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VOLUME XXXVI.]
BOUGHTOX, MSB ET,BARNE'& MOORE
Publishers and Proprietors.
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, APRIL
HUMBER SB.
M. H. BOlT.nT»H,
JOB. II. 1IHB8T,
Editors.
£Ijc Jtiiual (Union
o
Is ‘published Weekly,in Mil/cdgeville, (in.,
Corner of Hancock 4' Wilkinson S/s.,
At $3 a year in Advance.
ADVERTISING.
Transif.*(T.—One Dollar persquare of tenlinesfor
oftfh insertion
Tributes of respect. Resolutions by Societies, (Obit
uaries exceeding six lines. Nominations for office Com
munications or E lit .trial notices for individual benefit,)
charged astramirnt advertising.
Legal Advertising.
Si.rifTs sales, perlevy of ten lines, ot less, ?2 50 j
“ Mortgage fi fa sales per square, . r > 00 ;
Tax Collector’s Sales, per square, •> 00 j
Citations for Litters of Administration,^. 3 00 |
“ “ “ Guardianship, 3 00 <
Letters of application for dism’n from Adm’n 4 50
•* “ “ “ “ Guard’s 3 00
Appl’n for leave to sell land, 5 00 ,
Notices to Debtors and Creditors, 3 00 j
Sales of land, 4*c., per square, 5 00
“ perishable property, 10 days, per square, 1 50
Estray Notices. 30 days, 3 00 ■
Foreclosure of Mortgage, per sq.. each (imp, 1 00
LEGAL ADVEKTISKMENTS.
Sales of Laud, &«?., bv Administrators, Executors or
Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first j
Tuesday in the month; between the hours of 10 in the i
forenoon and three in thealteruoon, atthe Court iiouse j
iu the county in which the property is situated
Notice of these sales must be given in a public gn- .
fcettc 40 davs previous to the day of sale.
Notices for the sale of personal property must be
given in like manner 10 days previous to sale day.
Notices to the debtors anil creditors of un estate j
must also be punished 40 days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of j
Ordinary tor leave to Sell Laud, \e., must be publish
ed for two months. _ I
Citations forlelters of Administration Guardianship,
&c.,must be published 30 days—for dismission from
Adm inistration, monthly six months—for dismission i
from Guardianship, 40 days.
Rules for foreclosure of Mortgage uniat be published
monthly for four months—for establishing lost papers, ■
for the full space of three months—for compelling titles
from Executors or administrators, where bond has j
been given by the deceased, the full space of three
months.
Publications ’will always be continued according to ;
these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise or- ;
dereu.
The President'. Veto of the led J Civil
Right. Bill.
We copy from the Louisville Journal, of
the 2Sth instant, so much of this veto of
the President, as was received over the
telegraphic wires at that point up to that
date. The reader will be forcibly im
pressed with the sound and conservative
views embraced in this admirable docu
ment. “It is,” says that journal, “anoth
er thrilling sound of the tocsin rallying
together the conservative men of the re
public in support of the Young Hickory of
Tennessee. Firm and erect Andrew
Johnson has squarely planted himself up
on the Constitution, and against him the
waves of radicalism aro rushing in vain.
All honor and praise to the great hearted
patriot and statesman ! From the Aris-
took to the Gulf, and from the shores of
the two oceans, the conservative masses
of the nation greet him with one mighty
shout of approbation !
under this section the members of the Leg
islature who should vote for laws conflict
ing with the provisions of the bill, that
good moral character, attached to the
principles of the constitution of the United
States, aud well disposed to the good or
der and happiness of tne same.— 1 he first the Judges of the State Courts who should
section of the bill also contains an enu- ' render judgments in antagonism with its
meration of the rights to he enjoyed by j terms, and that the marshals aud' sheriffs
those classes of made citizens in every J who should as ministerial officers execute
State and I erritory in the United States, the processes sanctioned by the State laws.
As these parties are to give evidence, to issued by State judges in the execution
inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and j of their judgments, could be brought be-
convey real and personal property, and to j fore other tribunals, and there subjected
have full and equal benefit of all laws and , to fine and imprisonment for the perfor
proceedings for the security of persons mance of their duties which such State
and property as is enjoyed by white citi- ' laws may impose,^ the legislation thus pro-
zens, so, too, they are made subject to the • posed invades the judicial power o* the
same punishment, pains, and penalties j States. It says to every State court" or
common with white citizens, and to none | judge, if you decide that this act is uucon-
others- This perfect equality of the white
“Go on my bov the country’s joy
Is at stake upon your sacceedin ;
Let the Jacobins rave, till eaen wliey-faced knave,
Is choked up wid the venom he’s breediu’!
Yon are on the right track to win for us back— 1 that
(For sure I.OVE is a powerful magnet)— j ,
The finion of hands aud of hearts in the land, I n
Which those rogues would transfix wid a bag- lveut, says, speaking of the blacks, that
net! j marriages between them and the whites
Ocb, Andy dear, your friends are here : are forbidden in some of the States where
Down jar in the souls of the people; I < , . • . i
a i „,i .... ... „ii u . L ' slavery does not exist, and tliev are pro-
An it we had our say, all who u bar your wav— - J r
and colored races is attempted to be fixed
by Federal law in every State of the Un
ion over the vast field of State jurisdiction,
covered by these enumerated rights in no
one of them. Can any State exercise any
power of discrimination between the dif
ferent races iu the exercise of a State
policy over matters exclusively affecting
the people of each State ? It has fre
quently been thought expedient to dis
criminate between the two races by the
statutes of some of the States North as
well as South. It is enacted, foriustance,
no white person shall intermarry
a negro or mulatto. Chancellor
agents irresponsible to the government.
1 he commissioner’s the only person having
discretion iu whose hands such authority
might be made a terible engine of wrong,
oppression and fraud. The statutes regula
ting the land and naval forces of the United
States, and the militia, in execution of the
laws, are believed to be adequate for any
emergency which can occur in time of
peace. If it should prove otherwise,
Congress can at any time amend those
laws in such manner as. while observing
public welfare, not to jeopard tbe rights,
interests and liberties of thp people.
The seventh section provides that a fee
of ten dollars shall be paid to each com-
missioncr in every case brought before
stitutional—if you refuse, under the pro- j him. and a fee of five dollars to his deputy
' or deputies, for each person he or they
with the provisions of (be Federal Con
stitution.
I now return the bill to tbe Senate, and
regret that, in considering tbe bill and
joint resolutions, forty-two in number,
which have been thus far submitted for
my approval, i am compelled to withhold
my assent from a second measure that has
received the sanction of both Houses of
Congress.
[Signed] Andrew Johnson.
Washington, March 27, 1866.
liibition of a State law, to allow a negro
to testify—your error or judgment, howev
er conscientiously, shall subject you to fine
and imprisonment. It is clear that, instates
which deny to persons, whose rights are
secured by the first section of the bill, any
one of those rights, all criminal and civil
cases affecting them, will by the provis
ions of the third section, come under the
executive cognizance of the Federal tri
bunals. It follows that if any State which
denies to a colored person any one of all
those rights, that person should commit a
crime against the laws of the State, murder
or any other crime, all protection and pun
ishment through the courts of the State
are taken away, and he can only be tried
and punished iu the Federal courts. How
Faix, they'd swing lrom ould Trinity’s steeple!
Washington March 27.
To the Senate of the United States :
I regret that the bill which has passed
both Houses of Congress entitled “An act
to protect all persons in the United States
in their civil rights and/urnish means for
their vindication,” contains a provision
j is the criminal to be tried if the offense is
hibited in all slaveholding States by law, , provided for and punished by Federal 1 tw?
and when not absolutely contrary to law [ That law and not State law is to govern,
they are revolting and regarded as an ; It is only when the offense does not hap-
olfense against public decoruin. I do not ‘ pen to be within the provisions of Federal
say that this hill repeals State laws on the.' law that the Federal courts are to try and
subject.of marriages between the two ra
ces; for as the whites are forbidden to in
termarry with the blacks, the blacks can
only make such contract with the whites
which I cannot approve consistently with j themselves as they $re allowed to make,
my sense of duty to the whole people and aIld therefore they cannot, under this bill,
my obligation to the Constitution of the>° llter int0 the marriage contract with the
United States. J am therefore constrain- whites. I cite this discrimination, howev-
ed to return it to tlie Senate, the House in er » as an instance °t ♦Be State policy as to
which it originated, with my objection to discrimination and to inquire whether if
its becoming a law. By the first section ! Congress
Book and Job work, of all kinds,
PROMPTLY AND NEATLY EXECUTED
at tiiim office.
{"p?* When a subscriber Hurls a cross mark on
hi« paper he will know that his subscriptiod^has
f xpired, or is about to expire, and must be renew-
c 1 if he wishes the paper continued.
Cff* We do not send receipts to new subscri
bers. If they receive ttie paper they may . row
tint we have received the money.
Subscribers wishing their papers changed
ram one post-office to another must state the
name of tht; post-office lrom which they wish it
changed.
of the bill, all persons born in the United
States and not subject to any foreign pow
er, excluding Indians not taxed, are de
clared to be citizens of the United States
j This prositiou comprehends the Chinese of
■ the Pacific States, Indians subject to taxa-
■ tion, the people called Gypsies, as well as
the entire race designated as blacks, peo
pie of color, negroes, nmla’toes and per
sons of African blood. Everv
can abrogate all State laws of
discrimination between the two races in
the matter of real estate, of suits, and of
contracts generally, Congress may not al
so repeal the State laws as to the contract
of marriage bet ween the races. Hitherto
every subject embraced in the enumera
lion of rights contained in tho bill has
been considered as exclusively belonging
to the States. They all lelate to tbe in
ternal policy and economy of the respec-
punish him under any other law. Then
resort is to be had to the common law as
modified and changed by State legislation,
so far as the same is not inconcisteut with
the Constitution and laws of the United
States. So that over this vast domain cf
criminal jurisprudence provided by each
State for the protection of its own citizens,
and for the punishment of her sens who
violated her criminal Jaws, Federal law,
wherever it can be made to apply, displa
ces State law. The question here natur- this act. This language seems to supply a
may arrest and take before any such com
missioner, with such other fees as may be
deemed reasonable by such commissioners
in general, for performing such other du
ties as may be required in the premises.—
All these fees are to come out of the
Treasury of the United States, whether
there is a conviction or not, but in case of
conviction they are not to be recoverable
from the defendant. It seems to me that
under the influence of such temptations,
bad men might convert any law, however
beneficent, into an instrument of persecu
tion and fraud.
By the eighth section of the bill tbe
United States courts, which set only in
one place for white citizens mast migrate
with the marshal and district attorney,
any necessarily with the clerk, although
he is not mentioned, to any point of dis
tance upon the order ot the President,
and there hold a court, for the purpose of
the more speedy arrest and trial cf per
sons charged with a violation of this act,
and there the judge and officers of the
; court must remain, upon the order of the
President, for the time therein designated.
The ninth section authorizes the Presi
dent, or such person as he may empower
for that purpose, to^ employ such part of
the land or naval forces of the United
States, or the militia, as^shall be necessa
ry to prevent the violation and enforce
the due execution of the provisions is of
individual . _
of these races born in the United States llve ^ tates * 3 hey are matters which in
by this bill is made a citizen of the Uni- each State concern the domestic condition
ted States. Jt does not purport to declare
of its people, varying in each according to
any other right of citizenship ) its , 0WQ peculiar circumstances and the
safety and well-being ed its own citizens.
COUNTING HOUSE CALENDAR,'^CQ. f
l i jjtau
OAYI.
Jan' r.
Fx b’t
■£. 2
5 5
or confer
than Federal citizenship; it does not pro
pose to give these classes of persons any
laius of citizens of tbe several States, ex-
tliat which may result from their sta-
i tus as citizens of the United States; the
? ? E : power t(be right of State citizen-
plr- 1 ?! 2 ! skip is just as exclusively with the sever-
< <5 A 2 =- a : .... ,, * _ • i „
y. i
■5 = 5
12 3 4
5 6 July
12 3 4
7
8 9 1«» 11
12 13
8 9 10 11
14
15 16 17 .8
19 20
15 16 17 18
21
22 23 24 25
26 27
22 23 24 25
28
29 30 31
1
» 3
29 30 31 ,
5 6 "
4 j al States as the po\fer to ctn^fer tbe right
h ’Congress.
0 fljshjj! thus to
ferred in the several STfffe S°^ d aud silver a legal tender; but w
:epted races before mentioned, jg*^uweiiud ^’federal prohibition ng<
be conferi
V.
2 3 4
2 3
y ]ll SEPT’R
16 n
6 7 8
1) 12 13 14 15 16 17
18 19 2D 21 22 23 34
23 20 27 28
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Max. 4 5 6 7 8
11 12 13 14 1
!8 18 2021 222334
2.7 26 2i 28 2!t 30 3|
A tail j o 3 4 5 6 7 0ctob’r
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15 16 17 18 19 20 21
22 23 21 25 26 27 28
29 30
Mat. 1 2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Novr.
12 14 15 16 17 18 19
20 21 22 23 24 25 26
27 28 29 30 31
Ji.nz. 1 2
3 4 5 6 7 8 oDbczm
10 II 12 13 11 15 16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23
21 25 26 27 28 29 30
j I l ! I i M
I now for the first time proposed to be giv-
' en by law. If, as is claimed by many, all
persons who are native born already are
by virtue of tbe Constitution, citizens of
[92021 2223 24 25 the United States, the passage of the pen
ding bill cannot be necessary to make them
such. If, on the other hand, such persons
y lo Algi nt 5 6 7: 8 9 10 ll
J jo 13 14 15 16 17 18
26 2728 29 30 31
3 4
y 10 11 12 13 14 15 are not citizens, as may be assumed from
16 1
.. 18 19 20 21 22
23 24 25 26,27 28 29
30 !
1 2
3 4 5 6
the proposed legislation to make them
such, the grave question presents itself
*10 1112 13 whether, when eleven of the thirty-six
11 15 16 17 18 19 20 ! States are unrepresented iu Congress at
21 22 23 24 25 26 27 j this lime, it is sound policy to make the ,
28 29 oO 31 ^ ( 3 ; entire colored population, and all other
9 10 . excepted classes, citizens of the United
5 6
11.1213 14 13 16 17 States. Four millions of these have just
25 2627 28 29 30 emerged from slavery into freedom. Oau
1 it be reasonably supposed that they
9- 3, 4. 5 6 7 8 p 0st!egs th e requisite qualifications to en-
I do not mean to say that upon all these
subjects there are not Federal restraints,
as for iustauce in the State power of the
Legislature over contracts, there is a Fed
eral limitation that no State shall pass a
law impal ing the obligations of contracts
and as to crimes, that no State shall pass
an expost facto law; and as to money,
thirty no State shall make anything but
here
aiust
tbe power"ofany State to discriminate, as
do mo$t of them, between aliens and citi
zens, W^yeen artificial persons called cor
porations and naturalized persons in the
right to hold real estate ?
If it be granted that Congress can re
peal all State laws discriminating between
whites and blacks, the subjects covered by
this bill, why, it may be asked, may not
Congress repeal, in the same way, all
State laws discriminating between the two
races ou the subject of suffrage aud office !
If Congress can declare by law who shall
hold lauds, who shall testify and who shall
have capacity to make contracts in a
State, then Congress can also by law de
clare who, without regard to race or color
shall have the right to sit as a juror, or as ,
a Judge, to hold any office, and finally to
ally arises, from what source Congress de
rives the power to transfer to Federal tri
bunals certain cases embraced in this sec
tion The Constitution expressly de
clares that the judicial power of the Uni
ted States shall extend to all cases in law
and equity ari.-ing under the Constitution,
the laws of the United States, and trea
ties made, and which shall be mad - un
der their authority; to all cases affecting
embafsador8 or other public ministers and
consuls; to all cases of admirality and
maritime jurisdiction.Jto controversies to
which the United States shall be a party
to controversises between two or more
States, between a State aud citizens of
another State, between citizens of different
States, claiming land under the grant of tbe
different States, or between a State or the
citizens thereof, and foreign States, citi
zens, or subjects. Here the judiciary
power of the United States is expressly
set forth and defined, and the act of Sep
tember 2A, 1789, establishing judicial
courts of the United States in confeiing
upon the Federal courts jurisdiction over
cases originating in State tribunals is care
ful to coufide them to the classes enumera
ted in the above recited claiise of the Con
stitution. This section of the bill un
doubtedly comprehended tho cases, and
authorizes the exercise of powers that are
not, by the Constituion within the jurisdic
tion of the courts of the United States; to-
transfer them to those courts, would be an
exercise of antho’ity well calculated to
excite distrust and alarm on the part of
the States for the bill applies alike to all
of them; as well to those that have as
those who have not been engaged in
rebellion. It may be assumed that
this authority is incident to the power
granted to* Congress by-the Constitu
tion, as recently amended, to enforce, ,
7 ^19 20 21 22 title them to all the privileges and immuni- vote hi every State aud territory of the j by appropriate legislation, the article de-
2324 25<26 27*38 29 ! ties of citizenship of the United States? J United States. As respects the ternto- j daring that neither slavery or involuntary
31)31 j ; H„ vp r.onnU n f the several States ex- i ties, they come within the power of Con- servitude, except-as punishment for crime
ries, they come within tbe power of Con
gress, for as to them the law-making pow- ,
Till! (OBBl*EBN SECRET.
A waggish cobbler once in Rome,
Put forth a proclamation.
That he’d he willing to disclose,
Far a due consideration,
A secret which the cobbling world
CoulJ ill afford to lose—
The way to make in one short day;
A hutidre 1 pair of shoes.
From every quarter, to the sight.
There ran a thousand fellows ;
Tanners, cobbkrs boot men. shoe men.
.Toily leather sellers—
All redolent of beer and smoke,
And cobbler’s wax and hides;
Each fellow pays his thirty pence,
And calls it cheap besides
Silence! The cobbler enters,
And casts around his eyes ;
Then curls his lip—the rogue ’—then frowns,
And then 1 oks wonderons wise,
“My friends,” he says, “tis simple quite,
The plan that I propose; '
And every one of yon, I think,
Might lt-arn it if you chose.
“A good sharp knife is all you ueed,
In t arrying out my plan ;
So easy is it, none can fail,
Let him he child or man,
To make a hundred pair of shoes,
Just go back to your shops,
Ar.d take a hundred pair of boots
Aud cut off all the tops !”
Have the people of the several States ex
pressed such a conviction ? It may also j
1 be asked whether it is necessary they
should be declared citizens in order that. _ _
they may be secure in the enjoyment of ' * n Congress the power to make rules and
the civil rights proposed to be conferred j regulations for them t I ho object of the
by the bill. Those rights are by Federal j second section ot the bill is to aHord dis-
ghts
servitude, except-as punishment for crime
thereof, the party j shall have been duly
Mad Stone.—A Mrs Taylor, of Terre i
Haute Indiana, hastheonly article known j
as the “mad stone,” in that State, we be
lieve. That lady says that it lias long
been in use, and when used noue have
been affected or died with hydrophobia
The stone is porous, and when applied
will stick until the poison fills the pores.
A healthy person cannot cause it to. a
here. The pores, when filled with poison,
are cleaned by being $oaked in warm milk. v
That lady makes no charge for its use,
and asserts that a large number ot cases
have been cured by its use.
as well as by State laws secured to all
domiciled aliens and foreigners. Even
i before the completion ot the process of mrt-
! uralization, and it may be safely assumed
| that the same enactments are sufficient to
I give like protection and beuefits to those
j for whom this bill provides. Special leg
islation, besides the policy of the govern-
j meat, from its origin to the present time,
I seems to have been that persons who are
i strangers to, and unfamiliar with, our in-
’ stitutions and our Laws, should pass through
] a certain probation, at the end of which
I before receiving the coveted prize, they
must give evidence of their fitness to re-
, ccive and exercise the l ight ot citizons as
contemplated by the Constitution of the
| United States. The bill in effect propo-
i ses a discrimination against large numbers
j of intelligent, worthy and patriotic foreign-
; ers, and in favor of the negro, to whom,
after long years of bondage, the avenues
to freedom and intelligence have just now
been suddenly opened. He must, of ne
cessity, from his previous unfortunate con
dition of servitude, be less informed as to
tbe nature and character of our institutions
than be who, coming from abroad, has to
some extent at least familiarized himself
with the principles of a government to
which he voluntarily intrusts life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness, yet it is now
proposed by a single legislative enactment
to confer tbe rights of citizens upon all
persons of African descent, born within
tbe extended limits of the United States,
while persous «f foreign birth who make
our land their home must undergo a pro
bation of five years, and can only then be-,
come citizens upon proof that they are of
er is tbe federal power, but as to tbe ] convicted, shall exist within the United
States, do similar provisions exist vesting States or any place subject to their juris
diction; it cannot, however, be justly
claimed that with a view to the enforce
ment of this section of the Constitution
there is at present any necessity for the ex
ercise of all the powers which this bill con-
crimination and protection to colored
sons in the full enjoyment of all tho
secured to them by the proceeding section.
It declares that any person who, under
color of any law, statute, ordinance, regu
lation or custom, shall subject or cause to
be subjected any inhabitant of any State
or territory to the deprivation of every
right secured or protected by this act, or
to different punishment, pains, or penal
ties, on account ot such person having at
any time been held in a condition of slavery !
permanent military force, and that it is
to lie always at hand, and whose only
business it is to see tho enforcement of
this measure over the vast region where
it is intended to operate. I do not pro
pose to consider the policy of this bill.—
To me the details of the bill are fraught
with evil. The white race and the black
race of the South have h’tberto lived to
gether under the relation of master and
slave—capital owning labor—now that
relation is changed, and, as to ownership
capital aud labor are divorced. They
stand now each master of itself in this
new relation, and being necessary to the
other, there will be a new adjustment, in
which both are deeply interested, in ma
king them harmonious. Each has equal
power iu settling the terms, aud if left to
the laws that regulate capital and labor,
it is confidently believed they will satis
factorily work out the problem. Capital,
it is true, has more intelligence, but labor
is never so ignorant as not to understand
its own interest—not to know its own
value, and not to see that capital must pay
that value.
This bill frustrates this adjustment. It
intervenes between capital and labor,
aud attempts to settle questions of politi
cal economy through the agency of numer
ous officials, whose interest it will be to
foment discord between the two races.—
For, as the breach divides, their employ
ment will continue, and when it is closed,
their occupation will end. In all our
experience as a people living under Fed
eral and State law, no such system as
that contemplated by the details of this
hill has ever before been proposed or a-
dopted. They establish, for the security
of the colored race, safeguards which go
infinitely beyond any that the General
Government has ever provided for the
white man. In fact, the distinction of race
and color is by the bill made to operate
in favor of the colored aud against the
white race. They interfere with the mu
nicipal legislation of the States, with re
lations existing exclusively between a
State or its eitizens, and between the in
habitants of tho same State, and are a usur
pation and assumption of power by tbe
General Government, wbicb, if acquiesced
in, must sap aud destroy our federative
fers. Slavery Las been abolished, and at system of limited powers, and break down
present no where exists within the juris- , the barriers which preserve the rights of
diction of the United States, nor lias there ! the States, it is another step or rather
been, nor is it likely that there will be, j stride toward centralization and the con-
any attempts to revive it by thejpeople of j ceutration of all legislative powers in tbe
the States.
However, if any such attempt shall be
made, it shall become tbe duty of the
General Government to exrcise any and
all incidental powers necessary aud proper
inviolate this great law of
or involuntary servitude, except as a pun- j to maintain
isbment of crime whereof the party shall ■ freedom,
have been duly convicted, or by reason of The fourth section of tbis bill provides
color or race, than is prescribed for the that officers and agents of the Freedmeu’s
punishment of a white person who shall be Bureau sball be empowered to make ar-
deemed guilty of a misdemeanor on con- ‘ rests, and that other officers may be spe-
viction, and shall be punished by fine not j cially commissioned for that purpose by
exceeding one thousand dollars, or impris- i the President of the United States. It
onment not exceeding one year, or both, j also authorizes circuit courts of the United
in the discretion of the courts.—This sec- j States, and superior courts of the terri-
tion seems to be designed to apply to some j tories, to appoint, without limitatiou, corn-
existing or future law of a State or territo- i missioners, who are to be charged with
ry which may conflict with the provisions . the performance ot quasi-judicial duties,
of the bill now under epusideration. It! The fifth section empowers the coinmis-
provides for counteracting suffi forbidden sioners, so to be selected by the court, to
legislation by imposing tine and imprison- j appoint, in writing, one or more suitable
ment upon the legislator who may pass persons, from time to time, to execute
such conflicting laws, or upon the officer or , warrants and other processes desirable by
agent who shall put or attempt to put the biil. These numerous-official agents
to
them into execution. It means an official
offense, not a common crime committed
against law upon the person or property
of the black race. Such an act may de
prive the black man of his property, but
not of his right to hold property. It
the biil.
are made to constitute a sort ot police, in
addition to the military, and are author
ized to summon a posse conutaius, and
even to call to their aid such portions of
the land and naval forces 4 of the United
States, or of the militia, as may be nec
means a deprivation -of the right itself, ! essary to the performance of the duty
either by the State judiciary or the State : with which they are charged. This ex-
Logislature. It is therefore assumed that j traordinary power is to be conferred upon
National Government.
The tendency of the bill must be to
resuscitate tbe spirit of those influences
which are more closely drawing around
the States the bonds of union and peace.
My lamented predecessor, in his proc
lamation of the 1st of January, 18(iN,
ordered that all persons held as slaves
within certain States and parts of States
therein designated, then and thencefor
ward should be free; and further, that
the Executive Government, of the United
States, including the military and naval
authorities thereof, would recognize and
maintain the freedom of such persons.—
This guarantee has been rendered espe
cially obligatory and sacred by the amend
ment of the Constitution, abolishing sla
very throughout the United States. I
therefore fully recognize the obligation to
protect and defend that class of our peo
ple, whenever and wherever it shall be
come necessary, and to the full extent
compatible with the Constitution of the
United States. Entertaining these sen
timents, it only remains for me to say
that I will cheerfully cooperate with
Congress in any measure that n»y be
necessary for the preservation of th£ civil
rights of freeduien, as well as those of all
other classes of persons throughout tbe
Uuited States, by judicial process under
equal and impartial laws, in conformity
A FrNNV Aovexti re —-I never attended but
one temperance lecture,” said our triend B ,
with a peculiar smile, “and I don’t tbink I shall
ever attend another.”
“You proba!)ly found itdrjT’
“Well, yes—but that isn’t it. Tbe lecture vai
well enough, but I got into such an awful scrape
after it was over, that 1 never think of temper-
unco without a shudder. I’ll tell you all about it:
“I was in N , where I was somewhat of a
stranger, and the night was one of the worst of
the season. Boreas! bow it blew ! It was enough
to take one’s breath away. Well, the lecture was
over, and making my way through the crowd, I
lingered in the doorway, contemplating the awtnl
scene, when somebody suddenly thrust ah arm
witiiin my own, and clung to me with a bear-like
hug.”"
“ tV hers have you been,” said the sweetest voice
in the world ; I have been looking for you every
where-”
“Verymuch to my surprise, I turned and saw
—but I can’t describe her. It makes me sad to
think how prodigiously pretty she was. With her
left hand she leaned on my arm, while with her
right she was arrangiug her veil, and did not no
tice my surprise.
“You have been looking forme?
“Yes, and now let’s be going;” was her reply,
pressing my arm.
A thrill went to my heart. What to make of
my lady’s address I did not know—but to accom
pany her. We started off in the tempest, the
noise of which prevented any converse ion. At
length she said with a scream:
“Put your arm around me, or I shall blow away!’
I need not describe to you my sensation as I
pressed her to ray side aud hurried on It was
very dark, nobody saw us; aud, allowing her to
guide my steps, I followed her motion through
two or three short streets, until'she stopped before
an elegant mansion.
“Have jou your keys?*’ she asked.
“My key!” I stammered, there must be some
mistake.”
As she opened the door, I stood ready to bid her
good night, or to have some explanation, when,
turning quickly, she said :
‘ How queer you act to-night—ain’t you coming
in?”
There was something very tempting in the sug
gestion. Was I going in? A warm house and a
pretty woman were certainly objects of consider
ation. and it was dreary to think of facing the dri
ving storm, and seeing her no more. It took me
three quarters of a second to make up my mind,
aud I went in.
There was a dim light in the hall, aud as my
guide ran rapidly up the stairs, why I could do no
better than to ruu up too. I followed her into a
very dark rooui.
“Lock the door, John,” she said.
Now, as if I were the only John iu the world, I
thought she knew me. I felt for the key. turned
it iu the lock without hesitation, wondering at the
same time what was coming next Then an aw
ful suspicion of some horrid trick flashed upon
my mind; I had often heard of infatuated men
being lnred to their destruction by pretty women,
and I was on the point of opening the door when
my lady struck a light. Then, to my dismay, I
discovered I was iu a bedroom alone with a
strange woman. I said something; I don’t know
what it was ; but the lady lighted a lamp, looked,
stared at me an instant, turned as white as a pil
low case, and screamed:
“Who are you / How came you here? Go,
quics; leave tho room; I thought you were my
husband;” and covering her face with her hands,
she sobbed hysterically.
I was nearly petrified. Of course I was as anx
ious to leave as she was to have me ; but in my
confusion, iustead of going out at the door I cams
in at, I walked into a closet, and before I could
rectify my error there came a thundering at the
hall door.
The lady’s real husband had come, and she flew
to let him in. Well aware that it would be of no
nse to try to get out of the house by auy other way
than that in which I had entered it, and convin
ced of the danger of meeting the man, who might
fall into the vulgar weakness of being jealous. I •
was trying to collect my scattered senses in the
darkness, when the wrathful husband burnt into
the room followed by madam. The light was ex
tinguished, and while she was searching for a
friction match the gruff voice raved and stormed
jealous and revengeful.
“I know he is here, I saw him come into the
house with you! You locked the door ; I’ll have
his heart out—where is he?”
“Hear me! Hear me ! I will explain,” urged
the lady
As I was listening to hoar fbe explanation, the
husband walked plumb against me, and at the
same moment the light appeared
“Well, B ,” we cried, deeply interested, for
we knew that every word of his story was true,
“how did you get out of the scrape?”
“I nscu a violent remedy for so violent a com
plaint. Driven into a corner—my life iu danger—
peiceiving at a glance that Othello was not so
strong as I was, I threw myself upon him, fell with
niin, and held him there until I had given him a
full explanation of the error, made him hear rea
son, and tamed him to be gentle as a lamb. Then
I left rather unceremoniously, aud I have never
seen Othello or Desdemona since.”
A Great Natural Curiosity.—Tbe Sen
tinel, published at Jacksonville, Oregon,
of tbe 12th nltiuio, says : * Several of our
citizens returned last week from a visit to
the Great Sunken Lake, situated in the
Cascade Mountain, about seventy-five
miles north-east from Jacksonville. This
lake rivals the famous valley of Siubad.
the Sailor. It is thought to average two
thousand feet down to the water all round*
The walls are almost perpendicular, run
ning down into the water and leaving no
beach. The depth of the water is un
known, and its surface is smooth and un
ruffled, as it lies so J^r below the surface
of tbe mountain that the air currents do
not affect it. Its length is estimated at
twelve miles, and its breadth at ten.
There is an island in tbe centre having
trees upon it. No living man ever has,
and probably never will be able to reach
the water’s edge. It lies silent, still, and
mysterious in the bosom of the “everlas
ting hills,” like a huge well, scooped by
the hands of a giant genii of the mountains
iu the unknown ages gone by, and around
in the primeval forests watch and ward
are keeping.
The visiting party fired a rifle several
times into the water, at an angle of forty-
five degrees, and were able to note sever
al seconds of time from the report of the
gun until the ball struck the water. Such
Beems incredible, bat tis vouched fot by
some of our most reliable citizens. Tbe
lake is certainly a most remarkable curi
osity.