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(Hi nyi VOLUME XXXVI.] BOUGHTON, N1SB ET, BARNES & MOORE Publishers and Proprietors. MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, MARCH g. N. ROt GHTOW, ) JOS. It. KI8BBT, S EAiltr*. Jfrtttal (Union Is published Weekly., in Millcdgcville, Ga., Comer of Hancock Sf Wilkinsan Sts., At $3 a year io Advance. ADVERTISING. TftA.sstii*T.—One Dollar per square of tenlinesfor each insertion. Tributes of respect. Resolutions by Societies, (Obit uaries exceeding six lines. Nominations for office Com- uiunicat'o is or Editorial notices for individual benefit,) charged as transient advertising. Legal Advertising. Sheriff's sales,per levy oftenlines, or less, 50 “ Mortgage fi fa sales per square, 5 00 Tax Collector’s Sales, persquare, 5 00 Citations for Letters of Administration, 3 00 “ “ “ Guardianship, 3 00 Letters of application for dism’n from Adm’n 4 50 •* *•* “ “ Guard’n 3 00 Appl’n for leave to sell land, 5 00 Notices to Debtors and Creditors, 3 00 Sales of land, .vesper square, 5 00 “ perishable property, 10 days, per square, 150 E-itray Notices, 30 days, 3 00 Foreclosure of Mortgage, per sq.. each time, 1 00 LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS. Mrcedi i’a Barcas Bill. ITS VBTO BY TH’ PRESIDENT AND REASONS THEREFOR. HIS Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month ; between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court bouse in the county in which the property is sitnated Notice of these sales must be given in a public- ga- sette 40 days previous to the day of sale. Notices for the sale of personal property must be given in like manner 10 days previous to sale day. Notices to the debtors and creditors of an estate must also be punished 40 days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Laud, &c., must be publish ed for two mouths. Citatum* for letters of Administration Guardianship, &.C.. must be published 30 days— for dismission from Administration, monthly fix months—for dismission from Guardianship, 40 days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgage must be published 1 tion monthly for four month*—for establishing lost papers, | ,, . , . _ Q . . for ihefuli gpaceof thrre month*-for compelling titles : greatly enlarged powers, over those States from Executors or administrators, where bond has in which the ordinary course of judicial been given by the deceased, the full space of three 1 “ ... months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise or dered. To the Senate of the United States : I have examined with care the bill which originated in the Senate and has been passed by both Houses of Congress, to amend Rn act entitled “an act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees, and for ether j urposes.” Having, with much regret, come to the conclusion that it would not be consistent with the public welfare to give my appro* val to the measure, I return the bill to the Senate with my objections to its becoming a law. I might call to mind in advauce of these objections, ihat there ic W im mediate necessity for the proposes, meas ure. The act to establish a bureau for the relief of the freedmen and refugees, which was approved of in the month of March last, has not yet been repealed. It was thought stringent add extensive enough for the purpose in view. Before it ceases to have effect further experience may assist to guide us to a wise conclu sion as to the poiicy to be adopted in time of peace. I have, with Congress, the greatest desire to secure to the freedmen the full enjoy ment of their freedom and their property, and their entire independence and equality in making contracts for their labor. But the bill before me contains provisions which in my opinion, are not warranted by the Constitution, and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view.— The bill proposes to establish, by law of Congress, military jurisdiction over all parts of the United States containing refu gees and freedmen. It would, by its very nature, apply with most force to tin se parts of the United States in which the freedmen most abound, and it expressly extends the existing temporary jurisdic- of the Freedmen's Bureau, with ty, in nearly a third of the States of the Union over whose decision there is to be no anterior control by the Federal courts. The power that would be thus placed in the bands ef the President is such, as, in time c? peace, certainly ought never to he intrusted to any one man. If it he asked whether the creation of such a tribunal within a State is warrant ed as a measure of war, the question im mediately presents itself whether we are still engaged in war. Let us not unnec essarily disturb the commerce and credit and industry of the country by declaring to the American people and the world that the United States are still in a con dition of civil war. At present there is no part of our emin try in which the authority of the United States is disputed. Offences that may be committed by individuals should uot work a forfeiture of rights of the same commu nities. The country has entered, or is returning, to a state of peace and industry, and the rebellion is, in fact, at an end.— The measure therefore, seems to be as in consistent with the actual condition of the country as k is at variance with the Con stitution of the United States. If, passing from general considerations, we examine the bill in detail, it is open to weighty objections. In time of war it was eminently proper that we should provide for those who were passing suddenly from a condition of bondage to a state of free- \ dom, but this bill proposes to make the Freedinen’s Bureau, established by the act of 1S65, as one of thfe many great and extraordinary military measures to suppress a formidable rebellion, a permanent branch of the public administration, with its power greatly enlarged. I have no reason to suppose, and I do not understand it to be alleged, that the act of March, 1865, has proved deficient for the purpose for which it was passed, although at that time, and for a consider- every county and parish from the Potomac to the Rio Qrande. The condition of our fiscal affairs is en couraging, but in order to sustain the pres ent measure of public confidence, it is b’ec- essary we practice not merely customary economy, but as far as possible severe re- tienchment.' In addition to the objections already stated, the fifth section of the bill proposes to take away land from former owners, without any legal proceedings being first bad, contrary to that provision of the Con stitution which declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or proper ty without due process of law. It does not appear that the lands to which that section refers may not be own ed by minors or persons of unsound mind, or by those'who have been faithful to all their obligations as citizens of the Uni ted States. If any portion of the land is held by such persons it is uot competent for any authority to deprive them of it. If, on the other hand, it be fonnd that the property is liable to confiscation, even then if cannot be appropriated to public purposes until, by duo ‘process of law, it shall have been declared forfeited to the government. There are still farther objections to the bill on the grounds of seriously affecting the class of persons to whom it is designed to bring relief. It will tend to keep the mind of the freedmen in a state of uncer tain expectation and restlessness, while to those among whom he lives it will be a source of constant and vague appreheu- sion. Undoubtedly the freedmen should be protected, but they should be protected by the civil authorities, especially by the exericise of all the constitutional powers of the courts the States, posed as may at first be imagined. the States most interested had not been permitted to be heard. The principle is firmly fixed in the minds of the American people tnat there should be no taxation without representation. Great burdens are now to be borne by all the country, and we may best demand that they shall be borne without a murmur when they are vo ted by a majority of the representatives of all the people. I would not interfere with the unques tionable right of Congress to judge, each Hoyse for il.-elf, of the election returns and qualifications of its own members, but that authority cannot be construed aB indulging the right to prohibit in time of peace any State from the Representatives to which it is entitled by the Constitution. At present all the people of* the eleven States are excluded, those who were most faithful during the war, not less than others. The State of Tennessee, for instance, whose authorities ei gaged in the rebellion, was restored to all her constitutional rela tions to the Union by the patriotism and energy of her injured and betrayed peo ple before the war was Drought to a termi nation. They bad placed themselves in relation with the general government, had established a State government of their own, and as they were not included in the emancipation proclamation, they, by their own act. have amended their Con stitution so as to abolish slavery within j the limits of their State, j I know no reason why the State of Ten- l nessee, for example, should not fully en- joy her constitutional relation to the Uni- | ted States.—The President of the United ! States stands towards the country in a ! somewhat different attitude from that of i any member of Congress chosen from a The President is The AactiMKeriai «f Naoackawin ia Waahiaflaa Territory. A Pifaaal Beaeriptie* mi it. of the United States and of j. single district or State. Their condition is not so ex-1 chosen by the people of all the States. They j Eleven States are not at this time repre- are in a portion of the country where their able period thereafter, the government of| labor cannot be spared. Book and Job work, of all kinds, PROMPTLY AND NEATLY EXECUTED AT THIN OFFICE. &F When a subscriber finds a cross mark on hii paper he will know that his subscription has from the army or from civil life. proceedings has been interrupted by the rebellion. The source from which this military jurisdiction is to emanate is none other than the President of the United States, acting through the War Department and the Commissioner of the Freedman's Bu reau. The agents to carry out this mili tary jurisdiction are to be selected either The expired, or is about to expire, and must be renew al if he wishes the paper continued. We do not send receipts to new subscri bers. If they Receive the paper they may know that we have received the money. xy Subscribers wishing their papers changed from one post-office to another must state the name of the post-office irom which they wish it changed. For the Union. TO A BEAUTY ON THE WING. Ia summer’s bow’rs I’ll wreathe thee flowers, Thy noble brow to grace ; And utter there This fervent prayer: “God bless that pretty face Light be thy grief, Thy troubles brief. And all with grace be borne— Light clouds that lie On the azure sky, Before the gates of morn! Oh 1 may tliy dreams Be fill’d with gleams Of that sweet sunny isle, Where perfumes wreathe, And spices breathe, And brighter seasons smile. And be thy sighs . The gentle breeze That floats thro’ groves of bloom; And all thy tears Bright harbingers Of better days to cornel And when stem Death Shall claim thy breath, (The cooimon lot of all,) Soft be thy bed, And light bis tread, As evening shadows Ml. Viator. [From the St. Louis Evening News.] , Ef DARLING. BT CORA. Oh, yearning heart I Oh, list’ning ear! Why eovet what we may not bear 7 Ob. fatal day! Ob, crnel death! Why did you steal my darling’s breath ? Was there no weary aching breast, Pining to die and be at rest, Where t.iou could’st haply send thy dart, Nor, break a dirting mother’s heart. Was there no home beneath the sun, Where dwelt some lonely unloved one, Bnt thou must gmdge my baby e charms, Aud snatch him from my circling arms Did I not chide the very air That dallied with his gplden hair, Lest it should prove too rude or chill, And make my cherished idol ill. Say! W as the day e’er sad to me, When he lay smiling on my knee— Had net the night a sacred eharm. When he lay pillowed on my arm 7 Why did'st thou steal him then from me! Hush all his baby notes of glee, Quench the dear light of his sweet eyes, Aud rob me of my paradise 7 Oh, tyrant! Is there no*ppeal 7 Can 1 not reach thy heart of steal- Take home, and wealth, and friendship mild, But give me back, oh Death,my child . “He lives!’’ But not through thee, oh Death! Does my sweet babe regain his breath ,• Divine oompwiioD set* nun free. Jesus will give him back to me. A wag says of women: To her virtna we give love; to her beauty we give admiration; to her whims we give indulgence; to her tongue we n liberty; to her wants we give our J*. pen on we give ourselves; to her hoops, the w pavement. Judging from the number of maniage Botfeto that we see in our exchanges, cradles will b® in demand—attar a«ehiU. country is to be divided into districts and sub-districts and the number of salaried agents to be employed may be equal to the number of counties or parishes in all of the United States, where freedmen and refugees are to be found. The subjects over whom this military jurisdiction is to extend in every part of the United States include particularly all employees, agents, and officers of this Bureau in the exereise of the duties imposed on them by the bill. In eleven States it is farther to ex tend over all classes affecting the freedmen and refugess discriminated against by lo cal laws, customs, or prejudice in those eleven States. The bill subjects any white person who may be charged with depriving a freedman of any civil rights or immunities belonging to a white person to imprisonment or fine, ox both, without, however, defining the civil rights and immunities which are thus to be secured to the freedman by military law. This military jurisdiction extends to all questions that may arise respecting contracts; the agent who ia thus to ex ercise the office of military judge may be a stranger, intirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and exposed to theories of jadg- ment to which all A ,n are ilabie, to the ei- ercise of power over w bich there is too legal supervision by so vast a number of agents as is contemplated by the bill, must by the very nature of man be attended by acts of caprice and injustice in passion. The trials having their origin under this bill are to take place without the in- teiventfon of a jury, and without any fixed rules of law or evidence ; the rales on which offences are to be heard and de termined by the numerous agents, are such rules and regulations as the Presidents, < through the War Department, shall pre scribe. No previous presentment is re*- quired, nor any indictment, charging the commission of a crime against laws, but the trial must proceed on charg s and specifications. The punishment will not l>e as the law declares, but such as a coart martial may tbiuk proper, and from thefe arbitrary tri bunals there is no appeal, no writ or error to any of the courts in which tbe Consti tution of the United States vests exclu sively the judiciary power-of the country, while the territory and the class of actions and offenses that are made subject to-this measure, are so extensive the bill itself should not become a law ; will have no limitation in point of time, bat will form a part of the permaaent legislation of the county. . i I cannot reconcile a system of military jurisdiction of this kind, with the words of tbe Constitution, which declare that no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in tbe inilitia when in actual service in time of war or public danger; .and in >11 criminal prosecutions the accus ed shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of tbe State or district wherein the crime shall have been committed. The safeguards which the wisdom and experience of ages taught our fathers to establish as securities for the protection of the innocent, the punishment of the guilty and tbe equal administration of justice, are to be set aside, and for tbe sake of more vigorous interposition in behalf of justice we are to take tbe risk of the many acts of injustice that would, of necessity, follow from an almost countless number’of agents established in every parish or conn Competition for his services from plan ters, from those who are constructing and repairing railroads, or from capitalists in the United States remained unacknowl edged in most of the States whose inhabi tants bad been involved in tbe rebellion. The institution of slavery, for the mili tary destruction of which tbe Freedtnen’s Bureau was called into existence as an auxiliary for it bas been already effectnally and finally abrogated throughout tbe wbole country by amendment to tbe Constitution of tbe United States, and pratically its eradication has received the assent and cencurrence of most of those States in which.it any time had existed. I am not, therefore, able to discern iu tbe country anything to justify au appre hension that the powers and agencies of the Freedmen’s Bureau, which were ef fective for the protection of the freedmen and refugees during the actnal continuation of hostilities and of African servitude, will now, in a time of peace, and after the abolition of slavery, prove inadequate to the same proper ends. | the laborer, neither id sufficient considers If I am correct ito. these views, there j tion given to the ability of the freedmen ean be jio necessity for the enlargement to protect and take care of themselves. seated iu either branch of Congress. It would seem to be bis duty, on ail proper occasions, to present their just claims to Congress. There always will be difference of bis vicinity or from other States, will ena- I opinion in the country, and individuals ble him .to command almost his own terms.) may be guilty of transgressions of the law; He also possesses a perfect right to change j bat these do not constitute valid objec- bis place of abode, and if, therefore, he i lions against the right of a State to Rep does not find in one community or State a resentatives, and would, in no wise, inter mode of life suited to bis desires, or proper fere with the discretion of Congress with remuneration for his labor, he can move to ■ regard to the qualifications of members; another where his labor is mere esteemed and better rewarded. In truth, however, each State, induced by its own wants and interests, will do what is necessary and proper to retain within its borders all tbe labor chat is needed for the development of its resources. of tbe Bureau, for which provision is made in the bill. The third section of tbe bill authorizes a general unlimited amount of support to the institution, and suffering refugees and freedmen and their wives and. children. Succeeding sections make provision for the rent or purchase of landed estates for freedmen and for the erection for tbeir benefit of suitable bnildings for asyiums and- schools, tbe expenses to be defrayed from the treasury of tbe wbole people. The Congress of the United States has never heretofore thought itself competent to establish any laws beyend tbe limits of the District of Columbia, except for"the benefit, of our disabled soldiers and sailors; it has never founded schools for any class of our people—not even for the orphans of those who have fallen in defense of tb-e Union, bat has left the care of their edu cation to the much more competent control of the States, of communities, of private' associations, and of individuals. It has never .deemed itself .authorized to expeud public money for rent or purch ase of houses for the thousands, not to say millions, of the white race who are honestly toiliug from day to day for their subsistence. A system for tbe support of indigent persons in the United States was never contemplated by the authors of the Constitution, nor can any good xeasou be advanced why as a permanent establish- met, it should be founded for one class or color of our people more than for another. Feuding the war many refugees and. freedmen received tbeir support from the government, but it was never intended they should henceforth be fed, clothed, educa ted, and sheltered by tbe United States. The idea on which the slaves were assist ed to freedom, was, that on becoming tree but I hold it my duty to recommend to you, in the interest of peace, and iu the interest of the Union, the admission of ev ery State to its share of public legislation, when, however insubordinate, insurgent or rebellious its people may bave been, it presents itself not only in an attitude of The laws that regulate supply and de- j loyalty afad harmony, but in the persons mand will maintain their force, and the j of Representatives whose loyalty cannot wages of the laborer will be regulated there ! be questioned under the existing Consti- by- There is no danger that the great de- j tution or legal test. It is plain that an mand for labor will not operate in favor of I indefinite or permanent exclusion of any part efthe country from representation will be attended by a species of disquiet and complaint. It is unwise and- dangerous to pursue a coarse of measures which will unite any large section of the country against another section of the country no matter how much the latter may predomi nate* The course of immigration, the wants of industry and business, and natural cau ses will raise up in the South men as de- It is no more than justice to them to be lieve that as they have received their free dom with modesty and forbearance, they will distinguish themselves by tbeir indus try, and they feel and will soon show the world that in the condition of freedom they are self-sustaining and capable of se lecting their own employment and their tion that shall imply they are not expected toattaip a self-sustaining condition which must have a tendency injurious alike to their character aDd prosperity. . The appointment of an agent far every county ana parish will ergate au immense patronage, and tbe expense of the numer ous officers aud their plerks to be appointed by the President will be great in the be ginning. wltt a tendency to steadily in crease : Tbe appropriation asked by the Freed- men’s Bureau as now established, for the year 1866, amounts to 911,745,000. It may be safely estimated that the cost to_ be-incurred under the pending bill will re quire double that amouut, more than the enciresum expended In any one year un der tbe Administration of the second Adams. If the presence of agents in every par ish and county is to be considered, as a war measure. Opposition or even resis tance might he-provoked, so that to give effect to their jurisdiction troops would have to be stationed within reach of every one of them, and thus, as a large standing force would be rendered necessary, large appropriations would be required to sus tain and enforce military jurisdiction in own places of abode, of insisting on for ! voted to the Union as those of any other ■'* ’ — J e part of the laud; bnt if they are all exdm ded from Congress, if in a permanent stat ute they are declared hot to be in full con stitutional relations to the country, they may think they have cause to become a unit in feeling and sentiment against the themselves a proper remuneration, and of establishing and maintaining their own asylums and schools. It is earnestly hoped that instead of wasting away, they will, by their own ef forts, establish for themselves a condition •f respectability and * prosperity. It is certain that they can attain to that condi tion only through their own merits and exertion*. In this connection the query presents itself whether the system proposed by tbe bill will not, when put into complete opera- . government. Under the political education of the Americaa people the idea is inherent and ineradicable, that the consent of the ma jority of the whole people is necessary to secure a jviHiog acquiescence in the legis lation. The bill under consideration ra tion, practically transfer the entire care, j fers to certain of tbe States as though support and 'control' of 'four’uulHous bf !^ey had not been fully restored to the emancipated slaves to agents, overseers or • United States; and if they have not, taskmasters, who, appointed at ' Wash ington are to be located in every county j and parish throughout the United States . containing freedmen and reftogeefc.—Such j an asylum would inevitably tend to aucb a j concentration of power in the Executive, ! as would enable him if so disposed, to j control the action of a numerous class, and i use them for the attainment of his own po litical ends. I cannot but add another very grave let us at once act together to secure that desirable end at the earliest practicable moment. . It is hardly necessary for m® to inform Congress that in my own judgment most of these States, so far at least as depends upon tbeir own actions, have already been l olly restored and are to be deemed enti tled to enjoy tbeir constitutional rights as members of the Union. Reasoning from the Constitution itself, and from the actual From tlie LaCrnss (Wis.) Democrat. SWEETMEATS FOR CANNIBALS. “A Pacific coast editor protests against the Mercpr project of shipping Yankee girls to that region, and desires the press east of the Rocky Mountains to speak out and put a stop to this business.’ He says : “Let no more unprotected females be ex posed to the perils of these shores.” People have wondered at the sense of this Massachusetts abolition philanthropy for some time. It is much like tbe olden style of dealing in tbe handsome girls of Circassia, when hundreds of tbeir “school marrns” were huddled together and ship ped off to parts unknown for tbe pleasure of ‘Harem” scarem Turks. We suppose the mode of disposi * of these Yankee girls on their arrival the Pacific coa6t is something like this: The ship has arrived iu port. Notice bas been.sent to tbe long haired miners and rough bachelors of that auriferous section, tbe girls bave been bathed by squads, piatoous and brigades in tbe mouth of some “waterfall” from the mountains; their best raimeut has been put on. Stand ing on tbe. poop deck, tbe charged' affaires with hair pushed back from bis receding forehead, and a sbatp nasal twang, thus holds forth : “Neow yeou wild beasts of this ere Pa cific strand, I’ve brought you a whole pas- sel of genuine ladies, right nice and fresh from Boating and along tbe shore. I have a picked lot of gals, fresh as a daisy and lively as a butterfly/' I won't sell tbe entire lot to one man, for that would be too much of a good thing, but I’ll sell each of you a little charmer, warranted not to cut in tbe eye, big enough for tbe tallest miner, and small enough for the least three among you! Walk up, fellers. Stand up to the taffrail, gals. No crowding on the hauser ! Git eout yer dost and select yef gal! “The first I’ll offer, fellers is a freckled faced school marm, named Betsy Jane. T’other name aint no matter. You can gin her yeourn ! She is nineteen by the Bible, has good teeth, twenty-seven inches ronnd the waist, and is warranted kind in harness.-!—How much for Betsy ? Sold to Jack Longbeard for five hundred dollars. Good-by, Bet I “The next gal, ladies and gentlemen, I mean fellers, is a sly pass, named Philla Malury !—She is a choice gal, raised in Boating—poor but honest parents—early inured to the Gospel and Abolitionism, and warranted perfect as far as heard from! How much for her, fellers ? She can darn a stocking or make a pumpkin pie, in the twinkling of an eye, and she can heave a sigh, yon can bet / She is goin on twen ty years—has a cheek like a spitzenber- gen, tbe sweetest lips and most daintyful breath you ever tasted—all for—six hun dred, make it nine, and down she goes to Captain Bull of the Woods for nine hun dred ! “The next animile—oh, sweetheart! fellers, is a blue-eyed Yankee gal, named Jerusha Jane—never mind her other name. She is a bustin gal Knows all her letters —bas a constitution like a tea-kettle, which is good after its nose is knocked off for all it will fetch, and is an ornament to her sex or any other man. She is' twenty- five years old—ain’t so by——Jy hand some, bat is heavy on the hug, and is war ranted to last a fife-time, if she dont die first. How much for her ? Come, wake np, yon fellers! Massachusetts wants to enlighten you! Here is the best chance for happiness—only a few more left! Sold to dare-devil Tom for fifty ounces of dost! “Now, fellers stand up close. Here is a stunner. Tabithia Marier, as was her mothet before her, also her grandmother. She is nineteen years old, poor bat honest parents, eats but little—a pine gum lunch will last her a week. Sold for no fault, but Massachusetts has no further use, and takes this means to pay her war tax. Come up and feel of this lot. She never scolds except iu anger, and. like George Wash ington, never chopped a tree with her little hatchet. She is warranted genuine, and if not sold, will be thrown ashore for you fellers to play with, and over she goes, for it’s all chance, you know.” objection to this bill; the Constitution im- situation of the couutry, and feeling not i inveterate talker as i , sometimes - - — - 1 only entitled but bound to assume that,' pei atively declares in connection with taxa tion that each State shall have at least one Representative, add fixes tLe role for j the number to which in future times each I State shall i>e entitled. It also provide* that the Senate of the : they would be a self-snstainmg pOpula-. r Uiu^d States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, and adds, peculiar force, that no State, without, its consent, sbfdl he deprived of it* suffrage'’ in the Senate- The original act was neces sarily passed,-ia the absence of tbe States, chiefly because their people were contu maciously engaged ia rebellion, bnt the caee is changed, and some at least of the States are attending Congress by loyal Representatives soliciting the allowance of the constitutional right of representa tion. At the time, however, of the consider ation and passage of tbe bill there was no Senator or Representative iu CongreH from the eleven States which are to be mainly affected by its provisions. Tbe very fact that reports were aud are mado against the good disposition of the coun try, is an additional reason why they need and should have representatives of their own in Congress to explain tbeir condi tion, especially to the accusations, and as sist. by theit local knowledge, in perfect ing measures immediately' affecting them selves, while ibe liberty of deliberation would then be free, and Congress would have full power to decide Recording to its judgment. There could be no objection urged that with the Federal courts restored in the several States and iu tbe full exercise cl their functions, the rights and interests of all classes of the people will, with the aid of tbe military, in cases-of resistance to the law, be essentially protected against nn- whb ^ constitutional infringement and violation. Should this expectation unhappily fail, which I do not anticipate, then the Execo Good Advice.—Her v A. Wise, a most says a good thing. In a recent speech to the “Richmond Blues,” he gives this sensible advice: “He, their GeneraL, had surrendered, and it was a bona fide surrender. If his hearers, those who fought iu the ranks of the Blues, would allow their General to issue his last orders he would say surren der, and let it be a bona fide surrender; not a crouching, servile surrender, but a tive^ is already armed jJGth the powers surrender upon the point of honor. If oaths axe required of you ia order that you may return to your occupations, take them, if yon possibly can, and go to work. Lay aside your old gray regimentals; they have served yon well, and you never dis graced them. But go to work. If you can’t get a dollar a day, take the half of it; if you can’t get a quarter, take a cent; if you can’t get meat and -«ead, get bread alone; and if you can’t get a whole loaf, take a half. But go to work! work! work! A few days since, a young man called upon some lady friends and vu ushered into the parlor by a servant girl. She asked him what name she should announce, and he wishing to take the ladies by sap- prise, replied, “Amicus,” (a friend.)— The girl seemed at first a little, puzzled, but quickly regaining her oomgesore, she in the m M P ner possible observed, “What kind of. cuss did you say sir I”—• The visitor was embarrassed fog a moment, but recovering, handed her his card, and vowed never agaiu to use Latin to a ser vant girl.- conferred by the act of March, 1865, es tablishing the Freedmen’s Bureau, and hereafter, as heretofore, he can employ the land and naval forces of the country to suppress insurrection, and to overcome obstructions to the law. 1 return the bill to tbe Senate in earnest hope that a measure involving questions and interests so important to the country will not.become a law unlesa upon delib erate ^consideration by the people, it shall deceive the sanction of an enlighten ed public judgment. jSignedJ _ ✓ A. Johnson. Washington, D. C., Feb. 18,1866. TlfE inembers of the Cabinet who sustained the President's veto message in Cabinet meeting are sai-J to bave been Secretaries Seward, 'McCulloch and Wells and Postmaster General Denisson. . . —— The Washington correspondent of the New York Tribune states tbat President Johnson de clared, on Tuesday night last, to a person who ap plied to bios for aa official appoint meet, that he coaid not have it unless he consumed to sqstaiti the President’s policy in all Its parts, and that this would be made a condition precedent in all future CAses of appointment to office under his adminis tration,