make it obligatory to have the laws published in the newspaper having tho largest circulation in the oounty. a great expose would be incurred with very little profit to the publio. The method of advertising for pnblic informa tion, as it is practised at present, is in most cases a fraud upon the publio, the advertising being given generally, as rewards of pa than service, to news papers without regard to their circulation, and in many cases to those whieh have the least, because they most need such kind ot aid. We approve both the suggestion of the Herald and the comments ot the Ledger, and we would in vite the attention of our cotemporaries throughout the Stato to tho subject. There is no means by whioh the laws oan be so promptly, thoroughly and cheaply disseminated among tne people os by their publication in the newspapers. We venture to as sort that the publication of the enactments of our legislature, in one paper in each county in which a newspaper is published, would give them ten times greater publicity than is given by means of their pamphlet publication. For years past there has icon just cause of complaint of the manner in which the laws of oar State have beer, published. Many months have been allowed to elapso before the State Printer has i>aued the pamphlets contain ing them, and then muchtimo has been consumed, and heavy expense incurred in giving them only a partial distribution. We believe that tho laws of tho session of 1854 havo not yet bean delivered to the people. If tho contract for publishing the laws and journals in book form must be reserved by our politicians as party capital, to be dispen od for the support of partizan presses, the people have at least aright to require that tho laws should have some other lorm of publication, in order that they may acquaint themselves with the provisions of the statutes to whieh they aro required to conform. For this jurposeno better plan could bo adopted than the one proposed above, and the press of the State owes it to itßelf and to tho people to bring tho matter to the attention of the legislature. The Georgia Know-Nothings—What are their Principles ? We approach this inquiry in all sincerity, de siring information, seeking honestly for the truth, and in a spirit o! candor. Who will meet the inquiry and answer it in the same spi rit ? It is claimed that there ate a large number of Know-Nothing Lodges in Georgia—that the members of the Order are numbered by thou sands and teu& of tiiauunds, embneias >o4is*’ri minately mein'oeis of both political pat-tie*, De mocrats as well as Whigs, and among them men distinguished for intellect, for high character and patriotism—men whose fidelity arid devotion to the best interests of tbe State can admit of no dispute. That all this is measurably true, we canr.ot deny, and do not propose to question. That this secret order is very extensive in our State, we have reason to believe; and that it does number among its membets, men of the highest intelligence aud respectability, we have as lit tie doubt. It is important then to the public—to the whole people of Georgia—to know what are the principles of this secret Order, what their aims and objects, political, religious and social. We go Luther, and maintain that it is the right of the people to know these things, and that it is alike contrary to sound policy and the well being ol society that such organizations should be tolerated,while concealing their purposes. We do not deny the right of secret assemblages for consultation and action ot a polit ical party, whose principles, aims and purposes are boldly and honestly made known to their fellow-citizens. Every party has a right to jtid;.e for itself as to its own best tactics and tbe management ot its internal af fairs. It may “operate privately” by secret com mittees, and hold secret councils, and meet in convention with closed doors, if it choose to do so. These things have been not unknown hi therto, in Georgia, in the practice of the two recognized political parties, the Democrats and Whigs. But no political party ha# hitherto ex isted in Georgia whose v».ry principles were hid from the people, and whose purposes are kept in the dark, tbe subject of blind conjecture and vague apprehension. The precedent is a bad one, and should be condemned as wrong in itself and unsafe in ten dency. We do not charge, nor do we suspect, among the Know-Nothiugs a deefgu to plot treason against the State, or the established or der of society. This is doubtless a movement of politicians for power,and their secret organization a new experiment for success. The principles they advocate, and the measures they would in augurate, if successful, are such as doubtless meet the approval of all their fellow members, and we have no idea they are treasonable or wicked. Not knowing, however, what they are, we can offer no opinion as to their sound ness and propriety. In our happy country we have not much to fear, in ordinary tiroes, from secret plottings and conspiracies. But exigencies may arise again, as have in p3st times existed, when this mode of procedure may cover up the direst treason, or the most shameful demoralization.— It was this mode which gave to the Hartford Convention not only an additional share of in. famy, but an additional efficacy for mischief.— Had the purposes and principles of that danger ous party been boldly made kuown, and declared from the house-tops, its secret meetings, coun cils and conventions could have effected but lit tle. They would have dwindled into insignifi cance, because public discussion would have dis armed treachery of its power for evil. For these reasons we call nr: the Georg a Know Nothings to come out “oa the - anil detine their principles—make known their* purposes and indicate their policy. What mea sures, gentlemen, do you desire to enact—what u>e will you make of your power, if successful? What legislation will you carry out, if you obtain a majority in the legislature ? What measures would you have the Governor elect! to recom mend if elected by your votes ? What alteration* do you detire in the State Constitution ? On what grounds of national policy will you meet your fellow Know-Nothings of other States? What is your national platform, and who in the North ern States stand with you on it ? Who are your allies there; and what their views of national policy ? What alterations do you and they desire to make in the Federal Constitution ? These inquiries are pertinent and proper, and it is but right and honest that they should be answered. Until they are answered,outsiders are unprepared to say whether they are with the Know-Nothings, or against them. When they are authoritatively announced one radical and uncompromizing objection to the Know-Nothings ceases—the objection that it is a party without a platform and without princi ples, or having them, that they are concealed from the public eye. In the absence of an authoritative disclosure from the Know-Nothings of Georgia, where shall we go for information? In some states there are open avowels of what the Know-Nothings pro fess and what they contend for. But they differ from each other. Some of the propositions laid down meet our cordial concurrence—others our decided hostility—some call for the stern repro bation of every honest man and loyal citrsen-*- some are an insult and a declaration of war upon the South. We may then well ask here in Georgia, what is Know-Notbingisrn ? In the State of Maine, Know-Nothingism is as follows: “ Native-Americanism, Anti-Slavery, and Tem perature. “Bangor, Feb. 1 1855—Council No. 6. “ Whereas recent developments in the political action of this order indicate a disposition in some places to ignore the subjects of slavery and tem peranco, considering them as side issues, having no political connexion with our organization, this council, wishing to express its disapprobation of suuh sentiments in tho most unqualified m inner, do unanimously adopt tho following res'lutions, viz: “1. Resolved , That the new party to whioh we owe allegiance is not 1 ased on one idea alone, bu 1 comprehends, and should always act in reference to, c\eiy principle that will promote the moral and political welfare of a free people. “2. Resolved, That the Declaration of Indepen dence, the tono and tcn«.r of tho constitution, the ordinance of 1787, the words and deeds of tho foun ders of this republic all indicate that our forefathers intended that slavery should be sectional, not na tional—temporary, not permanent. ‘‘3. Resolved, That nativc-Ainericanism, anti slavery, and temperance are the foundation-stones of our otder, equally deserving onr consideration; and that, before giving our political support to any man for any office, we will imperatively demand his entire committal in favor of those great and car dinal principles. “4. Resolved, That we solemnly protest against tho repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the passage of tho Nebraska Kansas bill, and the fugitive-slave law, as violations of the rights of the free States, and tending to the destruction of the free institu tions of our country. “5. Resolved, That we pledge ourselvos to use our utmost exertions to freo our national territories from tho curso of slavery, and that wo will never consent, under any circumstances, to the admission of another slave State to this Union. “6. Resolved, That any attempt to commit our order in the free States to the advancement of the interests of slavery—to ignore it as apolitical ques tion—to stamp it as a side issue—or to erjo<n si lence upon us in respect to its evils and encroach ments—deserves, and receives, our sternest aisap. probation and dissent. “Published by order of the council. We will Itaie, dimply quotivihe signify*-’a UngllftSfl of blow Ve.l. O'. in rcOctCMCG to these very resolutions : “ We commend this to tho.-e who pretond that the order is everywhere neutral on the subject of slavery, and that agitation will bo suppressed by it.” In conformity with the sentiments of the Maine have seen Northern States, one after the wherever the Know- Nothirigs hail power,or held the balance of t ow er, electing Abolition and Free-Soil Governers and United States Senators, over the heads of national Democrats as sound as Gen. Pierce on the slavery question—himseif eminently sound among the soundest —and building up anti-ela vtry strong, overwhelming and irresistible in the North, far beyond any prior display of its power. These are the first offerings of North ern Know-Nothingism upon the altar of national patriotism. Its fruits so tar, are all of the bit terest. They are anti-slavery to the core. What are the very latest fruits of Northern Know-Nothingism ? We quote from the New York Evening Post , the very incarnation of intense hostility to the slave power of the South—and to the Nebraska and Fugitive Slave laws : ‘ The New Hampshire Elections.—The result of yesterday’s election in Now Ilumpshiro should not be allowed to pass without remark. This now party of Know-Nothings havecarried the state against both the friends of the administration and tho wbigs. Indeed, the only serious resistance whioh they met was from tho democratic organiza tion, large numbors of the whigs having deserted to the Know-Nothings and the freesoilcrs having been almost entirely absorbed into the majority by which the elections have been carried. Tho aisappearanco of the freosoilers as a distinct partv in this election i 3 a proof that the successful candidates wore regarded by them as perfectly or thodox on tho slavery question C-f:h : democratic candidates for Congress, two had voted against the Nebraska bill, but it was umlvrstood that they woro disposed to acquiesce in that measure, and were prepared, if re-elected, to resist its repeal. This was enough to make them unpopular in Now Hampshire, ar.d.the freesoilers accordingly voted against thorn. There were but two tickets beforo tho people in the choice of moinbsrs of CoD&ress, that of the democrats, to which the ot the administration gave their support, and which was unpopular for that very reason, and that of the Know-Nothings, for which the free Boilers and the whigs voted. Both branches of the legislature are in tho hands of the Know-Nothings, vvho will send to tho United States Senate two anti-administra tion members. Mr. Halo who has been making love to tho Know-Nothings, undoubtedly oxpects to be one ot th .m, a result which docs net strike us as the most desirable that could be imagined, for Mr. Halo is no Cato, and if right on the slavery queston, is one of those politicians who contrive to bo regularly wrong on almost every other.” Can Southern men, can Georgians affilliate with such principles, and such men ? Can they sympathize with such Know-Nothingism as this, and rejoice over such triumphs ? Os course not. That is impossible. Then, is it not time that Georgia Know- Nothings should draw the line of demarcation ? is it not time that they should define their posi tion and let the people know what Georgia Know-Nothing sra is—what its policy, its aims and principles. We have before us a paper published in Ath ens, Ga., the Southern Watchman, which in its issue of the 15th inst., sets lortb a series of pro positions, twelve in number, under the following caption. “ What are their principles I This question is daily propounded by persons who afiect to be lieve that the “ American Paity” dare not lay >tion. Here are their principles—we throw tha banner to the breeze, that these prin ciples may be “known and read of all men.” j The Know Nothings sometimes call them selves “The American Party,” and we there fore ’nfer that the Editor ol the Southern Watch men professes to set forth the principles ol the Know Nothings of Georgia ? By whose au thority does he speak ? What Lodge or Council in Georgia has adopted them, and by order of which of them are they published? Until this appears they must go as the individual opinions ot the Editor of the Watchman, and as such we do not propose to discuss them. Though we are not a Know Nothing, we subscribe heartily to rnost of them, as doubtless will every citizen of the State. Some ot them we object to and op pose. But they do not contain enough, as sta ted, to divide about, or create a party upon. It is not only too meagre in specification, but a total exclusion of nearly all the great questions which really divide public opinion in this coun try. There is a set of Know Nothing principles put forth “by authority,” recently in New York city, bg the twelfth Council of Know Nothings in the fifteenth ward. The Exposition and Re solutions would occupy several columns, and we cannot insert them here. They will probably be adopted, it is said, by all the Know Nothing ff*odges of the Empire State of the North. Will they be adopted by the Lodges of the Empire State of the South ? If they are, we will then know what Georgia Know Nothingism is, and contetfiable our readers, outside of the order to an opinion on the subject, and have one for our own guidance. Be this as it may, the people and the press ot Georgia should have a public anti-authoritative exposition from the Know Nothings ot Georgia. We could then know how fur Know Nothingism is prepared to go in reference to two leading objects ot its action, the foreign population, and the Catholic Church in this country, and could then judge how far that action might be legitimate, and at what point it would become impolitic and wrong. On all other topics embraced we could likewise form an opinion and take a position. Whereever in other States it is authoritatively set forth it embraces openly, or covertly, anti-slavery and abolitionism,in spirit—proscriptive and a warfare of sects in religion,—and Whiggery in politics. Has Georgia Know Nothingism no better fruit to offer us ? No Democrat can adopt that plat form without abandoning former opinions and making war upon his principles. No Southern man can rejoice over the Know Nothing victo ries of the North without being false to his own section—to his State—to his home and fireside. The Origin and Aims of Know-Nothingism. We are indebted to the Chronicle §■ Sentinel ot yesterday morning for an article, which we copy entire, furnishing what purports to be the origin and purposes ot the Know-Nothing or ganization in this country, which appeared, it states, originally in the New-York Courier Sf Erguirer, “ and was written, it is said, original ly, by authority, for a London newspaper.” The theory therein set forth is a handsome and attractive one, its objects, in a great meas ure, patriotic and praiseworthy, and the facts, if set forth truly, such as to show the propriety and necessity of such an organization. But, unfortunately for it, the facts themselves cannot, in all particulars, be substantiated, and the move ments of the Know-Nothings, thus far, flatly , r iC -ni 2 -y r% ‘ ■— — t- -1.---J « el.v rrt .i- ptes proiesseii. That the flood of immigration of ignorantand rowdy foreigners, paupers and convicts which have been emptied on our northern shores, and afflict our northern cities, has proved a vast evil and a curse to that section of the Union is un questionably true, and we should not feel sur prised or aggrieved that the patriotic and con servative citizens of the North should desire to see an adequate remedy applied. But the rem edy is in a great measure in the hands of the citizens of those States so aggrieved, and could be applied by Slate and municipal action and legislation. The lederal government could only act legitimately to a limited extent to abate the nuisance, and to that extent Southern men should not be unwilling to lend their co opera tion through Congre-sional action. An exten sion es the period of naturalization would be unobjectionable and we believe desirable; also stringent regulations for excluding the landing of foreign paupers and convicts in our ports.— But it belongs chiefly to the several States to regulate the right of voting, aud unless this power is exercised Congress alone is inadequate to protect the States and cities so afflicted ircra the grievance of foreign influence at their baliot boxes. The evils complained of are in a great measure local in their practical workings. The South has but a secondary interest in the matter, for we have but little foreign immigration with in our borders. What foreign population we have among us is chiefly of a peaceable and in dustrious class, and compose a valuable portion of our citizens. This exemption from the evil of a turbulent and vicious foreign popula tion ?s owing to the institution ot slavery. But what thus tar has Know-Nothingism at the North achieved which is entitled to the sympathies of Southern rnen ? What has it done to propitiate our good will? What ha 3 it 'done to prove itself national and patriotic in its aims? We will not r-;bear*e its Abolition tri umphs in State after State at the North, by which national men, devoted to the Constitution of their country, and anxious to quell the unho ly fanaticism which threatens us with all the evils of sectional strife and final disunion, have been cloven down, and Abolitionists elevated to seats in the United States Senate once occupied by such men as Webster, Everett and Silas Wright, and which soon will send Abolitionists to fill the seats once occupied by Levi Woodbury and Franklin Pierce as Senators from New- Hampshire which have placed in the Ex ecutive Chairs ol most of the Northern States Governors who believe in a higher law than the Constitution, and are pos sesied of but one grand and leading passion, a desire tc make war on Southern Rights. We take from this exposition the picture it draws of Wm. H. Seward—a demagogue, an intriguer, a bargainer with Jesuila, an abolitionist and a conspirator against the peace of the Union. He, it is pretended, was marked down as peculiarly the object of Know-Nothing hostility and pro scription. Behold him now re-elected United States Senator by Know-Nothing votes. It was in the power of the Know-Nothings to defeat him. They only’ could defeat him. Had but twenty-three Know-Nothings in the New-York _ LegUlaturo voted against him be would have • been defeated. But so far from this he was elected by twenty-two majority. During the whole debate in the New-York L-gislature on j the Senatorial question the Know-Nothings who opposed his election had not one word to say against him, on account of bis anti-Slavery opinions. Their whole opposition was based upon his want of sympathy with their anti- Catbolic and anti-foreign movement. But their sympathy with his anti-Slavery opinions proved stronger even than their attachment to Native Americanism. The Catholic priesthood are assailed with the charge of using their ecclesiastical power to in fluence the votes of the Catholic population, for eign and native, in political matters, and this is alleged as one ground of the Know-Nothing movement. It is alleged that a Catholic hier archy is aimed at in our country, and that the American Protestants must combine to defeat it. Il this be true, we do not find fault with the American movement. If this be true, the de feat of such a design would justify any meas ure however stringent and proscriptive. But we have yet to see the first authentic evidence of any such purpose. On the contrary, it is an unquestionable fact that the Catholic Church has sedulously abstained trom those intemperate political excitements that have disgraced the Protestant Churches of the North—especially of New-England. We hear of no political ser mons preached at the North, or elsewhere, Irom Catholic pulpits. We have no Henry Ward Beechers and Theodore Parkers in the Catholic clergy. To the petition of the three thousand New - England clergymen was presented to Congress, claiming that they were by the very nature of their divine mission and authority, authorized to speak to Congress, and to advise with it as to its proper policy on | the slavery question, not the name of one single 1 Catholic priest was appended. Nor have J the Catholic priesthood ever sought thus imper tinently to interfere with Southern Rights, or take part in any way, so far as we are informed, ' in the political affairs of the country. Just here we will correct one misapprehen sion that exists in the minds of many honest Know-Nothings as to the relations between the members of the Catholic Church and the Pope o( Rome. It is that they acknowledge a paia mount allegiance to him in temporal affairs, and owe to him political tealty. Were this true, we should be a Know-Nothing, so far as Catholics are concerned, and would oppose a member ol ; that denomination bolding office “to the bitter end.” But such paramount allegiance has been uoiloimly denied both priest and laity of that Church, and no evidence to the contraJy can be adduced. We quote on this point the following language of the Rev. Dr. Ryder, in his recent oration on St. Patrick’s Day, in Charleston, before the Irish Volunteers and Emmet Guards: “In all the wars of this country, both offensivo and defensive, the Irish, to a man. havo been true to the cause of their adopted country. In tho days of the revolution, many distinguished Irishmen in Parliament defended with their eloquence, the cause of the Colonios, in the forum of the very na tion that wa9 at war with her. Catholic Prance volunteered to fight the battles of America, and mingled her Gallio blood with tho sons of tho coil upon many a well fought field. In every recorded instance where an opportunity was offered, tho Irish Catholics have been fast friends of American liberty. They havo left hon e and friends and tho graves of their sires to come and water with their blood the infant tree of freedom in the western wilds of America. And what is likely to bo their reward for all this sacrifice of blood and country and friends 7 true to himself and his religion, should bo untrue to his country, wherever ar.d whatever that coun try may be. lie exhorted his Catholic brethren to watch and study well the courso of things now, for the same aspirations for the overthrow of them and their religion which existed in Europe, is now gain ing foot hold in this country. “ Tho popular and much talked of idea, that our allegiance to the Pope is paramount to that which wo owe to oar country, is false. The Pope cannot, and would not, compel a Catholio to fight against his country. He cannot command us to violato onrduty to our God or our country; if he were to do so, such command would not be recognized by any good Catholic, and would bo nugatory and of no effect. The spiritual authority of the Catholic Church has never attempted to supersede or con trol the civil authority. Ar.d how comes it now, in the glorious light of the 19th century, and among a people of its advantages in learning civilization, and national pride and power, that it has been sud denly discovered that Irish Catholics aro danger ous to the pro perity and welfare i f tho Govern ment ?” We are no admirers of the Catholic religion any more than we are of Nevv-England bigotry intolerance and persecution, which disgraced the early Puritans. Both Protestants and Catholics have sins enough to answer for in this respect, for both have planted the stake and lighted the faggot around the martyrs of their opposing creeds. Happily the Inquisition, the rack and the faggot no longer claim their victims. Hap pily such things can never be in our free coun try while the Federal Constitution stands intact. Having said thus much in justice to a denom ination charged with political designs and offen ces which w»e have seen no evidence to sustain, we adopt a3 our own the language of the Hon. Sam. A. Smith, of Tennessee, in a late speech in Congress: “ I do not come as tho advocate of the Catholic religion, or the apologist of the Catholic faith; bolieving, as I.always have, in tho religious doc trines of my ancestors, I at an early day imbibed a prejudice against the terets of the Catholio Church, and theso early impressions have never been removed. I dissent from its doctrines, discard its here ies, and denounce its persecution. In re ligion I oppose Catholics, as in politics I do Whigs, believing the masses of both to bo honest in their motives and sincere in their intentions, but wrong in their doctrines.” The Black Warrior Case Settled. This is the caption to a long editorial in the Washington Union, of the 21st, from which we make the following extract: “ We have reliable information as to the change in the determination of her Catholic Majesty in regard to the Black Warrior affair, and have rea son to know that the following extract of a letter on the subject jrom Madrid, which appears in Galignani's Messenger of February 26, 1655, is correct: “It appears (says the lettor) that tho Span sh government has decided on proclaiming that the authorities ofCuba exceeded their powers in tho affair of the Black Warrior as regards the two principal points of it—the description of tho car-ro and tho time allowed for tho production of the ships manifest. In conßcqucnoo, it is disposod to accord a just indemnity” Assuming this infor mation to be truo, it is gratifying to know tbatjMr. Maicy’s argument has had the effect of securing an adjustment of this affair, which will bo consu mated upon taking the necessary proof as to tho amount of the damages.” Perhaps we should say like a loyal and peace able citizen, ‘'Glad to hear it,” and congratulate the country upon the pacific adjustment of that outrage on the American flag. But. we are in no mood to indulge in congratulations on this tardy show of respect to our flag and country. Ic is extorted from an unwilling and insolent foe who dallied as long as he dared, and yields grudg ingly what there was no longer a shadow of ! pretext to refute, fia far from it* haviog any ol the giace ot a willing courtesy accompanying 'a spirit of justice, has been delayed in a manner to ado insult ,to injury and make the wrong more pointed and conspicuous. Scarce is one difficulty of this kind settled, after a vexa tious negotiation, than a fresh insult is offered our flag, ns in the late case of the El Dorado. Thus are we to be perpetually badgered and an noyed by Spanish insolence, presuming upon our forbarauce, or perhaps mistaking it for want of national spirit. We trust that Spain will he very sorn unde ceived on this point, and that she will be given effectually to understand that this last insult is not to be shuffled out of view or staved off by the arts of diplomacy, for twelve months longer. Had Congress in 1854 granted to the Presi dent the contingent fund of ten millions asked for by his friends, Spanish diplomacy would have been quickened in apprehension, and that Government would have arrived long since at its present settle the Black War rior affair. In addition, this El Dorado affair would never have happened We would have had since, and now, little reason to complain of a want of Spanish deference to our national flag. A stern lesson we hope is yet in store for Spain. The final settlement can only be by tak ing Cuba from her. Till that is done there enr; be no real peace between the two countries. No Moke Yellow Fever.—The correspondent, of Hamburg, (Germany) publishoa in its number of February 3d, a letter from Moxico, which con tains the tollowing: “A Gorman pbysioinn, Dr. H , aged, thirty six, and residing in Mexico for somo years past, hasnjade the di-covery of a serpent whose poison, wUonlMPfcl#ted in man, has the virtue of preserv ing bint from Yellow Fever and black vomit. “ Inoculation with this virus is effected as with the vaccina virus; it causes a fover which has in a very mild form, all th« symptoms of yellow fever. I This operation has no effect on those porsors who have nlready been attached with yellow fevor or black vomit, a circumstance which would soem to militate in favor cf the invention. “ A number of high functionaries and five bun dred soldiers have been inoculated in Mexico by Dr. H., whose now invention, if it be really a pre servative against the two epidemics above mention ed. would prove a real blessing, for the many popu lations who are subject to them.” Wo notice in La Cronica, a Spanish journal pub lished in Now York, that Dr. William L. Hum boldt has discovered a means to prevent yellow fo ver, by inoculation. Tho government of Cuba, as La Cronica is informed, has dir»ctcd tho inocula tion of tho mnjorpart—amounting to one thousand —of tho newly arrived troops, which has resulted in i the greates* success, since none havo been attacked | by the terrible disease, which goncally decimates ; the foreign population shortly after their arrival. — The operation is similar to vaooination, by insert ing tho virus discovered by Dr. Humboldt, general ly in both arms. A few hours after this trifling operation, tho symptoms of a miniature yollow lo ver commence, nr.d all the pathological const quences follow rapidly and slightly, rarely exceed ing forty-eight hours in duration, and v, l*h nothing rnoro than a slight feverish action. Revolution in Australia—Disastrous Ship wrecks. Tho Africa reached Boston early Saturday morn ing. but too lato for the 7 o’clock mail train. Wo may expect her mails this morning, however. The following additional particulars of her news will bo found interesting : The London Morning IJcrald, of tho Ist March, had the following dispatch from Trieste : “ Dispatches from Coylon, of the Ist February, announce that the people of Australia havo riseD and declared their independence. Some troops were sent to put down tho insurrection, and san guinary engagements had boon fought. Melbourne was in *. State of siege.” This news has, of course, arrived by the over land Mail, and no doubt refers to the disturbances at the diggings. The Australian dates are not giv en, and tho dispatch was evidently cooked lor con tinental circulation. ovSerrmasoSoJ rnw'k*- mored about Paris. Tho frigate lost in iu. of Bonifacio is tho Somilanto, which recontly left Toulon with 400 soldiers on board The vessel struck on one of the reefs in that passago and im mediately filled. Tho crew and passengers, ma king together 700 men, all perished. No other do tftils have yet boon received of this catastroi he.— Tho loss has croated the most painful sensation iD Paris; 700 men have perished, together with a vast quantity of cannon, mortars, sir- 11s, gunpowdor and idiot. Nothing was saved—not a shred. Ail that has boon washed ashoro, as far ft' is known to the government, arc two pair of trousers. The Semi lante was going to the east. The India mail has been received. Tho barque W. T. Snyward, from San Franci co for Sbanghac with one thousand barrels of flour and one hun dred and sixty-four thousand dollars in specie, sprung a leak December Ist, off tlie Ladrono Is. lands, and was abandoned December 2iet, near Napakinng with seven feet *f water in the hold The United States ship Vincennes tried to savo the specie, but was unsuccessful. The crew wore trans ferred to tho ship Nightingale, which was to carry them to Sbanghoe. C. G. Baylor, Esq., it is said, has gone as e special agent to Europe, to obtain in detail all necessary information in relation to the Cotton interests, and the remedies ‘"for the present ruin ous Liverpool monopoly,” by means of direct rade. Tefik Pasha, the son-iu-law of Omer Pasha, has died of (ever at Eupatoria. We call the attention of the Postmaster here, and the Route Agents on the Georgia and State Roads, to the following extiart from a letter dated— Valley Stork, Chattooga, County, Ga., 1 March 16th, 1855.) Mr. James Gardner : —Sir, you w.ll confer a favor on me and others of your subscribers on this route, from Gaylesville, Ala., to Lafayette, Ga., as we only have a mail passing once per week, if you will call the attention of the Post master at Augueta, and the travelling Postmas ters on the Georgia and State Railroads, to this request of the Postmasters ol Duck Creek,Valley Store, Teloga Springs and Alpine, all in Georgia. They jeqoest that the mail for all the above offi ces to be sent via Ringgold, instead of via Rome, Ga., so that we can get our papers from Augusta on Saturday of the same week they aie publish ed. Wedo not now, by the present arrange ment, receive them until Saturday ol the next week after they are published, and we do not therefore, feel the interest in taking papers from Augusta that we would if we received them earlier. And l think it is your interest as well as ours, to endeavor to have the mail from A.ugusta to the above offices, sent via Ringgold, as I have no doubt but that you would receive more subscribers to your paper on this route through Broomtown Valley, if that arrangement can be affected. By that arrangement, if you sent papers off on Wednesday evening, they will arrive at Ringgold on Thursday, on Friday will arrive at Lafayette, Waiker county, Ga., and on Saturday we receive them at our offices on this route. But by the present arrangement, they come to Rome on Thursday,to Summerville on Fiiday, on Friday evening go to Tryor Fac tory five miles from this place, and lay over till Monday ; then go to Lafayette and lay in the office until the next Saturday, so that we do not get them for more than a week after they are received and read by our neighbors in Chattooga Valley. You can therefore see at a glance, the necessity of making the alteration proposed. I had thought at the end of the time for which I had paid my subscription, I would discontinue my paper, for the reason that it w as published so long before [ could get it, but if the foregoing arrangement can be made,Y wi'l be pleased to continue taking your valuable paper, as I am well pleased with it. Very resp ect fully yours. F J. Ckooa.n.