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VOLUME XXXVI.] MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1866. NUMBER 27. B0UGHT0N,N1SBET,BARNES&MOORE Tablishcrs and Proprietors. <*. N. JO* BOieiITO.\, II. XIMBET, Editors. (bite Jtbtral (Union Js -published Weekly* in Milledge.villc, Ga., Corner of Hancock 4" Wilkinson Sts., At $3 a year in Advance. ADVERTISING. Tra*sik*T.—Oue Dollar per square of ten lines for evil insertion. tributes of respect, Resolutions by Societies, (Obit- Uir.-is exceeding ;-ix lines, Nominations for office Com- i I'inications or Editorial notices for individual benefit,) l urged ustr/jnsirnl advertising. Legal Advertising. S'uerUTs sale*, per levy often lines, or less, a Mortgage fi fasales per square, Tax Collector’s Sales, persquare, Citations for Letters of Administration, “ “ “ Guardianship, Letters of application for dism'u from Adin’n “ “ “ “ Guard’n A ipl’n for leave to sell land, polices to Debtors and Creditors, Sales of land, ,*-c., per square, perishable property, 10 days.per square, I 50 Kttrav Notices, 30 days, :i 00 Foreci.isure of .Mortgage, per sq.. each time, 1 00 legal advertisements. ST..--. of Land, &e„ by Administrators, Executors or (; lar iians, are required by law to be held on the first fuesdav in the month; between the hours of 10 m the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court house in the comity in which the property is situated. X itice of these sales must be given in a public ga- serie 40 davs previous to the day of sale. Notices for the sale of personal property must be giveuin like manner 10 days previous to sale day. Notices to the .debtors and creditors of an estate roust also be punished 40 days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land, &e., must be publish ed for two months. Citation* for letters of Administration Guardianship, ■fce., :nii't bo published 30 days—for dismission from Administration, monthly six month*—for dismission from Guardianship, 40 days. Kales for foreclosure of Mortgage must be published n ni'h/y for four months—(or establishing lost papers, for thr fullspaccof three months—for compelling titles from Executors or administrators, where bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise dereu. 52 50 5 00 5 00 3 00 3 00 4 50 3 00 5 CO 3 00 5 00 Book ami Job work, of all kinds, PROMPTLY AND NEATLY EXECUTED AT THIS OFFICE. When a subscriber finds a cross markon his paper he will know that his subscription has expired, or is about to expire, and must be renew ed if he wishes the paper continued. Uff* We do not send receipts to new subscri bers. If they receive the paper they may know that we have received the money. ;y Subscribers wishing their papers changed from one post-office to another must state the name of the post-office from which they wish it charged. COUNTING HOUSE CALENDAR, 1866. '= ®; * a “|2 i >< cLj a 2 3 T * a 3 4 5 6 July. 9 10 11 12 13, 14 15 If, 17 H> 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 ■& < 2 3 4 5 0 Feb’t 5 6: 7 • 1 8 2 3 9 10 August 5' 12 Li 14 15 16 17 12 19 29 21 22 23 24 19 * 26 27 28 4* O 26 * l« 9 10 11 12 13 I* 15 1C 17 18 19 20 21 i22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 j! 2 3 4 6 7 8 9,10,11 1R •25 jo 13 14 15 16 17 I 19 2() 21 22 23 24 '* Mar. 4 5 6 ! I y 1(1 SlPT’R j 2j 3; 4 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 IB 19 20 21 22 2324 25 26 27 28 29 30 3 11 1 ■ L April ] 2 3 4 5 6 7 0ctojs’r I 8 9 10 il 12 13 14 15 16 17 IS 1920 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 „ 29 30 : 1 j M Mat. J 2 3 4 5 f, 7 s 9 1011 12 Nova. 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 , 27 26 29 30 31 June. I p 2! 3456789 Decem. 19 II 12 1314 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 I 1 I I I i I I 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 i 16 17 18119 20 21 22 '23 24 25 26 27 28 29 sir 33 s c h OP THE HON. W. D. V00RIIEES, OF INDIANA, Delivered in the IKoumc. of Representatives, January ©, 1 <65. —0:0— Mr. Voorhees said Mr. Speaker: As the morning hour has expired, I call op the resolutions submitted by me before the recess and postponed to this day after the morning hour. The resolutions were read, as follows : Resolved, That the message of the Pres ident of the United States, delivered at the opening of the present Congress is re garded by this body as au able, judicious and patriotic State paper. Resolved, That the principles therein advocated for the restoration of the Union are the safest and most practicable that can now be applied to our disordered do mestic affairs. Resolved, That no State or number of States Confederate together can in any manner sunder their connection with the Federal Union, except by a total subver sion of our present system of Government ; and that the President in enunciating this doctrine in his late message has but given expression to tlie sentiments of all those who deny the tight of the power of a State to secede. Resolved, That the President is entitled to the thanks of Congress and the country for his faithful, wis3 and successful, efforts to restore civil Government, law and or der to those States, whose citizens were lately in insurrection against the Federal authority ; and we hereby pledge ourselves to aid, assist and uphold him in his policy which he has adopted to give harmony, peace and union to the country. Mr. Stevens : I raise the point of. order . that these resolutions relate to reconstruc tion, and therefore must go to the joint fng im-meine. committee on that subject without debate. ' Let us indulge onfselves in a retrospect. Let us lift ri-i .■ 1 rp, • . - . , ourselves to a position which history will oocnpy seine 1 be peakei : 1 lie point IS taken on- jr,. n e]- a tiou8 hence, ari(i then nsk and answer the ques- tirely too late, in the opinion of the Chair, tiun which is involved in the issue now made against These resolutions were introduced before Indent because of his conduct and hi* policy- I ain in no sense his partizsn. I dnl not support him the late recess, were considered by tbe for the office which k>d to his present position. I House, and then were postponed without feared the operations of a character whioh I had heard , . . J . 1 . . represented as strongly tenacious of a sense of person- objection to tins day, alter the morning al injury which I knew lie had suffered. Hut since the hour. day of which he took the oath of office I have beheld M ,. , nr- T the public magistral*, not the private man. And, who 1. Voorhees: Mr. Speaker, 1 arise. ev J, in ail ufe tide of time, became the head of a to-day to discuss the annual Alessage or great nation under circumstances more appalling to the Piesident. In doing so, I am aware Contest heart and the most commanding intellect , c , . n T than those winch surround him ? A war whose trenien- tliat to the majority on this noor 1 may d,,us blows had shaken both hemispheres had just appear as a meddler in a family concern.— closed, ana night and chaos hovered over the face ot i i r .1 _ „ „<.• the deep. Battles between brethren had been fought It would seem Loin the reinatks ot mem- w i,j c h dwarf end belittle the warlike exploits of all bers here, and the comments ot the press ages, and which startled the invisible world by the in various quarters, that the light to an- flight of disembodied spirits. The people and the States 1 . ,. ° - ,, r of the whole country, weary, blood-stained and almost prove or disapprove the policy ot tue Lx- ( blind from the fury of the couhict, had paused upon un ecutive is the exclusive monopoly of the agreement to fight no more. But in that disastrous . in- r „ j .. • i contest what aucient principles of the Government two now belligerent wings of the dominant Mcaped profaDation r F v party. Indeed I believe it is a new and Who bad stopped to count how much the object very dangerous phase of disloyalty for ***■ for which the wager of battle was joined! Laws, J „ , ® . -T , liberties and constitutions had asserted themselves in one ot tile minority to have any opinion Vain. And I confess that, as I saw the fierce lighten- at all on the snbiect. I cannot, however, inp which civil‘war engenders strike and shiver again , ... r i . and again the household gods of fireside liberty, and accept the position ol Sileuce and luac- blast almost every sacred fane of American worship, and oldest veterans of tbe republican par ty as if every line was leprous and every 'word filled with contagion and death. In deed, prior to the meeting of Congress, as the policy of the President was developed in liis treatment of the Southern States, we beheld the indications of an organized conspiracy to assail him with the masked face of friendship, but with the treacherous sword of Joab. The insidious kiss that betrays is neither new nor respectable hi strategic warfare ; and men and parties have often heretofore made kindly saluta tion, “How is it with thee, my brother?” when their poniard’s point was seeking a vital spot under the fifth rib. We heard during all the Summer aud Fall the mur murs and mntterirgs of angry dissent, as each new development of the President’s plan to restore the Government, on its ancient foundation, as nearly as is now possible, came before the country. And when my irieud and colleague, the Speaker of this body, for whom I entertained none but feelings of personal kindness, came to this city as the acknowledged heir apparent to the position which he now fills so well, wliat was his language to the public? Did he give the weight of his voice to the Administration ? His words wi-re carefully studied, and yet it would be hard to discover from that famous serenade speech that the Executive hud done anything toward the pacification ot the country. He laid down a policy for Congress, but as nearly as possible ignored the existence of the President. His position was the sign and the forerun ner of the celebrated select committee, created by the magic wand of the conscience keeper of the majority, amiable and veteran leader irnui Pennsylvania (Mr Stevens)—that potent wand which has evoked from the vasty deep ot political agitation more spirits of evil nod malignant miscliiei than generations, I fear, will be able to exorcise and put down. By this movement the whole question of restoration, with eutiie forgetfullness, of the labors and achieve ments of the Executive, was placed in commission, ami intrusted to the keeping of a board of political trade at whose head stauds one who asserts that the Union was destroyed by the war, and that it remains so to (his day. By this moment we are called upon to transport) ourse.ves back to lhe chaotic days of last April, and to take no note of time or events since then. We are asked to ravel to pieces ull, that the President lias done, and to commence the knitting process of re-union tor ourselves. The healing prin ciples of the Constitution are, in tny judgment, rapid ly -doing the needed work of restoration, and yet we are at this stage of .the process asked to break again tiie once fractured limbs, to tear agape the half closed wounds, and to cause the whole land to bleed afresh. Sir, I shall stand by.the physician who is working the cure, as against the blind and fatal empiricism which pronounces the patient dead and then commences giv- tivity. Not that I wish to bring any re-enforee- mccts which are not sought to the aitl of either of the jarring factions on the oppo site side of the Chamber, but as a citizen loving my country, and as the representa tive of a large enlightened constituency, it is my duty and my right here to advo cate what in my sight seems best as a remedy for the evils which surround us. I had my bouts of absolute despair—not despair over the unify of our territorial boundaries, but that when those boundaries should be restored they would em brace nothing but the dead, cheerless, and cold ashes of the former bright and glowing fires of freedom. 1 shrauk from the contemplation of a ruined Republic and a triumphant despotism with more unfeigned hor ror titan I ever shrank from the contemplation of death and the grave. And when the souud of the last can non died away on the sorrowful and stricken fields of Virginia and the Carolina*. he who, at the head of af fairs, would breathe into the expiring form of legal liberty the breath of life, aud by his touch revive and erect again in form and substauce the ancient body of And if this sense of public duty leads me the Republic, although bruised, maimed,and in parts 1 2 3 4 5 6 8 9 10 H 12 13 (14 15 16 17 18 19 20 •>] 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 ! | I I I |12 3 i4 5 6 7. 8 9 10 ill 12 13 14 15 16 17 16 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27; 28 29 30 III) I o 1 3' -i: 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 l(‘i 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25126 27 ;*28 29 130,31 rl CO. «A, THE SAVANNAH DAILY HERALD, Published by S. W. MASON & AT 111 BAY STREET, SAVANNAH. CONTAINS THE Latest Intelligence from all Quarters. TT is the effort of tbe publishers to make their 1 Journal in all respects acceptable to the people of O-orgia, with whose interests it is iuentihed. It spare's no expense for news by telegraph, ex press and mails, from its own reliable correspond ents Its local and general commercial news is a specialty. _ _ TtjKiiB.—Per month, §1. 3 months, iji-50: per year, $10. , .. . AbVF.R riSNG.—Itsvalue as an advertising me- 'h'lm is unexcelled. Advertisements 54 per Miuare of ten lines of nonpanel lor * p rt:on, aud $1 for each subsequent one. A no- era! discount made for long advertisements on those inserted for a iong time. test Nov. 14, 1865 1&4t CHARLES L COLBYTCa, CORNER BAY & ABERCORN STREET, SHIPPING, COMMISSION AND Forwarding Merchants, savaxtoab, oa. I lHERAL advances made on consignments A-J to our friends in New York, Boston and Liv erpool. Onr facilities for doing a forwarding bus- to adopt and defend the policy of tiie Ex ecutive, what offence can it Le to liis real or pretended friends in this body ? How indignant we were in llie days of our child hood over that dog in the manger, who would neither enjoy the comforts and blessings of life himself, nor let anybody else do so. And here in our mature man hood we behold the same principle of ac- ‘ tion adopted by a great party. It refuses to indorse the President of its own election, defaced, and requiring time to renew its strength that man, whoever lie may be, and whatever his po litical views on other questions, is, in my eyes, the savior of his country. Sir, history tells a melancholy story of usurpations at such periods. There are the opportunity of tyrants j and mad, impracticable innovators. He who wishes ; to mount to imperial power on the ruins of civil liber- I ty, or by a change in the form of the government, to carry out schemes of private hate or Utopian specula tion, would embrace the month of April, 1865, in American history as the point from which to deal de struction. But starting from that point, w hat direc tion did the President pursue ? They are many mat ters of minor detail for which subordinate offi cials are mainly responsible, which I might and growls and fiercely shows its teeth if wish widely different, but I am now dealing anv one else nronnses ti nerform that netr- witl * the I,iain q“ eHti<,n of restoration. Uponhis first any one else proposes to perrorin mai mg iterance he gave notice of the doctrine, then as now, Iccttul duty. that the American Union had never been broken, and Allow me, then Sir, another preliminary that its States had never ceased to exist, lhisgave , . , , , . r , r 1 assurance to the country at once that he was a con- observation. 1 nave no design Oil t bis | g evva tive and not a destructive, a restorer of an ancient occasion to violate the divine injunction : order of things and not a destroyer in the name of which says, “Thou sbalt not steal.” A I P roKre few days ago when I introduced the very brief and very plain resolutions now un der consideration, it was instantly heralded V .. o _ ss and reform. How can I fail to support him !n this position when my own language, March 9,1864, in the midst of the sound ot arms, was as follows? I quote from a speech delivered by me in this House : “The great, leader of the Adiniuistintiou on this floor, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens), over the country, and especially in the has deliberately here announced,alterallour sacrifices, - - - - * — and loss, that the Union of our fathers is 1 resurrection is a JBH goes further,- and atlornntofl tn “vrtrnl flip President ” ! admits all the seceded States have ever claimed—their attempted to bteal me I 1C. iacm. nationality. Thev have sought in vain in all lhe four bir, these hungry and sordid spirits pay | qliar ters of tbe earth for recognition. They find it at a poorer compliment to the President than last at the hands of those who speak for the Adininis- ‘ - - r - - — - tration on this floor. “Sir, I deny this doctrine. I plant myself on ilie Constitution, which i-ecognizes an unbroken Union. journal conducted by the .gentleman from I SCHiXf&SS lu.»pt u. ™ New York, (Mr. Raymond), that 1 had ! criminal instead ef a patriot He goes even they do to me, and I will hasten to qnict their miserable apprehensions. It is no part of mv purpose to attempt to ! I shall standthere in evei-y vicissitude of fortune, and . , r . r 1 ,1 „ ! if I fail it will be when the people themselves abandon step between .hem and the fie. h pots ot , ^ ov(rn 47,,j lS titution. By the principles of this public patronage. J have no eye on the 1 - • - - • ” - 11 r “ *' public crib at which they have fed so long and grown so fat. I do not covet their offices, their rich commissions, their property of the South by declaring at once that then ' is no living political community in all that wide region to exclaim against the enormity. Its reasoning on this point is that it is safer and less troublesome to rob a corpse than it is to pick the pockets of the living. This ist he highwayman's doctrine of convenience, introduc ed here now as a party platform. It is more and worse. It is an assertion that the American Union itself it dead. While it claims that the Southern States have destroy ed themselves, yet it admits that, like blind Samson of old, in their dying agoties they seized hold of tiie pil lars and tore the temple in ruins to its very f. unda- cious, aud they in their desolation to-day are only n portion of the general wreck _ It is uctiee to the world chat (he war to restore the Union was an otter failure— that the war is over and the Union is rent in twain.— We have incurred a debt which would absorb for iis payment now one-fourth of all the taxable property in the Ujiited States. Blood has flown like tbe tor rents of the mountains, and lives have been swept away like autumn leaves in a storm, and yet neither people nor States, according to the logic which assails Ibe President,have been brought b ,ck into the Union to repay these stupendous sacrifice 8. But slill further. In what atitude before the civiliza tion of nations does this pernicious heresy place the Federal Government? If we were waging war on au independent Power, a separate existiug nation, how was it that we refused all negotiations for peace except upon the basis of its utter annihilation! Wars be tween different civilized Powers are made to repair injuries, to resent insults, or to reclaim rights which have been denied; but there is no law of nations which justifies one Government, because of its supe rior strength, in inflicting obliteration and murder upon its inferior neighbor. This doctrine is one of barbar ism, in which the law of force is the law of right.— Much patriotic eloquence and many Inter tears have attested the world’s sympathy with Poland, with Hun gary and with poor, poor Ireland, and maledictions at tend upon their destroyers; but with what curses oi indignation would au enlightened posterity and an im partial history assail us for blotting out by sheer force of arms a nation of our own kindred, who simply de sired to possess their own in peace and leave us to do the same ! Sir, in every aspect tue theory which now controls the majority of this House is fraught with death and disgrace to the Republic. I turn from its contemplation to a more cheerful theme. I will con trast against il the conduct and principles of the Ex ecutive, for which I think, he deserves well at the hands of his countrymen. What w-as the wish, the hope, the prayer of every heart not fatally bent on mischief, not an enemy to the human race, when the last of the Southern forces laid j down their arms? Was it that,this Litter period of strife should be prolonged and the fires of hate and malice kept alive forever ? Was it that at the close of such a hurricane, with the billows yet swelling in angry commotion around us, we were to start afresh upon the long voyage of political discovery aud legisla- tive piracy, which the bold mariner from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) and his radical followers now, like Vik ing robbers of the aucient seas, point out to us ? Was it not rather that the vessels should be brought ha<-k and quietly and firmly anchored as nearly a^iossible at their own moorings? Was it not rather that the corner stones, boundary lines aud landmarks of the fathers of the republic should be traced out and re stored ! I here assert that when the President closed the Temple of Janus, refused to go in search of new principles by which to administer the Government, and extend the hand of friendship and assistance to the crippled and bleeding, though living—yes, living —States of the South, he met the demands of the popular will aud laid claims to the gratitude of the present and the future. The gentleman from Penn sylvania (Mr. Stevens) says such a recognition ot their existence, coming from “a man of respectable standing, is something worse than ridiculous.’ The American people to-day do not think so nor will their posterity. It is contended, however, that the Executive had no power to appoint Provisional Governors. There are those in my own party as well as in the other w'ho as sert that this was a usurpation. First allow me to observe that a usurpation, even if it be such, to re store, to build up, to give health and strength to the sick anil prostrate is far easier to be borne than a usurpation to crush and destroy. But I do not view the conduct of the President us a usurpation at all.— By his oath he must enforce the laws. He found States without legal officers and unable to move for ward iu the channel of their duties. A Slate of this Union when the Federal laws are no longer obstruct ed cannot be in passive abeyance. It is an integral part of the Federal body, aud if the body be sound there can be no paralysis among its members—they must have vitality; aud in the performance of liis duty the President used the best means in his power to revive and restore their lawful functions. And much more was I reconciled to the use of this power when I saw on whom the selections of the Pre.-ident fell.— And I think, too. that with what I was pleased on this point my radical friends were equally displeased. I hailed such names as Sharkey, Perry, Johnson, and Parsons, and indeed, all the Provisional Govern- j ors, as bright omens of good administration) ns har bingers of peaceand happiness to the Southern people, and of union, peace aud prosperity to the whole coun try. But then what a military governor of South | Carolina for instance, that idol of the Radicals, Gen. j Butler, would have made! Ay, there is the rub.— What fat. unctious, juicy pickings have been lost to the j faithful by this cruel policy of the President! What f shoals of loyal hungry sharks swimming around in ; these Nortnern waters have been cheated out of their j anticipated prey! All the wolves and jackalls that I wait till the battle is over in order to mangle the dead I and ti.e wounded snarled their disappointment aud rage at the President, but will now open in a full chorus of joy over the delightful vision which arises before them from the louudatiou of the committee of fifteen. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Ste vens,) saw fit to announce that the position of the President in regard to the Southern States was “not an argument, but a mockery.’’ I partly dis sent. I think it is both. It is an unanswerable argument in behalf of the early and true principles of the Government, and it is also an overwhel ming and consuming mockery of the bloody de signs, avaricious hopes, and greedy expectations ot all those who desired when the war was over to rule the people of the South without the restraint of law; to humiliate them with an iron rod; to con fiscate their lands aud buy them in at a nominal price to change the proprietorship of the soil and drive into exile and destitution its present ow ners until a new population should take control and, by the aid of the enfranchised negro, plant a Puritan ascendency all over the South: who here now unfurl the banner of “territorial condition ” Sir, this class has been mocked, and God and an gels and good men rejoice in their confusion. Their ascendency in this land would create a pan demonium of discord and a carnival of alt the dark and cruel spirits of hale and revenge tor gene rations to come The President had them iu his mind when iu combating the proposition of milita ry governors of tho South he says : “The chief persons who would have followed in the train of the Army would have been de- 1 deemed conclusive evidence that snch States, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.” This was written aud promulgated after the passage of every ordinance of secession; when the party in rebellion occupied and held in a hostile manner a certain portion of territory; had de clared their independence, had casteft’their allegi ance: bad organized armies: bad commenced hos tilities against their former sovereign; and yet the gentleman from Pennsylvania ar.d his present followers uttered no dissert toi's doctrines. It was the subject of indiscriminate praise from those very organs which now seek to blast and ruin the same policy in the hands of liis successor. There is no escape here. The late chief of the great p'.rty of the North dealt with American States, tbe people wlieieof were in rebellion, and not with a foreign power subject to conquest; and if his rr.emoiy is sacred to his followers, they should not insult it by pronouncing his policy a delusion and a mockery ere his untimely tomb is fairly closed. Sir, I am aware that many of the opposite side of the Chamber do not endorse the destructive theory of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, hut who are nevertheless assisting to carry its results into practice. They deny his premises that the States are dead, but concur in his conclusion that they shall not be represented on this floor. To my mind their position is the worst of all, They em brace a consequence without a cause. They have reached an end which has no beginning. They are standing on a structure which has no founda tion. While the premises ofthe gentleman from Pennsylvania are unsound, yet h.s logic is true. But those who reluse to follow him and yet deny representation, have neither premises nor logic I? the States are out of the Union, ot course their representatives are strangers to us, but if they are in the Union what power c^n close these doors against them, except the poWer ot lawless, revolutionary force? “Kepresentativi a and di rect taxes shall he apportioned among the several States which may be concluded within this Union, aecerding to their respective numbers.” This is the language oft! e Federal Constitution. Jt also declares that “each 8tate shall haveat least one representative.” Are these States then "included within this Union ?’’ If they are, how can they deny, in the very teeth ot the Constitution, tore eeive their representatives ? What madness is this which proposes togdveni t.lie people ot eleven American States, iStales “included witl in tl.is Union.” without representation ! Where cn this side ofthe ocean has been found such a monstrous principle of government? Its adoption would cari v us back to the days of King G< urge, and as fatally subvert liberty as if Cornwallis bad trium phed on tbe plains of Yorktown. Bnt the advocates of the doctrine says that this phase of absolute despotism is only to last for a season; that these States are only to go unrepre sented for a few years until guaiantees, guaran tess for the iuture. are obtained. Guarantees for the future ! The vague term is another political convenience like that of “dead States.” Under it each innovator, dreamer, and revolutionist throughout the land can demand and require the fulfillment of all his fantastic desires against the South, before he is willing to admit her represen tatives. It is the cloak for every higher law pur pose now abroad in the public mind. It is a well filled arsenal from which to shower confiscation, negro suffrage, reappointment, proscription of persons, and every other missile of torture that was ever levelled at an unfortunate people. Sir, I deny that a State can be refused her rep resentation for a single moment on snch grounds. Peace and obedience to the law are the only guar antees for the future which any government can justly require of its citizens. W’liere is the pow er in the Constitution whereby anything more can be demanded 7 Or has that instrument be come a dead letter to us because we have been four years in forcing others to obey it ? If we are not released from it let me see the section on tbe subject ofguarantees which authorizes CoDgress to close its doors in the face of representatives of the people until they sign deeds ot political capitu lation. It may be said that the President himself has re quired guarantees in his policy of restoration. Eeven if he did so, I do not understand that he proposed to make their refusal a pretext for viola ting the Constitution himself. But I have not regarded his advice to the South in the uatme of this movement in Congtess- On the great ques tion of slavery I hold that the action ofthe South ern States in adopting the Constitutional Amend ment has been wise and beneficent. The system was destroyed already by the force of arni3 and the operations of war, but it is better for tbe future dignity and history of the, nation that a fact accom plished for the utmost magnitude should have the sanction of fundamental law. It was a vast step toward a speedy restoration, and that alone is a powerful appeal in favor of the counsel of the Ex ecutive and the action of the South. One other subject has been much canvassed un der this new-new coined phrase of guarantees for the- future. The war debt, incurred by the South ern States in their attempt to establish a confed eracy has been shaken in the face of the Northern people to incite them to a policy of distrust and severity. Everybody well knows, of course, that it will never be paid. All history tells ns that the debt of a debated revolution is always lost. The government that contracted is no more, and the ruined aud exhausted people gladly turn their backs on the dead and melancholy past, and look forward to the future with new hopes, new ties and a new destiny. As to the victor iu arms ever assuming such a debt, no instance is known in the annals of mankind, and such an idea is not respectable outside of an asylum for [the in sane. 1 regard, therefore, the war debt of the South as fit only for one use—the declamation of demagogues and the malign purposes of political agitators. Hence I voted a few days ago that it should be buried out of sight and out of mind in the mosf effective and conclusive manner. I did not do so because I wanted a guarantee on that subject, but simply because I wished to remove it as an obstacle in the pathway of re union, and as a means of uselesness and pernicious discord in I the tuture. Put again, as to the right cf representation imme- mess are superior, as we have a line of steamers on t!,c Savannah and one on the Altamaha We will forward Produce to the North or to Europe, laying charges, &C-, letting same follow goods. Agents for Life. Marine and Inland Insurance Sisks taken at lowest rates. Nov. 4, 1865. 14 3m VINEGAR! VINEGAR!! I jlQfE CIDER VINEGAR in Store, abd rale by \ 2^ . . T. A. CABAKER, Agt. Jan. 13th, 1866. 24 tfi n u- fathoinaLle contracts, nor anything that is theirs. We of the minority have lived through storm and darkness and fiery per secutions without such assistance to our patriotism, aud at this late day we shall not bend our knees because thrift may fol low fawning. Our action will be inciepen- deut, with no desire, like tbe adroit animal in the fable, to take advantage cf the quar rel which now rages among the victors to snatch away tbe feast over which they are contending. For my part, as iu the past, so in the future 1 shall pursue what 1 conceive to be the right, indifferent aiike to the allurement of reward or the terrors of reproach. And now, Mr. Speaker, what are the issues which are submitted to the counti} by the policy of the Executive as declar ed in his annual message ? Are they new, strange or sinister, that they should be re ceived with indignation and alarm. Is it a document bristling with dangerous dog mas hitherto unheard of in the adminis tration of the Government? Hoes it read like a wide aud violent departure from the teachings of our earlier aud bapi-, er day's? Sir, it has been assailed in' both ends of the Capitol by the ablest mighty instnimant ! expert fmally a restoration of the union pf the (States. Every hour which the party in power prolongs its control of atFa’rs postpones the auspieipiB day.,- but as 1 behold the futuie it will assur edly come. Material and indestructible interests unite every section except that which prospers on fanatic ism. And I here to-day, in the spirit of one who ex pects and desires'his posterity and theirs to live togeth er in the ancient and honorable friendship of their tatb- urj, warn the Southern people not to look forward to separation and independence but to embrace every opportunity for co-operation with the conservative men of the North, who will aid with their lives, if need be, to secure them all their rights and institutions as free and equal citizens-of tiie United States. This doctrine is the chief corner-stone of the mes sage 4iiid has invited the attack of theoretical reform, but practical disunion. Shall I stop at this day and hour of American history to discuss the right or power of a S-ate to secede? I never entertained such a principle, nor did even many of the principal leaders of the late attempt to establish the confederacy of the .South. They asserted the right of revolution and used the organizations of State governments in aid of that movement. But who now requires an argument on tnis point 1 Do we not all understand and know that this theory of dead States is now proclaimed simply because its adoption would give better scope to ulte- rioi designs of vengeance and revolutionary destruc- ' it istrue that thegentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens] has been consistant in his devotion to it wlien he stood ajmost if not quite alono; but that simply proves that he could foresee a greater distance than Ids fellow laborers the means which would be required to accomplish their party ends when tiie war ceased. He kuows that “dead carcasses,” in bis own striking language, are more easily carved to pieces, tom limb from liinb, and devoured by the hungry maw of conns- cafiou than living States. The dead can make no pro test trifin the mutnlating knife is applied. • 'Certain beasts of prey, we are told, prefer to nnd their ouarry ready slaio,in order' to feist uponrt m comfort add ii pose. And so tbe radical party of the ntrv would find it easier far to make its unnatural banquet on the rights, privileges, laws, liberties, and pendents on theGeneral Government, or men who J diate and without any other guarantee than obe- expected profit from the miseries of their erring j Jience to the Constitution. I shall now prove fellow-citizens.” | that the refusal to admit Southern Representatives But, Mr. Speaker, allow me to inquire whether j arises from a ?ei)6e of power and not of justice; this opposition to the Executive is not a new dis- I that while the Southern people were in arms no po- covery, an afterthought, manufactured for aspe- | sitiou of the kiud was assumed by any department cial purpose on the part of those who adhere to ' of the Government, and that harder terms are now and upheld the late administration of Mr. Lineolu [ tendered to a defeated than were held out to a de in regard to the continued existence and vitality ot} tiant enemy. In the proclamation of the late the Southern States during the lute rebellion. Are they not stopped from this assault, as the gen- | tleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) says, j “both by matter ot record and matter in pais 1" In more than a hundred ways and forms, by military orders, in his annual messages, instructions to our foreign ministers, in letters and speeches to his own countrymen, and especially by his nume rous proclamations, the late Executive always and at all times recognized the enduring existence of alt the States over which the American flag had eaverfloated. I quote a single passage from the proclamation of emanepation, which, in my judg ment, was a usurpation of power, but had at least the merit of not attempting to abolish States : “That on tbe first day of January, in the year of our Lord 1S63, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the peo pie whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acti to repress such persons, or annoy them in any effort they may make for their actual freedom. “That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any in which the peo ple thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress ot the United States by members chosen thereof at elec tions, wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such Sttfteashall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, he Ohief Magistrate, from which I have already quo ted, he clearly and explicitly asserts the right of any State, whose people were then in hostility to the General Government, tp be represented in the Federal Congress, and announces that he will con sider such a fact as an evidence that neither the gia than it does in New York ; it means no more in Virginia than it does in Massachusetts. It inter polates nothing upon the practice of the Govern ment, under the Constitution, from the hour of its birth down to the day on which an inquisition was sued out in this House, in the shape of a committee of fifteen, in order to discover some means of adopting the old British system of colo nial bondage. But, Sir, it may. in answer to these citations, be said, that it is not within the province of the exe cutive department of the Government to deier- mine (lie question of representation iu the legisla tive department. But lias not Congress itself made a record on this subject which it canuot ig nore, and which the majority dare not fact I Has it not officially,-over and over again, in both branches, assumed the very position which it now seeks with such flagrant assurance to repudiate I The cry is now that we mq^t look to Congress for our policy of restoration. This place has sud denly become a citadel of wisdom, power and do minion. It is a city of refuge, where all the disap pointed spoiiiators, insane anarchists, bloody Ja cobins, promoters of vengeance, disturbers of the p^ace,self constituted saints, who imagine them selves in partnership with the Almighty to assist Ilim in punishing the sins of the world, where law breakers and revolntionists of every shade and color now flee to escape from the wise, successful, and constitutional policy of the President. “To your tents, O Israel!’ was the ancient and legiti mate cry of alarm. “Look to Congress, look to Congress !” now rings out on the air as a call to battle iu behalf of chaos, disorder, and intermina ble woes. Ti e populace of France, tossed in a tumultuous delirium of hate, drunken with blood, dethroning Deity and reverencing a harlot, shout ed, “Look to the Assembly, look to the Assem bly?” where the Mountain murdered the Giron dists, and where Robespierre. Marat, and Saiut Just planned, in the name of human life and hu man society. But, Sir, if we must “look to Congress,” let me show the wistful gazers a pic ture of Congressional action which will till their hearts with dismay, and which Congress itself can not to day behold without feelings of humiliation and sluiuie over its present position. Did I not serve her in this hall during the fury of the rebdliou, when the flames of war scorched ilie very tront of the heavens, with representa tives from the State of Louisiana? Were they not admitted to the “vacant seats” which invited their return by the very men who now staud like suily sentries at these doors and answer their hailing sign of entrance either with the response of “t'ead States” or “Guarantees?” Was Tennes see destroyed or were her people entitled to no voice here because of the ordinance of secession ? Sir, her name was called here during more than half the period ofthe war, and the representatives of her people answered to their names in both ends of the Capitol. The gentleman who in vain sougut even a recognition of his own existence in this body when the present Congress was organi zed (Mr. Maynard) was then here with the full sanction of the same political majority which now spams him from the door of its caucus room, and drives him from the protection which the escutch eon of his glorious State, under the administration of law, affords its representatives in Congress. Shall we now assert that at that time Tennessee was a portion of a foreign Government ? Shall we, then, as the next step of supreme ab surdity, declare the President of the United States, himself an unnaturalized foreigner, a cap tive to our lance and spear, entitled doubtless to kind treatment, but in no sense a citizen of the United States, inasmuch as he never expatriated himself from tbe alien and hostile province of Ten nessee, and never acknowledged himself subdued to the embrace of the Federal flag as a s> rnbol of a separate nationality ? I am prepared to hear even this miserable libel on American institutions asserted. Nothing is allowed to stand in the way of fanaticism. Its purposes are inexorable, and its devotees often deem themselves in truth and honesty tbe philosophers of their age; but Frederic the Great made a wise observation, when he said, “If I wanted to ruin one of my provin ces. I would make over its government to the philosophers.” Their theories are alwa>a in ad vance of their times, and in practical sense aud actual utility they meet neither the requirements of the past, present or future. Tbe philosophers of Congress at least contradict themselves at very short stages of progress, and give no evi dence ot either ability or consistency. Why, sir, the records ofthis body, as well as of the Senate, will show that Virginia, too—Virginia, whose fiery and lofty crest shone in the very front ot the rebellion, whose plains were the battle-fields, and in whose soil so many of its heroes lie buried —was here as a State when the roar of her hostile cannon could be heard on Capitol Hill. Those who claimed to be her representatives came and they were received. They were required to give no pledges then for the future good behavior of their constituents, nearly all of whom were obey ing the orders of General Lee. Then they were to be trusted without guarantees; but now that peace has been restored, and there is not au armed hand iu all her borders to dispute the Federal au thority, her people are much more dangerous and the presence of their Representatives bore would be a fatal blow to the public safety ! Such is the miserable position to which the engineers of this new movement are reduced ! Mr. Deming: Will my distinguished friend from Indiana (Mr. Vorhies) inform this House when he thinks the right to representation here from these States commenced ? Did it commence at Autietam, at Gettysburg, or when did it com mence ? Mr. Voorhies; I will answer the question of the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Deming.J Bnt as my time is getting short, I trust I shall be excused from further interruption. My answer is “Peace and obedience to law are the only guaran tees for tbe tuture which any government can re quire cf its people.” And when peace aud obedi ence to law reign among any portion ofthe Ameri can people, I bold that they are entitled to repre sentation here. Mr. Derniug: Then I suppose it will he ne cessary for thegentleman to show that obedience to law exists at this time in the reclaimed territo ries 7 Mr. Voorhies; Undoubtedly. I think tbe Presi dent and General Grant have shown that tack But one step further iu ^this congressional re cord. As if to forever settle the construction which should be placed upou the couditiou oi the South ern ktites, aud their right to representation, Congress enacted and tbe President approved a law on the 4th of March, 1602, which i her e read : Chap. XXXVI.—An net fixing the number of the House ot Representatives froru aud after the third March, eighteen hundred and sixty- three. Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Reprt- Stato nor its people are any longer in rebellion. senlatives 0 f lU United Stales of America ia Con- Where, then, was the guarantee doctrine. It assembled. That from and after the 1 had not been born. We were then wooing and courting representation because it suited our pur poses to do so. We are now repelliug it for the same reason. The great proclamation was tbsn akin to the gospels of righteousness. Now I challenge the Committee of Fifteen to report in its favor. It is deserted in the House of its friends, and I am found defending the only healthy and legal spot in it. But potent as it was considered, yet it was not the only expression that emanated ! from the high places of the last Administration, which confounds the philosophers of this new faith. On the 6th of February, I86-J, Mr. Seward in formed Europe and the civilized world that seats in Congress "are also vacant and inviting the Senators arid Represenfattives ofthe discontented party who may be constitutionally sent there from the States involved in insurrection. Did these vacant seats invite the Representatives and Sen ators of a foreign nation with which we were wa ging a war for annihilation ? Did the Secretary of State attach uny other condition to the repre sentation ol the people then in arms against the G*v4rnment, than attaches to the representation or every other portion of the American people ? He only asked thatit might be oonstiiutionally done, and this requirement is of rintver'sal application to the whole country. It means no more in Geor- gress assembled. That from and after the third day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-throe, tbe number of members of the House of Representa tives of the Congress of the United States shall be two hundred anU forty-one; and tbe eight addition al members shall be assigned oneeacb to Fensyl- vauia, Ohio, Kentucky, JUiuiois, Iowa, Miunessu- ta, Vermont and Rhode Island. In order to obtain the number of two hundred and forty-one Representatives as contemplated by this law, every Southern State whose citizens were in revolt must have been represented accor ding to her population. What more can 1 do thau to make this statement ? What argument could add to its binding force f If men will repu diate to-day what they did yesterday, if they re fuse to be bound by their own principles declared in the solemn form of a law, if the highest prece dents of their own official action fall without force upon their ears, then, indeed, they are beyond the power of reason aud calious to tbe reproach and derision of the world. [COXCi.UUE£> NEXT WEEK, j As the quickest way to make a fortune, a con temporary suggests marrying a'fashionable young lady and selling bur clothes. The private fortune loft by King Leopold is e*< timated at £3,200,000 sterling'