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Hu. B. H. Hill's Speech. [rolut taro* dekcf. . ] Mili.kmkvillc, Nor. 1G, 18C0. Mi. 0. H. Hilt—Du> 8m : The undersigned, fully appreciating the question* involved in onr preeent political divisions, and having listened with pleasure to the ahle address delivered by yourself last evening at the Representatives Hail' believing as we do, that *'we should fully tinder, stand the issue in order to meet U," and desiring that other citterns of our state should have the prat ideation of reading what many of us have heard fall from yonr own lips, we therefore respectfully solicit a copy of your able, eloquent aud patriotii address, for publication, hoping you will comply We are Respectfully yours. B. L. McWhorter, T. J. Hightower, W. F. Holden, Ram'l L. Williams, T. W. Alexander, John McRae, C. C. Patton, W. 8. Wallace, M. M. Mints, T. J. Smith, Wn. H. Brantly, A. Colvard, A. E. Tarver, Goor. T. Barnes, W. H. Pilcher, H. W. Howell, Cicero Olbson, R. C. Humber, John Thrasher, James Parks, H. L. Taylor, J. F. Usry, Allen Kelly, J. M. Brinson, J. K. Wilson, Neill McLeod, B. J. Evans, K. C. Hood, T. 0. Wicker, 8. Y. Jatfloson, X. H. Word, E. A. Flewellen, J. M. Bonds, K. H. Davis, John J. Thrasher, Phil Cook, A- J. Cloud, 8. F. Alexander, B. B. Reed. T- L. Guerry, Thomas F. Wells. Otntlemrn : Since the reception of your letter I have hastily written out the speech to which you refer. I could not recall tho exact language, but the argument, aneh as it is, is herewith submitted for your dis posal. I see nothing in the remarks inconsistent with anything heretofore written hy me. There is a prudent aud imprudent way of accomplishing the samo good. I think some of our friends arc hasty. Let us keep right and ‘ niako haste slowly.” 1 bare discussed a policy of resistance, hut I am ready to yield it foi a bettor when 1 can find it.— Tost policy which can most cordially unite our people, nnd most efTcctuully redress our grievair cies, is the one 1 shall prefer. Yours, very respectfully, I). H, HILL,. November 10, 1811(1. SPEECH. Ladies and Friends; While 1 am speaking to you to-night I eareslly beg fur purfuct quietness and order. It seems to be a general idea that public speakers feel highly complimented when their opinions are received with boisterous applause. I do not so feel on any occaaion, and certainly would not so regard such a demonstration now. The ocaasiou is a solemn aud aeriur.a onr, and let us treat it In no light or tri vial manner. One more request. I have invoked { ood oritur. 1 yet more earnestly invoke your ind and considerate attentlun. No people ever assembled to deliberate a graver issuo. This gov ernment is Ike result of much toil, much blood, much anxiety aud much treaxuru. For nearly a century we have been accustomed to speak and boast of it ns the best on earth. Wrapped up in it are tho lives. lh« happiness, the iiitcienls and the peace uf thirty millions of freemen new living, and of annumbered millions in the future. Whether we shall now deatoy that (lovcruilieut or make another effort to proservo it and reform its abuses, is tho question before us. Is that question not entitled lo all the wisdom, the moderation and the prudence we can command 7 Were you ever at aea in a storm 7 Then you know the sailor often hncls it necessary, to etmblo him lo keep his ship above the wave, to throw overboard his freight, oven his treasure. Itut with his chart and his com pass he never parts. However dark tlm heavens or furious the winds, with these Im can still point the polar star, and find the port of Ids safety.— Would not that sailor ho mud who should throw these overboard 7 We are at sen. tny friends. The skies nro feat ful ly darkened. Tho billows toll tlicnteningly — Hangers are on every lido. I,et us threw over board our passions, our prejudices and our part) feelings, however long or highly valued. Itut let us hold on—hold on lo reason ami moderation — These and these alouu point always ta the fixed Star of truth. I>v whose guidance we may yet safe ly come to ahorc. We must agree. We do agree If wo but knew it. Our people must l>« united to moot this crisis — Divisions now would not only he uiilortunate. latt exceedingly disastrous. If divisions ari-o they cannot he based on our interests or our purposes for those arc and must he the same. Divisions must lind their origin in our suspicions aud jeal ousies. Ect us givo these suspicious and jealous, ies to the winds. Let us assume as tlm basis id every argument that we are all equally honest, and equally desirous in our various ways, of secur ing ime end—our equality and rights. There must be one way better than all others. I.et nur ambi tion bn to find th'ii inn/, and unite our people In the advocacy of tliut way. i have listened with earnest attention to the elo quent speeches made by all aides, anil I believe a common ground of agreement can In* found if net for univeisal at least for very general agreement. Those who hold that the Constitution is wrung, and the Union, had perse, of course will agroe to nothing but immediate disunioti, and such 1 shall j^et bo able to affect. Hi mo urst piaeo what are onr grievance!. .Ill Uie speakers, thus fur, even tlm most ultra, have admitted that the mere constitutional election id any man is no ground for resistance. Tlta mere alectioii of Mr Liuculu is mi all sides admitted nut to be the grievance. Our State would net be thrown on a false issue on this point. We complain in general terms, that the anti- slavery sentiment at the North, has been medi an element uf political power. In proof of this we make the follow ingipecifica- laari I. That a large political party has been organised fri the Northern States, the great common idea of which it to prohibit the extension of slavery by Congress, and Imelility to slavery generally, 3. That this party hits succeeded in getting the control of many of the Northern State Legislatures and have procured the passage of acts nullify ing the tngitix e slave law, encouraging tho rescue of Jhgitivtf, and seeking to punish as felons citizens of onr Southern 8tatca who name their slaves in the assertion of a plain constitutional fight. 3. That this party haa sleeted Governors In Northern Mate* who refnse, some openly and nth era under frivolous pretexts, to do their plain Con stitntional duties, when these .duties involve the re cognition of property in e aves. 4. That Northern Courts chosen by the same party, hare assumed to declare the fugitive slave law unconstitutional in the teeth of the decisions of the United States Court*, snd of every depart ment of the United States Government. !>. Wo rnmplnin that the Northern States, thns controlled, arc seeking to repudiate every C’outti- tinnal duly, or provision in favor or in recognition of slavery—to work tho extinction of slavery, and to secure to the negro social and political equality with tlie white race; and. as far as possible they disregard and nullify even the laws of the South ern States nil this subject. In proof of this com plaint we show that Northern Governors have ac tually refused to deliver up fugitives from justice, when the crime charged against such fugitives re- cognized under Halt hut property in slaves. Tims, a Northern man married a Southern lady having a separata estate in slaves. He deceived ilia lady, itole her negroes, tald them and pocketed the money, and fled to a Northern State. He was charged with larceny under the laws of Ilia State in which the crime was committed, A true bill was obtained and a demand was properly made for his return, and the Governor of the State to which lie fled refused to deliver him up on tlio ground that to commit larceny a man must steal property, and as slaves w ere not property nrrording to the law* of the Northern State, it could not ho property according to the lana of the Southern State; that therefore tlm.Southern Court Jury and Governor were all wrong in obeying the law* ot their own State, instead of tho inwa of the Northern 8tate; that the defendant was not guilty and could not be guilty, and ihottld not he delivered np. Tlie same principle was involved In shield sever al of tlie conspirators in the John Grown raid. The inexorable logic of this party, on such a pre mise, must array them against the whole Consti tution of the United States t because that instru ment in it* very frame work Is a recognition of property in slaves. It was mada by slaveholdihg Stale*. Acrordinly we find this party a disen- in,i party, and its leaders—those of fliotn who follow their logic to it* practical consequences - dianhioiiisti per se. I would not quote from the low and the ignoraut of that party, but I will quote from llo- learned and the honored. One of the most learned diaciplea of this pHrty says : “ Tho Conililulion is the cause of every division wliieli Ibis vexed question of slavery Iihh ever oc casioned in this cnnntry. It (the CII n till nt inn) has been tlm finintiun am \ fiillirr of our troubles, hy attempting to hold together, as reconciled, two op- poning principles, which will not harmonize imr agree. 'The only hope of tho slave la over the rumt of I hr (Inrrrniiirnl. The dlttulnlion of tho fus ion is the abolition of tleircry." One of the ablest, nnd oldest, and long honored Senators of that party—a Senator oven before tho existenen of tho Republican party — said the nominating Convention of that party : "I believe that this is not so much a Convention to change tlm administration of the Government, ns to say irhrlln r thrrr tlwll hr otnj Uorrran/rnt lulu ndininit• hml. Yon have nssemldeil, not to say whether this Union shall he preserved, hut to say whether it lliall Im a blessing or a acorn nnd hissing among tlie nations.” I could quotoall night my friends, to show that tlie tendency of the Kiqiiililii-iiii party is to disun ion. That to Im a Kepunlirnu is to lie logirnllg and prnrtirallg against the Constitution and tho Union. And we complain tliut thin parly is warring upon us, aud at tlie same time, mid in tho samo way, amt by a necessary ,-eiis, qnuiiee, watring upon tlie Constitution and the Union. II. We complain ill tlie last place, that tlda party having thus acquired tlie control of every dopnrt- inent of Government, Legislative, Executive, and Judicial—In several of the Northern States, and having thus used every department of tlm State Government so acquired, in violation of the Con stitution of tlm United States, in disregard of tlm laws of tlm Southern Status, and ill utter denial of the property and even lilerrlp of the citizens of the Southern States—this party I say, with these prin ciples, and this history, has at laat secured the Ex ecutive department of tho Federal Government, ami are seeking to secure tlm ollmr two depart ments—tho Legislative aud tlm Jttdlelnl. Here then is a party seeking to administer the Government on principle* which must destroy the Government— pronosing to preserve the Union tipoll n basis on which tlm Union, in the very na ture of things, eammt stand; and offering peace on terms which must produce civil xvar. Now, my friends, the noxt question Is, shall tlo-ae grievances he resisted 7 I know of no man who says they might not to he resisted. Fur my self, I say, nnd say with emphasis they ought lo be resisted—resisted effectively nnd at all hazards. What lesson have we here 7 We have seen dif ference* running high—even apparent hittenms* engendered. Paaeiuu gets up, debates became jeers nnd gilms and dellnnee. One uinti says he will not resist Lincoln. His adversary pronoun ce* that treason to tlm South and tlm man a lllack Kepublicati. Another man says he will resist Lin- eoln and demand immediate secession. His ad versary pronounces tlmt treason tu the Coustitu lion and tlm man a disniiinnist. Wlmt do you mean by Lincoln 7 Stop nnd de- jinr. The first mentis liv Lincoln tlm tana elected, the second means hv Lincoln the ittnr on rvhirh ho is elected. Xeilhir will resist the first.both will resist tlm hitter, nnd an they agroe and did ngrue all tlm time they wiro disputing! These grievances are our real complaint. They have advanced to a point which makes a crisis: and that point is tlm election of Lincoln. We dorr not, we trill not let this crisis pass w ithout a ttlllr. uirni. That settlement must wipe out existing grievances, nnd arrest threatened ones. We owe it to our Constitution, to onr country, to onr pence to onr posterity, to onr dignity, to onr solf-respert ns Union men and Southern men, to have a cessa tion of tin's- Aggressions nltd an end to these dis turbance*. 1 do not think we should wait for any further vlolatinnof the Constitution. Tlm Consti tution has already been violated and even defied. These violation* nrr repeated everyday, We must resist, and not to attempt to resist nnd not do so ciTleectively—even to tlm full extent of the evil, oiiljbc tu tiring slintim on ourselves, nnd our State, anil our eattse. Having agreed on onr romplntnts, nnd discovered that all our suspicious of each other are unfounded, and that our disputes en this point had their orient in hasty conclusion* *"'l thoughtless mistakes, let us wills an encouraged charity and forbearance ad vance to the next step in this argument. Who shall inaugurate litis resistance 7 Who shall determine tlie inode, tlie measure and the time of this resistance 7 My reply is; The people through tneir delegate convention duly assembled. It is not necessary for me now to urgo this point. Here again we have had disputes without differ ences. I have the pleasure of announcing to-night that the prominent leaders of all shades of opinion on this subject came together this dav and agreed that it was the right and privilege ot the people in convention to pasi on these questions. On this paint we hive disputed for a week; an ting as Georgians should net, we came in n spirit of Kindness, and in fifteen raihnle* oar beast# were f 1 made (lad bp the discovery that -onr diffeshnccy or disputes were foutded oo groagd- less suspicions, and mart agtaed. We are alt for resistance, and We are all for the people in con vention to say how and wlterejpnd by what means we shall resit I never bel eld a scene which made my heart re joice more sii cerely. Oil, that I could see the same spirit of cpnc rd on the only remaining question of fltWerenee.' fith nty heart full of kindness I Beg yon my fri«t)Js, to accompany me now to that ques tion. J do bqlieve we can agree again. Ily sol emn Cofftfetlmi is that we differ as little on this as we did on tha ether point, in every material rum. At last nearly all the quarrels of the world iu all ages have huln founded more in form than sub stance, I Some menare honest wise and prudent Other* are equally honest and intelligent, hut rath and iatpelaoht. Tim latter are often to he loved and encouraged f but the first alone are to he relied om in emergeanies. We oftetMnppeal to the history of our father* to urge men tiiiilignalion and hasty resentment of wrongs. Let is study alt tlmt history. *Let me show you from Lst history, sn exsmple of metal snd over confid-ruce ou tlie oue hand, and of cool ness snd wiadcu on the utlier. During onr cdonial history, the English Govern nient cent Geteral Braddock to America to dis lodge aud drive bock the French and Indians.— The Generaiinarrangiug the compaigu assigned to his own donpiand the duty of recovering the Ohio Valley ana the great Nnrthwest. It was nec essary to ct)R«re Fort Duquesne. lie never thought of any difficulties in the way of success. He promised Newcastle tu he beyond tlie moun tains in a very shirt period. Dnqnesneho thought would stop hull only three or four days, and there was no obstruction to his march to Niagara. He declared tlie Indians might frighten the raw A- tneriran Militia, hut could make no impression on the British regulars. Tltis was Braddock. One of that raw American Militia who had join ed Braddock'* command, was the young Washing ton, then only about twenty-three year* old. lie became one of Braddock's aids. Hearing his Gen eral's boasts, and seeing id* thoughtless courage, Washington quietly said to him, “ fl'e thall hate mare lo do than lo go up the hiUtand come down.”— Speaking of Braddock to another, Waahiugtoii said, “lie was incapable of arguing without warmth, or giving up any point lie hnu asserted, he it ever so incompatible with reason or conioior sense.’' Braddock was considered on all hands to be a brave, gnllniit and fearless officer. Here then me tw o men. both brave, noble and intelligent engnged together to accomplish a oetu- mot; enterprise for the good of their countty. The olio w as rnslt, thoughtless, never calculating diffi culties, snr looking forward tu, and providing against obstructions. lie arranged his express find sent forward tlie nows of hi* victory beforehand. But the other was cool, calculating, cautions, wise mid moderate. Ho w as a man who thought before ho acted aud then lie acted the hero. Now, for results: Brnihlock wn* surprised before lie reuched the Fort. His British regulars lied be fore the yelling Indians, Httd the raw Anierieno militia were slain hy them Braddock himself fought bravely and lie was home from tlie field ot tils shame leaving more than half his little arm' dead, and himself senseless w ith a mortal wound. After the lapse of a day lie entile to himself, anil his first exclamation was “who wi uld have tho’t it!” Again lie roused it|i and said, “Wo shall hotter know- how to deal with them another time.” I'oor General, it mat loo lair, for with that sentenco hr dird! For more than a century ho haa slept near Fort Necessity, nud Ida only history might he written for ids cditdpli—He was brave, hut rath, gallant hut thoughtless, liable hut bigoted. He fought hastily, died early, uml here ho (lea. The young Washington was also brave, nnd in the thickest of tlie light. Horae after horse fell front under him. Tile bullets of tlie Indians wliis- tVil around him and through his rU-thcs, lint Prov idence spared him. Even tlie Indians declared sonic God protected him. Ho cool, so brave, so wise and thoughtful was the conduct of this young itfirer, lietore, during and after the battle, tliut ev il then a ilistiiKuisncil matt ‘ points him out as u youth raised on hy Providence for some noble work.'' Who doe* not know tlie history of Wash ington ; yet, who can tell it 7 Onr glorions revolu tion, that wise Constitution, this hnppv, wide spread and ever spreading country—struggling mil lions tired on by tho example of his success, are some of the chapters already written in that history. Long chapters ef vet iiureslixed glory, and power, nudlmmiincsa shall ho endlessly added, if the wis dom ot fiim w lo> redeemed our country can lie con tinued to tloae- Who inherit it. The hist hour ef Constitutional liberty, perpetuated to the glory of tlm end, or cut short iu tfie plirenzy of anarchy, shall wind up the history of Washington. Bcliolil here tlm sudden destruction of the rnslt man and his followers, and tie- still unfolding success uf the cool and thought fill man, and then let us go to work to meet lltia crisis that is upon us. Though there are various modifications of opin ions, then-urc ijrnlly hut two modes of resistance pro) used. One method is to make no further ef fort iu the Union, hut to assume that the Uuiou •iilior cannot or ought uot to he preserved, and so- •ode nt once and throw ourselves upon tin- eottse- |tieiices. 'The other method is to exhaust certain remedies for those grievances iu the Union, with the vi, w of preserving our rights and the Union with them, it possible; looking, however, to, and preparing for s ;c -ssiiui us an ultimate resort, cer tainly to to- had, if those grievances eatinot he reme died and completely remedied and ended in the Union. Irreconcilable as these differences at first view seem to he, t maintain a point of complete recon ciliation can la- reached. Now, let us look to the reasons urged by tin- ad vocates of tiiesi t a o mode* of redress. The advocate* of the first iitodcileclnre that these grievances are tlie fruits ef an original, innate anti slavery fniiatichm. 'That tlie history of the world will show thntsueh fanaticism is mnvrcouvinrm!— is never satisfied, never reasons aud never ends but iu victory or hli-nd. That accordingly this fanati cism in tin- Northern States has been constantly progressive, always golfing stronger aud more im pudent, defiant and aggressive; and that it will never cense except in onr subjugation unless we tear loose from it tty dissolving the Union. 'These advocates say they have no faith in any resistance in the Uniou, because, iu tlie nature of tho evil, none can lie effectual. The advoratr* of the second inode of resistance of whom I am humbly one, reason after another fashion: We scy In the first place, that while it is true that this anti-slavery sentiment has become fanntical with nutty. yet it is not necessarily sn in its nature, nor wasjit so in it* origin. Slavery ha* always existed In some form. It is an original institution. Bi-sides we say the agaitation now upon us did uot originate in fanaticiem, or philan thropy, but iu cnpiailg England owned the West Indies and there she had some slave*. She had possession* in East Iu- dia which she believed were adopted to the growth of cotton and which article of produce she desired to manopoliu. competitors, flke desired ta.crlpple oTbrrat down the cultivettaa of the cetton qrlant in the South/ The Sboth could not Use her own soil sad climate- in tbjs suooMsful production of cotton Without tho African slave. England therefore must menagei lo set fruetlie slave and turn the South over to some inadequate peasantry system something like the coolie system. To this end England railed a great cry of philanthropy in behalf of the poor negro. As a show of sincerity she abolished sla very in the West Indies near ns, thinking thereby to affect the same institution In her Southern neign- hor. She taught her lesaons of false philanthrophy to our Northern pulpits aud Northern papers, and thns to onr Northern people. At this time the Northern polititian saw in this inflammable subject fine material for political agita tion, party sneoess nnd self promotion. They leaped upon the wave and rode on. The Southern politi cians raised the counter ary, leaped on the counter wave and met tho Northern politicians—in of re. As long as the people answered the politicians called, and the result is what we now see. The sub ject is interminable in politics, because utterly ille gitimate aa apolitical issue. Thns it has never approached, but receded from a political solution, and increasing iu excitement as it ha* progressed, all statesmanship North and South is dwarfed to a mere wrangling about African slavery. Slavery will survive, but the Constitution, the Union, and peace may uot. The Southern States will contin ue to raise cotton, hut the hoping subject of tyran ny in the earth may not continue to point to the beautiful success of the experiment of self-gov ernment in America. While the storm which England raised in Amer ica ha* been going on, England has been trying to raise cottou in India. 8he haa failed. Her fac- toriea are at home, but her cotton can't come from India. She most have cotton. Four millions of her people can't live without it. The English throne ean't stand without it. It must come from the Southern Status. It can’t be raised in the South without slave-labor. And England has become tlie defender of slavery in the South. I will frankly state that this revolution in Eng lish sentiment and policy has not yet reached the Northern prope. The same causes must slowly produce it. But while the anti-eiavery sentiment has spread in the North, the pro-slavery sentiment has also strengthened in America. I it our early history the “outhern statesmen were anti-slavery in feeling. So wore Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Ran dolph, and many of that day, who had never stud ied the argument of the cotton gin, nor heard the eloquent productions of tlie jfreat Mississippi Val ley. Now- onr people not only see the justice of •lavory, lint its Providence too. Tin- world can never give tip slavery until it is ready to give np clothlngnnd fund. The South is a magnificent ex amplification of tlie highest Christian excellence She Is feeding the hungry, clothing the naked, blessing them that curse Iter and doing good to them tlmf despitefully use and persecute her. We say again that oven the history of tlie slavery agitatiou in this country does not justify the very con clusion that uholitiiinfsin lias been alw ays progres sive. Whenever popular sentiment in polities has condemned the agitation, nholitlonism has declined Many instance* could he given. Iu 1848 the abo lition candidate for tho Presidency received about 3(1(1,IKK) votes. At the end of Mr Fillmore's Ad ministration in 1853, the rnndidnte of that party received about half tlmt vote, and a fugitive slave could lie recovered almost w ithout opposition in any Northern State. Even the Aetof Massachusetts nul lifying the fugitive slave law- of 171)3, lind not been applied to the new fugitive slave law of IHffl. and was not so applied until 1855, after the agitation lind lieeu revived. These, and many other similar reasons, we urge for believing that ail the enumerated grievances— the results of slsvery agitation—are curable by remedies within the Union. I But suppose onr reasoning all wrong7 How shall we he convinced I Only hy tlie experiment; for in the uature of tlie case, tmtliiug Itut s trial can test tlie virtue ot tin- remedies proposed. Let ns try these remedies, and if we fail, this failure will establish the truth of the position* of the ad vocates of immediate secession, and its tliull all join in that remedy. For let it be understood, we are all agreed that these grievances shall he resisted—shall he reme died—most effectively remedied, anil if this can not l>e done in the Union, then the Union must go. Aud wo must not let this crisis pass without forever solving this doubt. If the Union aud the peave of slavery cannot exist together, then tlie Union must go; for slavery can never go, tho necessities of man and the laws of Heaven w ill never let it go, aud it must have pence. And it hns been tanta lized and meddled witli as long as our sell-respect can permit, But what remedies iu the Union do v.c propose 7 I will answer : Tlie grievances enumerated are of two kinds— existing aud threatened. The existing actual griev ances arc all violations of the Federal Constitu tion and Fedcrn! laws cither hy Northern citizens or Northern State* Now, what does good states- niaiisliip, good logic, and common sense naturally suggest 7 Why, that tlie Federal Government shall enferre its laws. No State can enforce, or puuish for tile violation of a Federal law. Tlie power offended, must adequately punish tlie offend er. Tho punishment must be such a* to redress the past nnd hy certainty and terror secure the future. The Federal law is offended. The North ern States ami people arc the offenders. The South is damaged hy the offence. This give* her the rig lit to demand the redress at the hands of the Federal Government, and if that Government for want nt will or power shall not grant tie redress, then that government is a demonstrated failure. And when governments ends, setf-defem-e begins. We can then take redress in onr own way, aud to our entire satisfaction. Let tlm Georgia Convention meet. Let her not simply demund hut command that this war ou slavery shall cease—Hint these unconstitutional acts nnd proceedings shall he repealed nnd alum- dolled tiv the States, or repudiated aud redressed by the Federal Government. Let her invite all the States to join iu this demand. If nu other* will come to their duty an.I meet with ua, let the fifteen Southern State* join iu this demand, nnd let th“ penalty of refusal, even to the demand of ono State, be the abandonment of the Union, and any other even harsher remedy each State may tiiink iter rights and honor required. We bureau instance before us. a I'resident made nt the instance ef tho North. When, in 1833. South Carolina was refusing to ob.-v ,-i Federal law ill tin- execution of which tie- Northern States had an interest; Congress passed a Force hill, and put ilia the hands of a Southern I'resident for enforce ment even with the aruty aud the navy and the militia if needed. Let us tnm this battery against Northern rebels. The constitutionality of tlieact which Smith Caro lina resisted was doubled. A Southern State never nnlliticd, nor refused to obey, a plain constitu tional law. But here are the Northern States, and people nullifying and setting st 1.-finance, tlie plainest constitutional provisions aud laws passed in pursnance thereof; and, instead of demanding of the Federal Government the enforcement of its laws for the protection of our rights; we are spend ing onr breath, and wasting our strength in vain boastings of wrath and hartful divisions of our own people. Sww of our wIsMtiflMIbam statesmen think welave laws already sufficient for this Calais, if en forced. We have aa act ln)7B6, and one in 18U7, and perhaps atb«r% to execute the laws, to sup- press insurrections, aud repel invasions. If these and otbeij enaefanduta are euflicient, let ua have them eufeieed.' A voice—The Presidents we have already had won't enforce that law. Mr. llill.—Then you ought to have dissolved long ago. If the grievance haa been by men of our.own choosing, why have we not complained before. Let ns begin now. Let us begin with Mr. Buchanan. A few days ago, and peruaps now, a fugitive is standing protected by a Northern mob in a Northern State, in defiance of the U. 8. Mar shall. Let us demand now that Mr. Buchanan en force the law against that rebel and against that State which protects him, or suffers him to be pro tected on her toil. Let ua have ont the army and navy, and if they are not snflleient, let there ha n call for volunteers. Manrof ns say we are ready to fight, anxious to fight. Here is acbauce. Let a* tender our services. If the laws now existing are not sufficient, let as have litem •officlent. It la onr right. We am entitled to a force hill for even clause la the Con stitution necessary lo our righto. What have onr statesmen been afler that these lawa are not enM- eient. Some of these nullifying grievances have existed since 1843, and ia it posaiMe that onr states men have been all asleep, or lost and forgetful ia wrangling about slavery? Let na begin now. Wo can yet have all needed laws under Mr. Buchanan. We nave all the department! of Government. It is three months from the meeting of Congreas-to the fourth of March. Let ue begin now and per fect our lawa for the enforcement of every esnsti- tnlional right, and against every rebel enemy.— Let the Convention add to the contingencies of disruption in the Georgia Platform. Let the refu sal to enforce the laws granted for onr protection and, defence be one contingency, and the refusal to grant the lawa needed forftbat protection aud de fence bo another contingency. A Voice—How long will yon wait 7 Mr. Hill—Until the experiment is triad and both tlie demands enumerated may be tested and the contingencies may transpire before the fourth of March next If they do not, if a larger time shall be needed, Mr. Lincoln cannot do us damage.— As you heard last night, he cannot even form his Cabinet unless he make it acceptable to a demo- ctatic Senate. And I go further and eay that he cannot get even his salary—not a dime to pay for his breakfast—without tlie consent of Congress. Nor would I have tlie Southern States, nor even Georgia, to iiesitatc to demand the enforcement of those laws st tlie hands of Mr. Lincoln, if we can not test it before. The North demandod of a Southern President the execution of the law against a Hotifliuru State in 1833. Now let the South com pel a Northern President to execute the lawa against a Northern people; yea, tlie very rebels tlmt elected him. A Voice—l)o you believe Lincoln would issue Id* proclamation ’ Mr. Hill—We can make him do it. It is his oath. He wilfbe a traitor to refuse, and we shall have the rightto hang him. He dare nut refuse, lie would lie on Southern territory, and for hi* life lie dare not refuse. A Voice—The “Wide Awakes” will he there. Mr. Hill—Very well, if we are afraid of the “Wide Awakes" we had better surrender without further debate. Tito “Wide Awakes” will be there if we secede, and if they are to he dreaded, snr only remedy is to hide. No, tny friends, we are nut afrnid ef any body. Arm us with the laws of our country and tlie Constitution of onr fathers, and we fear no enemy. I-et us make war upou that Constitution nnd against these law* and we will be afraid of every noise in the bushes. He who feels and knows fie is right is afraid of nothing, and he who feels and knows Le is wrung, is afraid of nothing too. We were told the other night by a gentleman urging immediate secession, tlmt we bad never had a member in Congress but who was afraid to de mand tlie laws for tlie enforcement of these Consti tutional right*. And this is true, but whose fault is tlmt? Hlmnio upon us tlmt we have been afraid to demand onr rights at tlie hands uf uur own gov ernment, administered to this hour by men of our own choice, nnd yet insist on our courage to sus tain us in seceding from tlmt government in defi ance of its power. No, we have a right to go out, but lot us kn m we mint exercise that right before we go and bow can we know it unless we ank first. The Declaration of Independence, which you invoke for an example, says a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires us to declare the causes w hich impel us to the separation.— When we separate and allege our grievances as our causes, and mankind shall ask ua if we at tempted, oven demanded a redress of those griev ances in tho Union before wo went out, shall we hang onr heads and say no 7 A people who are afraid to demand respect for their lights, can have no right* worthy to he respected. Onr fathers de manded, yea, petitioned, and warned and conjur ed, aud not until the Government was deaf to the voice of justico and consanguinity, did they acqui esce ill the necessity which denounced their sepa ration. It is net tlie eowardice ef fear, hut tho courage of right and duty to demand redress at the hands of our Government. I confess I am nnxious to sen the strength of tltis government now tested, Tlie crisis is on us, not of our seeking, but in spite of onr opposi tion. and now let tm meet it. I believe we cairnmke Lincoln ettforco the laws. If fifteen Southern Statp* will take that Constitu tion and the laws anil hi* oath, and shake tltem in tlie face of tlie President, and demand their ob servance nnd enforcement, lie cannot refuse — Better make Inm do it than any one else. It will he a magnificent vindication nt tlie power and tho majesty of tlie law, to make the President enforco the law, ever, to hanging, against tlie very rebels w-lio have chosen him to trample upon it. It will he a vindication that will strike terror to the hearts of evil doers for a century to eun.e. Why, Lincoln i* not a monarch. He has no power outside of tho jaw, linn none inside ef tlie law except to enforco it. lie ia as much subject to the law as you or my self. The law is onr king over nil. From tlie President to the humblest citizen we are tlie equal subject* of this only ruler. W'e have no cause for fear except when we nfi'eiul this only sovereign of the repuldicnii citizen.ami have no occasion for des pair until his protection is denied u*. I am also willing, as you heard last night that, onr Convention or Slate should demand of the nullifying States the repeal of their obnoxious laws. I know this idea has liven characterized as ridiculous. I cannot aee wherein. You would make anclt demands of auy foreign power inter t'eriug with your rights, and why do less towards a confederate State 7 But in my opinion, the wisest policy, the most natural remedy, and tlie surest way to vindicate onr honor and self respect, is to demand the uncon ditional observance of the Coustitntion by every State and people. And to enforce that demand.— And if it he necessary, call out for this purpose the whole pow er of the Government even to war on tlie rebellions State. And when a State shall allow a fugitive to be rescued in hor jurisdiction and carried beyond the resell of the owner, reouire her to indemnify the owner, and make the Gov ernment compel that indemnity, even to the seizure of the property of the offending State, aud