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THE FEDERAL UNION, (Corner of Hancock and Wilkintonslretts.) OPPOSITE THKCOl’BTHOl'SE, ToCCBTOK, HI MET & CO., State Printers. Tuesday Morning, November 14.1865. FOR GOVERNOR. HON. CHARLES J. JENKINS, OF RICHMOND. The Ignorance of Nogroea—Contracts, let. As an evidence of the ignorance of these unfor tunate creatures, wo will give several instances. They seem all anxious to make contracts for the next year, but their ideas are so confused they really do not know what is the best thing they can do. An intelligent farmer, or planter, who was in the Convention, gave his experience with his hands, as follows: He called np the negroes, and proposed to give them one fifth of his crop. They did not like it, and went out in search of a better bargain. Another planter offered a seventh, and still they went on—when a third offered them a tenth, and they concluded that was the best thing ft * them. When they came home, their original master had to take a corn-cob and break it up into parts, to satisfy them that one-fifth was better for them than one-tenth—that they got more of the crop by his offer, than by the offer of a tenth from another man ! Another: Planters wish to make large cotton crops the next year. The negroes say they had rather plant provisions, for then they will get something; but if they plant cotton, and get part oi the crop, the “Yankees will take it away Tlie Test Oath. Its Constitutionality demonstrated—Let- from the Hon. A. H. II. Stuart, of Virginia. This gentleman, who has just been elected to' Congress from Virginia, has addressed to the Times a letter, from which we extract the writer’s conclu sive argument against the constitu tionality of the law of 3 862, and his protest against the voluntary submis sion of the people to a dangerous in fringement of their rights. He says: But. before closing my letter, I oeg to offer a few suggestions on the con stitutional question. It too often hap pens, with parties, as with individu als, that in their extreme anxiety to attain a pi-eacut Benefit, they overlook ulterior mischiefs which may result The Work of the Convention. The Convention closed its labors on Wednes day last, after a session of 12 working days. Con sidering the size jof the body, and the business transected, the people may will be satisfied with their representatives. With one exception we can cheerfully approve its doings, They ought not to have repudiated the debt of the State. This is a stain on the credit and good faith of the State, which will stick to her like the shirt of Nessus.— It may be said in extenuation that she was com pelled to take this step. A free people are never compelled to do anything, much less voluntarily to do a thing that impoverishes themselves and bankrupts the public honor. Wo are well aware, of tlie influences that were brought to bear to bring about this assassination of the pub’ic cred it—but no man in the Convention should have yielded his convictions of right, justice and duty to the dictation of a mere shadow of authority. We give our readers to-day the Constitution made for the government of the people. With a f-w exceptions it is the old constitution under which we had political life before the war began. We also publish some of the most important Or dinances adopted by the Convention. The Convention adjonrned, subject to the call of the President, at any time during the next six months. President H. V. Johnson, addressed the Convention feelingly and eloquently just before its final adjournment. Messrs. Duncan and Johnston, Cotton Fac tors, and Forwarding and Commission Merchants, Savannah, G8., have a card in onr paper to-day, to which we invite the attention of Merchants and Planters iu the interior of the State Prompt attention will bo given to all business confided to their band*. The $100,000 Loan.—It has been announced far and wide that J. W. Duncan of Atlanta, had negotiated a loan of One Hundred Thousand Dol lars, in behalf of the Provisional Government of Georgia. This is a canard. Mr. Duncan did not negotiate this loan, and had no authority to nego tiate it. So much for the many notices which have appeared in the papers in Georgia, in con nection with this loan. — ♦ — The Test Oath.—As this is a matter of spe cial interest to the people of the South generally, we publish elsewhere a very strong and lucid ar gument on the subject; from the pen of Flon. A H. H. Stnart, member elect to Congress from Vir ginia, and formerly a member of Mr. Fillmore’s • Cabinet. The Repudiation Ordinance—We publish to-day the Ordinance of Mr. Chappell repudiating the debt of the State incurred during the war. with an amendment offered by Hon. Joshua Hill. It makes a clean sweep, however, except in such cases where it can be clearly made to appear that the debt was not occasioned, in any manner, by the State, for Military purposes, and of this the Legisture is to bo the judge. County Criminal Courts —The Convention gave the power and discretion to the Legislature relative to the creation of County Courts to takp cognizance of all criminal cases of a petty charac ter. We hope the Legislature soon to assemble, will establish these Courts at once. The Superior Courts are only held twice a year in the several counties. In the long interval, our county jails will become crowded to excess with offenders from them." So loth are they in many instances j f ronj t} ie me atl8 employed. This seems to plant cotton that they prefer a monthly pay 1 1# me to be one Q f thoge gress, in its extreme anxiety to ex in money, to pay in cotton, though the latter would remunerate them three times as much as the money would- Will not our Planters explain to the negroes, in a plain way, the interest they have in making contracts by which they get parts of the crops ? A little trouble will put them right, and convince them that you are thsir best friends. Northern Elections.—The Repub licans have carried the State Elections in New York, New Jersey, and Illinois, and the Datch have carried Holland. — • —■ FOR CONGRESS# THE FRIENDS OF DR. A. J. SIM- sons, of Monroe county, respectfully an nounce to the voters of the Fourth Congressional District of the State, that they have prevailed upon him to allow the use of his name as a can didate for Representative iD Congress from said District. Dr. Simmons is too well known in this section to require any eulogy at our hands. He is a phy sician and planter, of fine address and superior qualifications. As a politician he has always been conservative and high-toned. Though not an original secessionist, his sympathies have ever been with the South, and he has manifested that sympathy by bis freqnent voluntary visits to the scenes of suffering and death on many a battle field of the late war, where he has given his val uable services in a’J of the sick and dying sold iers. He iB a friend and supporter of President Johnson’s restoration policy, is “honest Bnd capa ble,’’ and will faithfully represent and diligently care for the interests of his constituents. He has never held office under the Confederate Govern ment, and does not now seek office, but gracefully yields to the wishes of his friends in the call made upon him by his FELLOW CITIZENS P. S. — Counties composing tlie Fourth Con gressional District: Upson, Pike, Bibb, Spalding, Henry, Newton. Butts, Monroe, Crawford. Twiggs, Wilkinson. Baldwin, Jones, Jasper and Pntnam Nov. 10, 1865. , IS It.* ——mmm Ex-Gov. Clark, of Mississippi.— The Hsuse of Representatives of Mis- sippi lately appointed a committee to wait on Gov. Clark., and invite him to address them. He returns the follow ing answer: I am profoundly gratfied for the honor conferred on me by the House of Representatives by their resolution inviting me to a seat within the bar of the House, and requesting me to address them. I shall be proud to avail myself of the privilege of visit ing the House, but as I am stili a pris oner of State, and on parole, I feel that it would be improper for me to deliver a public address on the condi tion of the country, although I am sure that such suggestions as 1 might make would be in aid and support of the wise and conservative policy which has been adopted by our people, and which I hope will soon result in the full restoration of our beloved State to the enjoyment of equal political rights with the sister States in the elected the Constitution which refer to the right of suffrage and eligibility to of fice. Having disposed of the fir*' branch of his subject, he procee* *° say: “The qualifications of " Iie being less carefully properly de- fined by the State Oonstitutions, and being, at the 8 >~>e tune, more suscep tible of ur’ orrnit y> h » ve be , ei ; properlv considered and regulated by the C'hvention. A repreientative of United States must be of the age of twenty-five years; must have been seven years a citizen of the United States; must, at the time of his elec tion, be an inhabitant of the State he is to represent, and during the time of his service, must be in no office uuder the United States. Under these rea sonable limitations the doer of this part of the Federal Government is open to merit of every description, whetherthative or adoptive, whether and without regard to elude disloyal men from office, has it- i p 0ve °ty or wealth, or to any particu- self beeu guilty of a serious, and I| | ar profession of religious faith.” tear, dangerous violation of popular. T ' oa | low Congress, by the imposi ngly and of tlm constitutional prerog-j tion of tcst oaths . to exclude those to atives of the Executive and Judicial Departments. If you will refer to the proceedings of the Convention which formed the Constitution of United States, you will find that there were no twe sub jects which engaged more of the at tention and anxious care of that body than the regulation of the right of suf frage and eligibility to office. All concurred in the opinion that both! whom the Constitution has declared that the door shall be open, is sub stantially to recognize the power of Congress to change the organic law and will be followed by all the evils which Mr. Madison so prophetically foretold. But it would seem from the article in the Times from which I have quo ted, that you attribute some lmpor- ,, , • , . | tance to Sec. V. of Art. I, of the Con- those subjects tell peculiarly withinL itutiowhich „,. ovideg tliat -Eacl. he province of organic law, and that H sh4 „ be the judge of elections, they should be regulated and defined qualifications and returns of its own againetthe law : indeed they will be inadequate the Union. With all of yOU I march- to the wants of the county. The expense, too, e< ] unt J e r that flag ill a foreign land occasioned by k«epittg then, «o long will bo veryl^j jt v i ctorlo ,„ . with al | 0 f y0u I marched against it and it was vic- great, and the probability of conviction greatly lessened. Who will push this measure through? From the Bridal to the Tomb.—Mr. Fran cis J. Lyon, and Mary Imogene, his wife, lost their lives by the explosion on board the Steamei 8t. John, near Now York, on Sunday 29th of Oc tober. The funeral was sofi-mnized at St Luke’s Church, New York, where the wedding ceremo nies, uniting them, took place the previous Thurs day ! A Note #f Warning. The following extract from a long nocount of the rebellion in Jamaica, ia a cote of warning to the people of the South. Let the Legislature of Georgia, soon to assemble, provide for a militia organization in each county, to be supported by the county where it exists. And let it not be a militia like the Kentuckian spoke of, “always standing when there’s nothing to do’’; but a real live military company, always ready when there's something to do: More of the Jamaica Rebellion.—In con firmation of the foregoing we are able to state that Consul General Bunch, formerly British Consul at Charleston, now Consul at Kingston, has telegraphed to Mr. Archibald, British Consul in this city, that there is a rebellion of negroes in the Western District of Jamaica, and requests him to telegraph to Gen. Hastings Doyle, com manding general at Halifax, for immediate naval and military relief. In consequence, Admiral Sir James Hope, commanding at Halifax, stated last Saturday in H. B. M. ship Duncan, 74 guns, with the Seventeenth Regiment on board. H. B. M. ship Sphynx was to have followed on yesterday. Commodore McSwede of H. M. ship Galatia hav ing sailed for Nassau a fortnight previously will be in advance of the Admiral. All the available British force upon this continent will be concen trated at Jamaica, and the insurrection, thus promptly met, may be quelled, but not without great loss and suffering to the unprotected whites, who are beyond the reach of timely assistance. The Legislature of Mississippi, now in session, makes an eloquent appeal to the Presi dent of the United States in behslf of Jefferson Davis. Petitions for the pardon of Mr. Davis come not alone from the Southern people, when ever and wherever convened,but even from across the ocean. We hope and believe that the Presi dent will shortly crown his many ‘acts of kindnees te the Southern people, by restoring him to lib erty; end thus add a strong link to the bond of j Tlio ring which was taken from the uaion he i* endeavoring to eement between the! body of Col. Dahlgren, by cutting off the North and Sooth. | the fioger, has been recovered. torious; it again waves over ns, is our llag, and may it ever be victori ous. The welcome that has been givcu to me on my return is received with deep sensibility, coming from the rep resentative ot a people whom 1 have served faithfully, if not wisely; and is a most acceptable and gratifying re ward for such services as I may have rendered. I am, gentlemen, very respectfully and truly your friend aud obedient servant. Charles Clark. MAIL CONTRACTS WANTED. R«-Eilitbli#hnirnl of IInil Focalitira in I.ror £>«. The Post Offico Department desires to furnish the State of Georgia with Post al service, at the earliest practicable day, until July 1st, 18G6, when the regular contract proposals for which are now ad vertised for, will go into effect. The Department invites proposals for conveying the mails until June 20, 1866, to all county seats and other important points not reached by Railroad communi cation, at rates not to exceed $8 per mile per annum for weekly service, 415 for semi-weekly, and 421 for tri-weekly ; and where the importance of the case requires, 840 for daily servico; counting the dis tance one way only in all cases. Service will be furnished on routes, where, before the war, it was daily, three times a week ; where it was tri-weekly twice a week ; and where it was semi weekly, weekly service will be allowed. Proposals should be addressed to “Hon. Geo. VV. McLellan, 2d Asst. P. M. Wash ington, D. C. aud should 6tate that they are for service to end June 2d 1866. by the Constitution. Mr. Madison (see Madison Papers Vol. HI, p. 1,285) in discussing the subject, said: “The qualifications of electors and elected were fundamental articles in a republican government and ought to be fixed by the Constitution. If the Legislature could regulate those of either, it can by degrees, subvert the Constitution. A republic may be con verted into an aristocracy or oli garchy, as well by limiting the number capable of being elected, as the num ber authorized to elect. In all cases where the representatives of the peo pie will have a personal interest dis tinct from that of their constituents, there was the same reason for being jealous of them, as there was for re lying on them with full confidence, when they had a common interest.— This was one of the former cases. It was as improper, as to allow them to fix their own wages, or their own priv ileges- It was a power, also, which might be made subservient to the views of one faction against another. Qualifications, founded on artificial dis tinctions, may be devised by the stronger, in order to keep out parti- zans of a weaker faction.” In the course of the same debate, as reported in the succeeding page of the same volume, Mr. Madison observed “that the British Parliament possessed the power of regulating the qualifica tions both of the electors and the elected, and the abuse they had made of it was a lesson worthy of our at tention. They had made the changes in both cases subservient to their own views, or the views ol political or re ligious parties.” If we turn to the Constitution it self, we will find that the views of Mr. Madison were adopted by the Conven- inembers.” It must be obvious to every careful reader that this clause was not intend ed to confer any legislative power on Congress, Congress is a body which consists of two Houses, and all legis lative power must be exercised by the two Houses concurrently. The func tion here provided for, is to be exer cised by “each House” acting sepa rately and for itself. The Senate judges of the election, qualifications and returns of its members without interference by the House, and vice versa. It is clear that the function to be peformed is strictly judicial. “Each House” is the “judge,” etc. Chan cellor Kent [1 Com., p. 234,] in com menting on this clause, says, “As each House acts in these cases in a judicial character, its decision, like the deci sions of any other court, ought to be regulated by known principles of law, and strictly adhered to for the sake of uniformity and certainty.” This provision may, therefore, be regarded as in no wise modifying the previous clauses which prescribe the qualifications of members. It merely provides that each house shall consti tute the tribunal which is to judge of the election, qualification and returns of its members. The Constitution having prescribed tbe qualifications of Senators and Representatives, “each house” is to decide, judicially, for it self, whether the persons claiming to be members possess the constitutional qualifications, and whether they have been elected and returned according to law. I maintain, therefore, that all the House of Representatives can right fully do, under this clause, is to in quire and judicially decide whether its members possess the required quali fications, of age, citizenship and resi- tion, and that fixed qualifications were ; <]ence, anc | whether their elections and incorporated into tlie Con.titution! return9 have ma de it. which can neither be added to nor di minished by Congress, and can be al tered in no other than by an amend ment of the Constitution. The definition of the qualification of members of the House of Repre sentatives, will be found in the second clause of Sec. 2, Article I, of the Con stitution which is in these words.— “No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elect ed, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.” After defining the qualifications of Senators, which differ materially from those of Representatives, the Consti tution, in the last clause of the 2nd paragraph of Section 6, Art. I, im poses a disqualification, which is in these words : “No person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office.” These are the only limitations on the pow er of the people to elect whom they please as their representatives.— In the absence of these limitations they might have chosen minors, aliens or non-residents. But the Constitu tion has wisely restricted the range of selection to persons of mature age, and who are permanently identified by citizenship and residence, with the country and their immediate constitu ents. These limitations being fixed by the Constitution, I maintain that Congress can neither add to nor take from them and that they can only be changed in the mode prescribed by the Constitu tion for its own amendment. In this view I am fully sustained by the Federalist, which yon will concede to be the most authentic exposition of the Constitution. In the fifty-second number of those papers of Mr. Madi son diseussos at largo those clauses of pursuance of law. The primary object of every writ ten Constitution is to define the pow ers of the govenment, and so to regu late their exercise by the several de partments, that neither shall encroach on the appropriate demain of the oth ers, nor invade the reserved rights of the people. The exercise of the power claimed by Congress to prescribe new tests of eligibility involves, not merely the power to curtail the rights of the peo ple in making their choice for repre sentatives. but also a practical limita tion of the prerogatives of the exe cutive and judicial departments. It will be observed that the Presi dent is clothed by the Constitution with power of appointment, with no other limitation or restriction than the advice and consent of the Senate. He is restrained in making his selections by no qualifications of age, citizen ship, or residence. The whole field is open to him The W’idest latitude is allowed in ma king his selections. The check of the advice and consent of the Senate was regarded as a sufficient safeguard a- gainst indiscreet appointments. But how would the matter stand in regard to presidential appointments, in the Southern States, if the test oath be regarded as Constitutional ? Which is to be the rule of action for the President, the Constitution which gives him the largest liber ly to make his selections, or the act of July 2, 1862, w’hicb would restrict him with in the narrowest possible limits ? The President has given a practical answer to this question by the ap pointment of Governors Sharkey, Per ry and Parsons, neither of whom could take the test oath, in preference to any persons of more obscure posi tion, or flexible conscience. The issue has thus been made by the p^denfc in regard to the attempt- > restriction of Executive proroga te, and, as a representative of tbe people* 1^ desire to tender a similar is sue in behalf of popular rights. It re quires no great forecast to see that the power claimed by Congress in the act of July 2, 1862, is fraught with dan ger. In the language ot Mr. Madison, it tends to ‘subvert the Constitution.’ It may ‘be made subservient to the views of one faction against another.’ Qualifications founded on artifical dis tinctions may be devised by the strong er to keep out partisans of a weaker faction.’ If we admit the power to prescribe new qualifications of eligibility, where are the limits of the power? If we leave the landmarks of the organic law’, w’ho can tell where our wander ings are to end? If we forsake the solid ground of the Constitution, w’ho will be sponsor that we do not fall in to convulsions, anarchy and civil war ? Concede the constitutional right as claimed, and what is to prevent the dominant party from perpetuating the power, by disfranchising all opposed to it ? They have only “to devise ar tificial distinctions (by test oaths,) to keep out partisans of a weaker fac tion.” What is the right of suffrage worth, if you are prohibited from voting for the men of your choice? How long w ould the people of the North submit, if, in the vicissitudes of party strife, the Democrats w’ere to obtain the as cendency in Congress, and use their power to disfranchise the Republicans? We have seen enough, both North and South, of the exercise of questionable powers to make us look with distrust on every departure from the funda mental law? as established by the fath ers of the Republic. There is yet another view’ of this subject to which I respectfully ask your attention. The President is invested by the Constitution with full pow’er to par don every offender against the laws of the United States. The only limit on this power is in the case of im peachments. In every other case the power is absolute and unrestricted. Let us now inquire what is the le gal effect of such a pardon. Bacon, vol. 5, p. 296, says •’ “It seems agreed that pardon of treason or felony, even after an attainder, so far clears the party from the infamy and all other consequences thereof, that he may have an action against any who shall afterward call him traitor or felon ; for the pardon makes him, as it were, a new man.” All the more modern authorities sus tain this view of the law. I might multiply citations almost indefinitely, but still will content myself with a few passages from some of the most approved authors. Russell on crimes, vol. 2nd, p. 975, says: ‘It is now settled that a pardon, whether by the King or act of Par liament, removes not only tbe punish ment, but all legal disabilities conse quent on the crime.’ Bishop on Ctim. Law r , vol. 1. sec. 713, lays down the law thus: “The effect of a full pardon is to absolve the party from all legal consequeuces of his crime and of his conviction—di rect or collateral—including the^pun- ishment, pecuniary penalty, or what ever else the law has provided.” In the volume entitled Opinions of the Attorney Generals, (vol. 1, p. 573) Mr. Attorney General Clifford says: “The elementary writers who have treated on this provision of the Con- stititution, have regarded it (the pow er of pardon) as a general and unqual ified power, reaching from tire highest to the lawest offenses, and as including in its scope of authority to remit fines, penalties aud forfeitures, which may in the last resort ba exercised by the President. That it was said by J udge Story that no law can abridge the constitutional power of the Executive department or interrupt the right to interfere by pardon. These views are sustained by • Chancellor Kent and Rawleon the Constitution.” These authorities abundantly estab lish the proposition that the general amnesty, or special pardon of the President, removes all traces of the offense, and makes the offender, as it were, a new man. Now, if I have violated any law of the United States, and incurred any penalty, I claim to be exonerated from all consequences of my offense, by virtue of the general amnesty of Pres ident Lincoln, which embraced my case, and of which I availed myself, by taking tbe proper oaths, on the 26th day of May last. It will hardly be contended that it is competent to attach a penalty to an offense [except in cases of impeachment,] which the President cannot remit by pardon.— To do this, would be to maintain-tb&t Congress may, by law, abridge the constitutional power of the President. The object of the test oath is to search the conscience of the individu al, to ascertain the fact whether he has been guilty of treason. The fact of treason is the substantive matter; the oath is merely a means of getting at the fact. Now, if the fact itself be pardoned, why shall we attribute so much importance to the means of ar riving at the fact ? It seems to me that the advocates of the test oath seek to make the incident more impor tant than the principal. They admit that the President mav son, but deny that he can absol? its consequences. This annum *• r ° m contradicted by all the ai ,?u Pt ’°" 11 English and American, and J ° ntle8 ’ with every suggestion 0 f sense. cotI >mon I think, therefore, upon a the case in the several aspects 11 le * of I have presented it, that it i* to decline taking tlie test oath ‘ Utv “ot i a anv spirit of haughty defiance or rogant assumption, but simply i J aN I believe it to be in violation of^ Constitution of the United s t,e which I havesworn to support, cause, even if it were constitution i T ‘ have been absolved from its set ) ’ by the pardon of the President. '* f:ts Permit me, in conclusion, to that this is no sectional question ^ concerns the people of the Non;, well as the South. It involves a J’ 58 issue, which will affect the eauiu • e of the departments of the ,,Um ment, and may, at some fut ure j. . affect the stability ol the wholestruc’ ture. We should consider it calmness and judicial impartiality.^ decide it with an eye single to the’best interest and honor of the whole coul try. Respectfully, your ob’t. serv’t., Alex. H. H. Stuart. Mr. Jenkins' Acceptance. Milledokvillb, Nov. 2<1, i$r,5. Messrs. Y. P. King, Jos. E. Broun, j, II. Kenan, R. A. T. Ridley. Ij’ilto% Lumpkin, Asbury Hull, E. A. Kiih r Washington Poe, Wm. C. Redding 0 „j many others: Gentlemen :—I have been honorec with your request that I allow my nann presented to the people of Georgia as a candidate for the office of Governor at the approaching election. You tell me that you believe the people desire to bestow upon me their suffrages for that office— that my candidacy will conduce to har monious action among them, and lead to good results. It does not become me to question either the sincerity of your dec larations or the correctness of your judg ments. The former is above suspicion, and the latter guarantied by high inteli- gence. Georgia has placed me in a branch of public service more congenial to mv tastes than that which you ask me to 6etk. Mv present position more than fills the meas ure of my ambition ; but the kindness which bestowed it, demands its abandon ment for less conjenial service, if required. You are, therefore, at liberty to present my name as proposed. My antecedent connection with politi cal affairs, is well known to my fellow- citizens. I do not tbink I need now make to them a confession of faith. Indeed, the fortunes of a war, from which we are just emerging, have expunged some of tbe issues, and greatly modified others, upon which the American people have hereto fore been divided. An honest and intelli gent review of our past half century con victs us of two egregious errors; too great > proneness to agitation, and too much di vision among ourselves. Further allusion to the past would be only painful. Let us heed all its rebukes and warn ings, and honestly applying them to our present endeavor, with tbe aid of Divine Providence, to make for ourselves, a bet ter future. Let u9 take a new departure from tbe great epoch of eighteen hundred and six ty-five ; forgetting that we have bees, or have known. Democrats or Whigs—have boasted ourselves Unionists, or Secession ists, as these terms indicate party divisions and animosities; and striking hands, in renewed fellowship, let us all faithfully perform cur latest pledges of fealty to the American Union, and exert all our ener gies in rebuilding the waste places, and repairing the fallen fortunes, of our com mon Mother—good old Georgia. Should my fellow-citizens, more in kind- Bess to me than injustice to themselves, place me in her Executive chair, they eha;; see me, feebly, it maybe, but faithfully laboring to that end- If they detect in me, aught of vindictiveness for past di visions., or of proscription for honest opin ion’s sake, let them all proscribe me. Prostrate as we now are, and gloomy w our prospects may seem, let us not despair of blighter days- Gratefully acknowl edging the -friendly purposes, and good offices Jof President Johnson, we shou-u avoid alike causeless, and wilful impedi ment to his earnest work of reconstruc tion. Should we meet, in other depw £ ‘ ments of the Federal Government, a b** 3 spirit of conciliation, we may well hef> for early restoration t« the suspend privilege of self-government. , Very respectfully, your obedient wrv CHARLES J. JENKftS. a.h. The Governorship—Letter from Ha A The following letter from Horn Stephens, in which he positively being a candidate for Governor, spe* itself. Cravvpordville, Ga., 4th X° v -' Messrs. Stockton Sy Co—Gents: your paper of to-day a reference article in the Macon Telegraph a preference for me as between tQ re . for Governor. I drop yon this ^ quest yon to state that I dont w* ^ ce name used in connection with f®a in any way. I have so writte” editor of that papei and to oibt have expressed themselves in jt being a candidate for Governor. 1 ^ \ generally and immediately known ^ positively decline to allow the us^ ^ name in that connection, and tr fg . no one under tbe circumstances gards my feelings will disregard ^7 in this particular. Yours, truly. <* Albxandbr H. Stb —-——"T” n i A lad/, fpeaking of the ** th *!V , £b« •WP?., to dedicate a new court *®"*«*Si wM* lh7 they bad gone, “to view th* freona ■met abort!/