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worth more to the United States than if they had been re served as a solitude for future purchasers.. The lamentable events of the last four years, and the sac rifices made" by the gallant men of our Army and Navy, have swelled the records of the Pension Bureau to an un- jmecedented extent. On the .30th day of June last, the to tal number of pensioners was S5,986, lequiriug for theirau- nual pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum of §8,023,445.— The number of applications that have been allowed since that day will require a large increase of this amount for the next fiscal year. The means for the payment of the sti pends due, under existing laws, to our disabled soldiers and sailors, and to the families of such as have perished in the service of the country, will no doubt be cheerfully and promptly granted. A grateful people will not hesitate to sanction any measures having for their object the relief of soldiers mutilated and families made fatherless in the efforts to preserve our national existence. The report of the Postmaster General presents an en couraging exhibit of the operations of the Post Office De partment during the year. The revenues of the past year from the loyal States ajone exceeded the maximum annual receipts from all the States previous to the rebellion, in the sum of §0,038,091; and the annual average increase ©frev- crue during the last four years, compared with the reve nues of the four years immediately preceding the rebel lion, was $3,533,845. The revenues of the last fiscal year amounted to §14,556,158, and the expenditures to $13,694,- 728, leaving a surplus of receipts over expenditures ofSSGl,- 430. Progress has been made in restoring the postal ser vice in the Southern States. The views. presented by the Postmaster General against the policy of granting subsidies to ocean mail steamship lines upon established routes, and in favor of continuing the present system, which limits the compensation for ocean service to the postage earnings, are recommended to the careful consideration «f Congress. It appears, from the report of the fctecretary of the Navy, that while, at the commencement of the present year, there were in commission 530 vessels of all classes and descrip tions, armed with 3,000 guns and manned by 51,000 men, the number of vessels at present in commission is 117, with 830 gu«s, and 12,128 men. By this prompt reduc tion of the naval forces the expenses of the Government have been largely diminished, and a number of vessels, pur chased lor naval purposes from the merchant marine, have been returned to the peaceful pursuits of commerce. Since the suppression of active hostilities o«r foreign squad rons have been re-established, and consists of vessels much more efficient than those employed on similar service pre vious to the rebellion. The suggestion for the enlargement of the navy-yards, and especially for the establishment of one in fresh water for iron-clad vessels, is deserving of con sideration, as is also the recommendation for a different lo cation and more ample grounds for the Naval Academy. In the report of the Secretary of War, a general sum mary is given of the military campaigns of 1864 and 1865, ending in the suppression of armed resistance to the nation al authority in the insurgent States. The operations of the general administrative Bureaus of the War Depart ment during the past year are detailed, and an estimate made of the appropriations that will be required for mil fary purposes in the fiscal year commencing the 30th day of June, 1866. The national military force on the 1st day of May, 1865, numbered 1,000,516 men. It isjiroposed to reduce the military establishment to a peace footing, coir prehending sixty thousand troops of all arms, organized so as to admit of an enlargement by filling up the ranks eighty-two thousand six hundred, if the circumstances of the country should require an augmentation of the army The volunteer force has already been reduced by the dis charge from service of over eight hundred thousand troops and the Department is proceeding rapidly in the work further reduction. The war estimates are reduced from $515,240,131 to $33,S41,4G1, which amount, in the opinion of the Department, is adequate for a peace establishment The measures of retrenchment in each Bureau and branch of the service exhibit a diligent economy worthy of com mendation. Reference is also made in the report to the necessity of providing for a uniform militia system, and to the propriety of making suitable provision for wounded and disabled officers and soldiers. The revenue system of the country is a subject of vital interest to its honor and prosperity, and should command the earnest consideration of Congress. The Secretary of theTreasuiy will lay before you a full and detailed report of the receipts and disbursements of the last fiscal year, of the first quarter of the present fiscal year, of the probable receipts and expenditures for the other three quarters, and the estimates for the year following the 30th of June, 1S6G. I might content myself with a reference to that re port, in which you will find all the information required for your deliberations and decision. But the paramount importance of the subject so presses itself on my mind, that I cannot but lay before you my views of the measures which are required for the good character, and, I might also say, for the existence of this people.' The life of a re public lies certainly iii the energy, virtue and intelligence of its citizens; but it is equally true that agood revenue system is the life of an organized government. I meet you at a time when the nation has voluntarily burdened it self with a debt unprecedented in our annals. Vast as is its amount, it fades away into nothing when compared with the countless blessings that will be conferred upon our country and upon man by the preservation of the nation’s life. Now, on the first occasion of the meeting of Congress since the return of peace, it is of the utmost importance to inaugurated just policy, which shall at once be putin motion, and which shall commend itself to those who come after us for its continuance. We must aim at noth ing less than the complete effacement of the financial evils that necessarily followed a state of civil war. We must endeavor to apply the earliest remedy to the de ranged state of the currency, and not shrink from devising a policy which, without being oppressive to the people, shall immediately begin to effect a reductiou of the debt, and, if persisted in, discharge it fully within a definitely fixed number of years. It is our first duty to prepare in earnest for our recovery from the ever-increasing evils of an irredemable currency, without a sudden revulsion, and yet without untimely pro crastination. For that end, we must, each in our respec tive positions, prepare the wav. I hold it the duty of the Executive to insist upon the frugality in the expenditures; and a sparing economy is itself a great national resource. Of Ahe banks to which authority has been given to issue notes secured by bonds of. the United States, we may re quire the greatest moderation and prudence, and the law must be rigidly enforced when its limits are exceeded. We may, each one of us, counsel our active and enterpris ing countrymen to be constantly on their gnard, to liquid ate debts contracted in a paper currency, and, by conduct ing business as nearly as possible on a system of cash pay ment or short credits, to hold themselves prepared to re turn to the standard of gold and silver. To aid our fel low-citizens in the prudent management of their monetary affairs, the duty devolves on us to diminish by law the amount of paper money now in circulation. Five years ago the bank note circulation of the country amounted to not much more than two hundred millions ; now the circu lation, bank and national, exceeds seven hundred millions. The simple statement of the fact recommends more strong ly than any words of mine could do, the necessity of of restraining this expansion. The gradual reduction of the currency is the only measure that can save the business of the country from disastrous calamities; and this can be almost imperceptibly accomplished by gradually funding the national circulation to securities that may be made re deemable in the pleasure of. the Government. Our debt is doubly secure—first in the actual wealth and still greater undeveloped resources of the country; and the next in the character of our institutions. The most in telligent observers among political economists have not failed to remark, that the public debt of a country is safe in proportion as its people are free; that the debt of a re public is the safest of all. Our history confirms and es tablishes the theory, arid is, I firmly believe, destined to give it a'still more signal illustration. The secret of this superiority springs not merely from the fact that in a repub lic the national obligations are distributed more widely through countless numbers in all classes of society; it has its rQots in the character of our laws. Here all men con tribute to the public welfare, and bear their fair share of the public buraens. During the war, under the impulses of patriotism, the men of the great body of the people, without regard to their own comparative want of wealth, thronged to our armies and filled our fleets of war, and held themselves ready to offer their lives for the public good. Now, in their turn, the property and income of the country should bear their just proportion of the burden of taxation, while in our impost system, through means of which increased vitality is incidentally imparted to all the industrial interests of the nation, the duties should be so adjusted as to fall most heavily on articles of luxury, leav ing the necessaries of life asfree from taxation as the absolute wants of the Government, economically adnrnistered, will justify. No favored class should demand freedom from as sessment, and the taxes should be so distributed as not to fall unduly on the poor, but rather on the accumulated wealth of the country. We should look at the national debt just as it is—not as a national blessing, but as a heavy burden on the industry of the country, to be discharged without unnecessary delay. - • It is estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury that the expenditures for the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1866, will exceed the receipts $112,194,947. It is gratifying, however, to state tlr.it it is also estimated that the revenue for the year ending the 30th June, 1867, will exceed the expenditures in the sum of $111,6S2,S18. This amount, or so much as may be deemed sufficient for the purpose, may be applied to the reduction of the public debt, which on the 31st day of October, 1SG5, was $2,740,- 854,750. Every reduction will diminish the total amount of interest to be paid, and so enlarge the means of still further reduction, until the whole shall be liquidated ; and this, as will be seen from the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury, may be accomplished by annual payments even within a’period not exceeding thirty years. I have faith that we shall do all this within a reasonable time; that, as we have amazed the world by the suppression of a civil war which was thought to be beyon 1 the control of any Government, so we shall equally show the superiority of our institutions by the prompt and faithful discharge of our national obligations. The Department of Agriculture, under its present direc tion, is accomplishing much in developing and utilizing the vast agricultural capabilities of the country, and for in formation respecting the details of its management refer ence is made to the annual report of the Commissioner. I have dweltthus fully on our' domestic affairs because of their transcendent importance, lender any circum stances, our great extent of territory and variety of cli mate, producing almost every thing that is necessary for the wants, and even the comforts of man. makes us singu larly independent of tfie varying policy of foreign Powers, and protect us against every temptation to “entangling al liances,” while at the present moment the re-establishment of harmeny, and the strength that comes from harmony, will be our best security against “nations who feel power and forget right.” For myself, it has been and will be my con stant aim to promote peace and amity with all foreign nations and Powers ; and I have every reason to believe that they all, without exception, are animated by the same disposition. Our relations with the Emperor of China, so recent in their origin, are most friendly. Our commerce with his dominions is receiving new developments, and it is very pleasing to find that the Government of that great Empire manifests satisfaction with our policy, and repose^ ust confidence in the fairness which marks our intercourse. The unbroken harmony between the United States and the Emperor of Russia is receiving a new support from an en- terpise designed to carry telegraph lines across the conti nent of Asia, through his dominions, and so to connect us with all Europe by a new channel of intercourse. Our commerce with South America is about to receive en- couragment by a direct line of mail steamships to the rising Empire of Brazil. The distinguished party of men of science who have recently left our country to make a scientific exploration of the natural history and rivers and mountain ranges of that region, hove received from the Emperor that generous welcome which was to have been expected from his constant friendship for the United States, and his well known zeal in promoting the advancement of knowledge. A hope is entertained that our commerce with the rich and populous countries that border the Mediterranean sea may be largely increased. Nothing will be wanting outlie part of this Government, to extend the pro tection of our flag over the enterprise of our fellow-citizens. We receive from the Powers in that region assurances of good will; and it is worthy of note that a special envoy has brought us messages of condolence on the death of our late Chief Magistrate from the Bey of Tunis, whose rule includes the old Dominions of Carthage, on the African coast. Our domestic contest, now happily ended, has left some traces in our relations with one at least of the great mari time Powers. The formal accordance of belligerent rights to the insurgent States was unprecedented, and Iras not been justified by the issue. But in the system of neutral ity pursued by the Powers which made that concession, there was a marked difference. The materials of war for the insurgent, States were furnished, in a great measure, from tnework-shops of Great Britain; and British ships, manned by British subjects, and prepared for receiving British armaments, sailed from the ports of Great Britain to make war on American commerce, under shelter of a commission from the insurgent States. These ships, hav ing once escaped from Britith ports, ever afterwards en tered them in every part of the world, to refit, and so to renew their depredations. The consequences of this con duct were most disastrous to the States then in rebellion, increasing their desolation and misery by the prolongation of our'civil contest. It had, moreover, the effect, to a great extent, to drive the American flag from the sea, and to transfer much of our shipping and ©ui commerce to the very Power whose subjects had created the necessity for such a change. These events took place before I was called to the Administration of the Government. The sincere desire for peace by which I am animated led me to ap prove the proposal, already made, to submit the questions which had thus arisen between the two countries to arbi tration. These questions arc of such moment that they must have commanded the attention of the great Powers, and are so interwoven with the peace and interests of every one of them as to have ensured an impartial decision. I regret to inform you tha t Great Britain declined the arbi trament, but, on tne other hand, invited us to the forma tion of a joint conamu-uion to settle mutual claims between the two countries, from which those for the depredations before mentioned sho uld be excluded. The proposition, in that very unsatisfactory form, has been declined. The United States did not present the subject as an im peachment of the good faith of a Power which was pro fessing friendly dis positions, but as involving questions of public law,^ of which the settlement is eseential to the peace of nations ; and, though pecuniary reparation to their injured citizens would have followed incidentally on a de cision against Great Britain, such compensation was not their primary object. They had a hi her motive, and it was in the interests of peace and justice to establish im portant prin ciples of international law. The correspon dence will be placed before you. The ground on which the British Minister rests his justification, is substantially, that the municipal law of a nation, and the domestic interpre tations of that law, are the measure of its duty as a neutral; and I feel bound to declare my opinion, before vju and be fore the world, that the justification cannot be sustained before the tribunal of nutions. At the same time I do not advise to any present attempt at redress by acts of legisla tion. For the future, friendship between the two countries must rest on the basis of mutual justice. From the moment of the establishment of our Con stitution, the civilized world has been convulsed by revolu tions in the interests of democracy or of monachary ; bjut through all those revolutions the United States have wisely and firmly refused to become propagandists-of republican ism. It is the only government suited +o our condition ; but we have never sought to impose it on others ; and we have consistently followed the advice of Washingtori to recommend it only by careful preservation and prudent use of the blessing. During all the intervening period the policy of European Powers and of the United States has, on the whole, been harmonious. Twice, indeed, rumors of the invasion of some parts of America, in the interest of monarchy, have prevailed ; twice my predecessors have had occasion to announce the views of this nation in respect to such interference. On both occasions the remonstrance of the United States was respected, from a deep convic tion, on the part of European Governments, that the sys tem of non-interference and mutual abstinence from pro- pagaridism was the true rule for the two hemispheres.— Since those times we have advanced in wealth and power; but we retain the same purpose to leave the nations of Europe to choose their own dynasties and form, their own systems of government. This consistent mqderation may justly demand a corresponding moderation. We should regard it as a great calamity to ourselves, to the cause of good government, and to the peace of the world, should any European Power challenge the American people, as it were, to the defence of Republicanism against forefgn in terference. We cannot foresee, and are unwilling to con sider what opportunities might present themselves, what com binations might offer to protect ourselves against desigrs in imical to our form of government. The United States desire to act in the future as’they ever acted heretofore; they will never be driven from that course but by the aggres sion of European Powers; and we rely on the wisdom and justice of those Powers to respect the system of non-inter ference which has so long been sanctioned by time, and which, by its good results, has approved itself to both con tinents. The correspondence between the United States and France, in reference to questions which have become sub jects of discussion between the two Governments, will, at a proper time, be laid before Congress. W1 ien, on the organization of our Government, under the Constitution, the President of the United States de livered his inaugural address to the two Houses of Con gress, he said to them, and through them to the country and to mankind, that “the preservation of the sacred fire ot liberty and the destiny of the republican model of gov ernment are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked on the experiment entrusted to the* American peo ple.” And the Mouse of Representatives answered Wash ington by the voice of Madison: “We adore the invisible hand which has led the American people, through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty.” More than seventy-six years have glided away since these words were spoken ; the United States have passed through severer trials than were foreseen ; and now, at this new epoch in our exist ence as one nation, with our Union purified by sorrow, and stiengthened by conflict, and established by the virtue of the people, the greatness of the occasion invites ns once more to repeat, with solemnity, the pledges of our fathers to hold ourselves answerable before our fellow-men for the success of the republican form of government. Experi ence has proved its sufficiency in peace and in war; it has vindicated its authority through dangers, and afflictions, and sudden and terrible emergencies, which would have crushed any system that had been less firmly fixed in the hearts of the people. At the inauguration of Washington the foreign relations of the country were few, and its trade was repressed by hostile regulations ; now all the civilized nations of the globe welcome our commerce, and their Governments profess towards us amity. Then our country felt its way hesitatingly along an untried path, with States so little bound together by rapid means of communication as to be hardly known to one another, and with historic tra ditions extending over very few years; now iutercouse be tween the States is swift and intimate ; the experience of centuries has been crowded into a few generations, and has created an intense, indestructible nationality. Then our jurisdiction did not reach beyond the inconvenient bounda ries of the territory which had achieved independence; new, through cessions of lands, first colonized by Spain is extended to every opinion, in the quiet certawT, truth needs only a fair field to secure the vUt n - *hat the human mind goes forth unshackled ii/the 0 ^ He re science, to collect stores of knowledge and acQuir PUr8Uit o( increasing mastery over the forces of nature. ^ ° VeN national domain is offered and held in millions q 6 ' 0 freeholds, so that our fellow-citizens, beyond the of any other part of the earth, constitute in realitv l .^ an ^ s pie. Here exists the democratic form of government^ 60 that form of government, by the confession of R„ ’ aud statesmen, ‘ gives a power of which no other form j s r °| Jean ble, because it incorporates every man with theSut^ 8 ' arouses everything that belongs to the soul.” ‘ e ’ and Where, in past history, does a parallel exist to tho „ i he happiness which is within the reach of thenp„,? Ub ' the United States? Where, in any part of the Hob * ° institutions be found so suited to their habits or ? 0 enGi®? to their love as their own free Constitution ? Every them, then, in whatever part of the land he has his must wish its perpetuity. Who of them will not no^ 6 ’ knowledge, in the words of Washington,.that “every by which the people of the United States have advanced P the character of an independent nation, seems to have b ° distinguished by some token of Providential a^enev’^ \\ ho will not join with me in the prayer, that the iuvisih/ hand which has le 1 us through the "clouds that .q', around our path, will so guide us onward to a perfect r toration of fraternal affection, that we of this day mav T able to transmit our great inheritance, of State Government in all their rights, of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, to our posterity, and they to their* through countless generations ? Washington, Dec. 4(h, 1865. ANDREW JOHNSON. and France, the couatry has acquired a complex character, and has for its natural limits the chain of Lakes, the Gulf of Mexico, and on the east and west the two great oceans. Other'nations were wasted by civil wars for ages before they could establish for themselves the necessary degree of unity; the latent conviction that our form of government is the best ever known to the world, has enabled us to emerge from civil war within four year?, with a complete vindication of the constitutional authority of the General Government, and with our local liberties and State insti tutions unimpaired. The throngs of emigrants that crowd to our shores are witnesses of the confidence of all peoples in our permanence. Here is the great laud of free labor, where industry is blessed with unexampled rewards, and the bread ot the working man is sweetened by the con sciousness that the cause of the country “is his own cause, his own safety, his own dignity.” Here every one enjoys the free use of his faculties and the choice of activity as a natural right. Here, under the combined influence of a a fruitful soil, genial climes, and happy institutions, popu lation has increased fifteen-fold within a century. Here, through the easy developement of boundless resources, wealth has increased with two-fold greater rapidity than numbers, so that we have become secure against the finan cial vicissitudes of other countries, and, alike in business and in opinion, are self-centered and truly independent. Here more and more dire is given to provide education for everyone bom on our soil. Here religion, released from political connection with the civil government, refuses to subserve the craft of statesmen, and becomes, in its inde pendence, the spiritual life of the people. Here toleration Standing Committees iff die Ilouse. Privileges and Elections—Messrs. Russell of Muscogee Dozier, Hughes of Union, Stanfield, Johnston of Forsyth' Hudson, Brown of Early,.Burch, Ford, Woods of Floyd’ Russell of Chatham, Humphreys of Lincoln, Holliday. ’ ’ Committee on Petitions—Messrs. Morris of Franklin Davenport, Morel], Usry, Shepard, Powell, McDouo-ald’ Hicks, Swearingen, Weaver, McCutchen, Stanton. Committee on Enrollment—Render of Merriwether, Frost Lindsay, Mizell, McCullough, McDougald, Sharpe, Wil burn, Tench, Swann, McCutchen, Mitchell of Thomas Sumner. ’ Committee on Journals—Messrs. French, Spear, Ellington, Martin, Cameron, Baynes, Wall, Williams of Bryan, Ma- gill, Howard of Bartow, Stallings, Johnson of Wilcox. Committee on the State of the Republic—Messrs. Gartrell, Ridley of Troup, Reese. Hill, Tench, Dodson, Dodds, Mc Whorter of Oglethorpe, McDougald, Cabiness, Freuch, Dozier, Robson of Washington, Glenn, Mattox of Elbert. Judiciary Committee—Moses of Muscogee, Jones, J. J. 0 f Burke ; Russell of Muscogee, Pottle, Dorsey, Kirby, Law- son, Baker, Barnes, DuBose, Gartrell, Morris of Franklin? Mitchell of Tuomas, Peeples, Edge, Y r ason. Committee on Finance—Messrs. Adams, Pottle, Snead, McWhorter of Green, Stewart, McQueen, Frost Morris of Franklin, Smith of Hancock, Tucker, Moses, Scandrett, Jones, J. B. of Burke, Woods of Morgan, Bennett, Cook. Committee on Agricult are and Internal Improvements—Mes srs. Jones, J. B. of Burke, Brown of Houston, Woodward, Morrow, Oates, Hockenhull, Hardin, Colley, Hargett, McDowell of Pike, Holliday of Stewart, Powell, Morris of Montgomery, Rountree, Hollis, McDowell oflleard. Committee on Public Education—Messrs. DuBose, Sims of Bartow, Byington, Robson, Woods of Floyd, Starr, H oxvard of Lumpkin, Adams, Tucker, Dart, Sale, Rumph, McLen don, Cloud, PhiHips. • Committee on Banks—Messrs. Barnes of Richmond, Ham- son, Hill, Swearingen, Russell of Muscogee, McWhorter of Green, Adams, Alexander, Hughes of Twiggs, McCullough, Hockenhull, Byrd, Stallings, Cabiness, Render, Morris of Montgomery. Committee on New Counties and County Lines—Messrs. McWhorter of Greene, Brock, McWhorter of Oglethorpe, Johnson of Henry, Asbury, Wicker, Swarm, McRae, Can dler, Gibson, Bush, Morrell, Lindsay, Montgomery, Daven port. Penitentiary Committee—Messrs. Dorsey, McComb, Robin son of Laurens, Frazer, Howard of Bartow, Evans, Hudson, Edge, Bennett, McLendon, Maddox of Fulton, Stapleton, Quillian, Gross, McElroy. Committee on Lunatic Asylum—Messrs. Ridley of Troup, Sims of Bartow, Sale, Howard of Lumpkin, Phillips, Smith ot Hancock. Johnson of Pierce, Robinson of Appling, Starr, Humphrey of Lincoln, Durham, Gunnels, Bragg, Woods of Morgan, Usry. Committee on Military Affairs—Messrs. Harrison of Chat ham, Sims of Newton, Redwine, Byrd, French, Pickett, W r i 1 lis, Dodds, Baker, Kibbee, Atkinson, Williams of Doo ly, Brock, Cook, Grogan. Committee on Military Institute—Messrs. Kirby, Asbury, Harrison, Edge, Boyd, Rumph, Willis,* Benson, Pickett, Gartrell, Sharp, Shaw, Williams ofBulioch. Committee on Public Printing—Messrs. Reese, Mitchell of Gwinnett, Durham, Ellington, Wilburn, Thomas, Mougli- on, Redwine, Hall, McComb, Rhodes, Hand, Glenn, Wim ble, Maddox ©f Fulton. Comitnittee on DeoJ and Dumb Asylum—Messrs. Green, Thomas, Dodson, Montgomery, Harlan, Rogers, Ragsdale, White, Dickson of Walker, Starr, McQueen, Byington, Fincannon, Wamble, Rhodes. Committee on Asylum for the Blind—Messrs. Moughon, Stewart, Dixon of Macon, Brown of Houston, Vason, Gib son, Spear, Peeples, Russell of Chatham, Scandrett, Mc Lendon. Committee on Manufactures—Messrs. Stewart of Spalding, Mitchell of Gwinnett, Gibson, McWhorter of Oglethorpe, Sims of Newton, Swann, Hodges, Wicker, Boyd, Shepard, Wilkinson, Wamble, Mattox of Elbert, Montgomery, Har den. Auditing Committee—Messrs. Frazer, McComb, Evans, Cloud, Candler, Stapleton, Stanfield, Oates, Shaw, Robison, Robinson of Laurens, Grogan. Committee on Consolidation of Bills—Messrs. Baker, Snead, Robson, Atkinson, Edge, Hinton, Umphrey ©f Fannin, Watkins,‘Dart, Smith of Clinch, McRae’, Colley. Committee on Freed men's Affairs—Messrs. Lawson of Put nam, Russell of Muscogee, Kirby, Ridley, Jones, J• J*» Dorsey, Pottle, Harrison, Smith of Hancock, Edge, Alex ander, Hughes of Twiggs, Peeples, McQueen, Swearingen, Woods of Floyd, Mattox, Moughon. A Long Farewell.—The Chicago Times, alluding to the ship load of New England females about to sail for the Pacific coast as emigrants, gives the anti-slavery howlers the following digiu the riba : * “The tears which have been shed in the North over tne sun dering of negro families is sufficient to furnish perpetual water jower, if collected, for the manufactories of all Massachusetts- Necessity, like a brutal slave owner, has seized upon several hun dred lovely young ladies of the Bay State, has torn then from their families, and will sell them to the highest bidders in ington Territory, thousands of miles away. Who will weep over the rude violation of the family circle ? No one. Philanthropy gazes complacently on the transaction, and says nothing, because the matter has no—-votes,”