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2 WEEKLY SIPOBIICAN, By s''. W. Sims, City and € o na t y Pr 1 i* t er. JSTIFB 11. RNEKU, - - HDITOR say annahT ga7~ Saturday Morning, Jane ), 1862. Charleston Threatened. It would seem, from Federal indications in the vicinity of Charleston Tuesday, that the time has about arrived when that city will e called upon to contest the question of a lac dominion over her. We refer to our speci despatches in another column f<“ P* 1 so far as they have transpired. In addition, we received by the mail the fol lowing note in pencil, written at Charleston at 8 a. in. yesterday. “Twenty-seven Yankee vessels arc now re ported lying in Su> no > and froul P reßent ap pearances, they will endeavor to effect a landing on the Island to-day—at least this is the im pression of those on the spot. Gen. Mercer,' at the head of regiments,- (Colquitt’s Geor gia being one of them) left last night for James’ Island. Besides these there are about thousand other troops ready for the fight. Savannah would do well to keep her eyes wide open. “ Heavy firing is now heard in the direction of the IslandV Officers Killed at Tiip Chickahomint.— Macon Telegraph learns, through private despatches, that General S. Johnson Pettigrew, of Carolina, Colonel Tennent Lomax, of Ala barna, and Captain Etheridge, of Forsyth, in this State, were killed in the late battles near Richmond. The order excluding correspondents from the lines, is creating the iutensest suspense and distress throughout the country, among those who have relatives or friends in the army. It will probably be weeks before we shall receive tfje details oi the fight and a list of the killed and wounded. This is an unnecessary hard ship. The Columbus Shu mentions the death of Lieut. A. M. Lnria, of that city, who was killed while leading a North .Carolina company into action. The Sun also has the following despatch: Richmond, May 2.— Eds. Sun : The following is a list ol killed and wounded in the Talbot Volunteers, 27ih Ga. Regiment, in the light near Richmond, Ya , 3lst May : Killed. —lst Sergt. W. 11. Fuller, 3d Sergt. David Greene, Private A. D. Willis. Wounded—\&l Lieut. W. J. Raines, leg broken; Junior 2d Lieut. W. J. Jones, flesh wound in thigh ; Sergt. C. R. Marshall, slightly in the head; Corporal C. E. Dozier, in the thigh ; 2d Corporal J. A. Dozier, thigh broken ; Private G. H. Matthews, in the arm; Freeman Matthews, thigh broken ; A. C. Howard, mor tally in the back and shou’der; J. R. Nelson, arm broken. Complaints from subscribers along the line of the Savannah, Albany & Gulf Railroad, continue to pour in by almost every mail. Our patience is exhausted, as well as our efforts. There is no fault in this office, and the blame is obliged to attach either to the route-agents or the postmasters where the failures occu r . These are appointed by the government, and if it has chosen incompetent or unfaithful men for such important trusts, it must apply the remedy ; we have no power in the premises and must endure what we are unable to correct. Corinth Evacuated.—Our correspondent announces what everybody has been inclined to apprehend for some time past, the evacuation of Corinth by the Confederate troops under Beauregard. We have no comment to make, as the present is not the time for too free an expression of opinion by the Press. The evacuation was clearly right under the circum stances—it was a necessity, but whether that necessity could have been avoided or not by proper energy, may well be a matter for differ ences of opinion. We hope it will all turn out for the best More Yankee Troops. —Washington des patches of the 21st state that Lincoln has called upon the different States for a large number of additional volunteers to fill up the ranks of the Federal army, which have, been decimated by disease and battle. Alluding to the matter, the New York Tribune's special Washington des patch, dated May 21st, says: “It is not yet precisely determined what number of volun teers to call for, but it will not be far from 100,000, including those needed to fill up old regiments.” What the Yankees say of their Victories The New York Jferald, although it heads the battle of Shiloh “A Groat Victory,” very quietly says iu its editorial column that “two more such victories as those ot Douelson and Shiloh will leave ua without au army in the southwest.” The JCxpms says there is no paper published in the North of sufficient volume to hold the list of killed and wounded at Shiloh. Tub *Crkvaßßb.—Later accounts from New Orleans represent the break in the levee above that city as nearly elosed. Why not keep it Open ? We can think of no better way of fight, irg tlie Yankees In New Orleans than by cut. tine Ihe dikes above and drewuing out the robbers. Let the Confederates try it in a dozen places it necessary ; it may cool off the lust ol their gallant leader—Picayune Butler. COIAItCTOU FOR TUP. PORT OF CHARLESTON. The Washington correspondent of the Oincin clonatl O zrtte, In his letter of the 13th ult., says: "Mr Merriaui, the Georgetown, South Carolina, Collector, is now here. He is in Ovor of the most stringent confiscation and emancipation law. He will probably be Col lector at Cnarleston. lie was imprisoned one year and twenty days.” Gkn Jere. Clemkss.— A correspondent oi the Montgomery Adwtiser indignantly denies the report that Gen. Jere. Clemens has espous ed the Federal cause. Tbe report, he says, is monstrous and absurd. General C.’s feeling, sympathy and heart, all being with the South, and as being thoroughly pledged and commit ted to our cause as Mr. Yancey or President Davis. Prof. N. A. Pratt, ot Oglethorpe University has been appointed Chemist and Mineralogist to the Confederate Suites Nitre Bureau lor the District including Georgia, Florida, Tennessee and Alabama. Persons Acquainted with the loeatiou or existence of nitre or limestone caves, will do the country a service by commu nicating with Prof. Pra t, Midedg-viile, Go. Important C*rrt:uE by the Bloc rakers The Key West correspondent of the N. Y. AVpws, under date of the loth ult., says the British iron steamer Circassian, 1,500 tons,- with a cargo of Ua, silk, coffee, aLd muni tions of war, valued at one million dollars, has been seized by tbe bl >ekaders, and would be sent to New Yotk. " AcKNoWUttXH.se the Corn.”— The Y ankee papers confess tk.U Banks was thoroughly druhbed, routed aud drlmt across the Potomac, by Stonewall Jackson. The Cincinnati Coin ninrin! says tbe news ot Banks' defeat tv.a.evl a perfect riot \u Baltimore Southern nu n pro claiming boldly their principles. A private letter xeccifeJ from Jackson’s army stated that he eight thousand tine new arms, and siueigi other things a large quautilT of castor oil opium. The r i mber of prisoners taken also lately exceeds ptrviocs calculation. Tub iffru Georgia.—Tue Augusta fXronu-Jr it ,s at o.l. says: A private despatch receded here yv-terday mentions that there were no densities in the Ukh Georgia Regiment in ths tsuitsai Richmond. AfpgintmenT. tlou. Geo, S. Haw kius has been appointed Judge of the Coniederato Court for the Nor them District of Florida, tiu the Uoa. J. J. Finley, who is now a Colonel in the Confederate army. A -NTNrXiE WBBKLT BEFUBLICAH, 1 7, 1862. The Confederate Staten and Foreign [Nations —Our Policy vvllli Regard to Cotton. [continued.] There iB a period in the history of nations when they are called to pause and look aronn them, to ta#3 a careful survey of the 8 “"°" . relations with other countries a and bv the important coDSidcrutJ safe vProvidence scarcely more assumes the guidance of national than of individual fortunes. U kindly provides the elements but leaves in dividual or national energy, prudence and wis dom to direct them; and upon the direction of these elements depends the comparative status of either. * . We would seem to have reached a turning point in our relations with Dations across the Atlantic. It is manifest that Cotton is the great arm of strength to the people of this Confeder acy. We have a breadth of rich soil suffi cient to supply the world, a happy conjunc tion of heat and humidity that produces the finest staple. But all these advantages are worthless except when they are improved through the iustrumentaliiy of slave labor, since no other can endure the heats and mala ria of our rich cotton bottoms; and deprived oi which they would have to be surrendered again to th.e reed, the jungle and the alligator. We yesterday endeavored to show a condition of English interests, that reudered it impossible that that nation should lie other than a bitter and determined foe of oar cotton interests— that for Her to continue her former dependence upon us involved hazards every way alarming to her selfish instincts, and chafing to her haughty pride. That if, on the contrary, she could insure a partial supply from her colonies, she would be relieved of this dependence, and if she couhd ~by"any lb cans break up American cultivation, by breaking up slavery, she could, under the stimulant of increased price, supply enough for hers* it and the whole world, and thus, adding the monopoly of supply to the monopoly of manufacture, secure to herself, and for centuries to come, a power greater than any nation has ever yet wielded, which would make all countries upon earth pay tribute to her prosperity, and make her—far more even than now—the factory, the storehouse and banking-house of the globe. These were the grave and weighty reasons which induced ns to believe that England looked upon slavery— the backbone of our strength—as the obstacle to ner aspirations. There were cirtainly momentous interests — national and individual —involved in her de cision, and most potent reasons why she should resolve upon the course we have suggested. — It is not reasonable to conclude that a nation so wise as England—so far-seeing and sagacious— should have overlooked the points we have pre senied. From the earliest period the wisdom of British policy is abundantly manifest, ‘ibe stakes of her diplomacy have always been set far ahead of the calculations of other count ries, and she has ever worked up to them with a cautious certainly that seems the very incarna tion of hit nan shrewdness, and with a dogged persistence that shows her entire confidence in final triumph. Look at her protective system, for instance. It was from the first intended for the development of al! her interests—commer cial, financial and political through that of manufacturing. We can see how much tlm policy has accomplished. Starting, a Rule island, scarcely bigger than Georgia, and upon the sole capital of her mines of iron u-irl coal, the thorough development of that p <iu.-y lias built up her navy, sustained her at my, pushed her conquests in every part of earth, made her a first class Power, and now draws wealth and sustenance from nearly all nations. We yesterday explained how the cheapness and adaptability of cotton would in a few decades make it the most powerful manufac turing, commercial and financial interest on the globe, and the greatest instrument prosperity and' JfiTwer. Is it natural, we ask, that these powerful considerations should have been overlooked by a government so astute as that of Great Britain, and lying, too, in the direct path of her policy for centuries? And if she did not overlook them, is it reasonable to suppose she has failed to take in the whole length and breadth of the question—to antici pate its future extension—to note its ultimate importance, including the hazards of continued and increasing dependence, the safety of inde pendence, or the overwhelming power ot a monopoly of cotton supply? Where has Eng land failed to discover her interests, or exhibited any scruples as to the means employed, or lack of shrewdness,energy,determination and power In pursuing them ? Does not an enlightened consideration of all these things force us to the conclusion, that England long ago had an abundant motive to determine to secure an independent supply, and if possible a monopoly of raw cotton ? And if she did form sncli a determination, does not every portion of her history teach us, that she would pursue it with the dogged persistence and unflinching resolve with which she has always pursued her objects— not through months and years only, but through decades and centuries—to the point of final triumph? She knew that the power we speak of would be cheap at a century of effort, and if her energy and skill could not accomplish it sooner, that century's efforts would be unflinchingly given. We are certaiu we do not underrate England in her greed, her wisdom, her energy, her power, or her uncon querable perseverance. llcr first effort was to convince herself that in her colonial and commercial dependencies, she could grow enough cotton for herself and the world. In thi^—to us a seemingly absurd proposition—.-lie succeeded ; and to-day, lour out of five ot her most intelligent statesmen believe she ran, whenever Deed from A raerican competition. H> do not believe this; but it was enough to determine her course that she believed it then, and it is tuough to continue her in that course that she believes it now There was but (he one difficulty to which we have alluded. L did not alone, or chiefly, lie in our rich soil anil climatic advantages, that we were enabled to supply an abundance of cotton of u better staple, lor England relied on the improvements ot cultivation to rival our staple in time, or her power—our own culti vation broken up—to force her owu inferior staple upon the market. But we possessed one advantage that no competition would ever im pair—the overwhelming advantage of slave la bor, not so much'from its cheapness as its re liability. This was in fact t vert thing, slnee no other could endure the heat and malaria of our cotlou bottoms, and without which, therefore, all our advantages of soil and climate were worthless. S'a very was thus made the one obstacle iu the path of English aspirations. So long as we could er-jdy it unimpaired by out side uietnitni.ee*, England kli ;bat any strug gle .'.gainst American cotit o culture was hope less. It was the oue binge upon which turned the question whether England was to be ruled, or herself rule the world, by cottou. Thesim plt-l mind cannot fail to see that she would, theretoie, rtgaid slavery as the stumbling block In the path c l t er ambition ; and he must in deed be ignorant cl England’s history, who supposes that thus vcn-idtrii g it, sbedid not re solve to remove U at at y cost of years’ of effort or niotic v, and wills a tnctciless disregard of the con.-equenets to the people of any other country, and even to the slaves themselves. We have not < nl\ every rtason to suppose that shi' would make such a re. otve, but have every pioof in Icr snUequ> ut history that it was made. That t:># a thud of a ceutnry ago, aid since that period every indication of her diplomacy, her legislation, her press, her pul pit, and her public opinion, has proven such a determination. And to-day, so far from wish ing the present war ended, we have every rea son to think she wishes it continued until her efloris a; cotton cultivation are fully establish ed, and, if possible, until she secures her long coveted monopoly through the destruction of American slavery. Nor have we any reason to hope she will relax from her determination, from consideration of the ruin which must overwhelm both the white and black popula tion of this country. Such calculations have never been allowed to interfere with English rapacity. When she coveted the inru 0 f North America, Us aborigines were swept away by British arms, as with the besom Of destruction. When she coveted India, its enslavement was acecomplished by deeds of blood, of merciless robbery, and hideous cruelty. But a few years ago she made war upon weak and unoffeudlng China, robbed aud killed her people, and burn ed and sacked her cities, simply because China refused’further to ruin and demoralize her peo ple by continuing to minister to British greed in the purchase of English opium. An addi tional reason, hardly less Inhuman, was that she might supply herself with white slaves with out restriction, for the very purpose of work ing out this great problem of cotton supply. What had these nations done that they should have respectively, been warred upon, enslaved and exterminated? They simply stood in the way of British rapacity—innocently to be sure, but that made no difference; it was enough that they stood in her way, and their invasion, enslavement, and extermination, if possible, followed as a natural consequence. Yet, the objects which prompted these outrages on the part of Great Britain were comparitively local —the building up of her strength at home. — Have we any reason to hope for her more mer ciful consideration, when the objects and aspir ations which prompt her to our'destruction are so much more comprehensive and important? And this is the nation on which we have been taught to lean for aid in defending interests which she had every motive to crush out for ever ! 1 Slavery has, in fact, been warred upon for thirty years, with every appliance she could bring to bear; but that her hostility to it is soleiy consequent on its standing in ihe way of her interests, is proved by her historical con nection with that institution. When the colo nies of America were British property, and she could hersell reap the profits of slave labor, she did not hesitate to force slavery upon our unwilling forelalhers at the cannon’s month, and in defiance of popular will aud legislative enactment. So, too, her ship owners for a long period drove their most profitable trade in ne groes stolen by them, and brought to us from Africa, and one half the eollossal private for tunes of the “Merrie Island" have their foun dation in the profits of this traffic. Bat a great change came over the condition of matters. The American colonies had established their independence ; the value of the cotton power had developed itself, and American slavery, instead of ministering to her interests, stood the only obstacle to her aspirations for a mon opoly of that power. The provocation was ample—a tithe thereof had often consigned an equally innocent people to English vengeattce. The fiat went forth; “ Slavery mast be warred upon, and extermi nated.” The very institution she had forced upon us at the cannon’s mouth was, now as effectually to be killed off by British diplomacy. The attack was shrewd and systematic. She first wrought a conversion upon her own gov ernment and people, as instantaneous and mar velous as that of Paul. She who had forced slavery upon us, was now terribly exercised at its enormity. That which worked for her bene fit and was fostered by patronising legislation, became the victim of her fiercest enactments. The foundation of one-half the fortunes of her people, w is now groaned over in holy horror, as “an odious and most wicked ownership in the blood and bones and souls of hutnau be iugs.” It formed the never-failing source of oratorical inspiration', editorial denunciation, and Of pulpit anatln ma and malediction, and was finally thrown into the diplomatic hopper to be mercilessly crushed between the upper and nether millstones of British diplomacy! To give the color of sincerity to this myste riously sudden conversion, she abolished slave ry in the Wist Indies—a trifling matter at best —with immense parade aud ostentation, sacri ficing her little interests there to the great ones at home and in her other colonies. As soon as possible the war was carried into America. English emissaries were sent over into the non slaveholding States to educate their people into the same holy horror into which site had pre viously worked herself. These emissaries came not empty handed, but brougnt an abundance of English gold to hire assistants, defray ex penses, purchase presses and keep them run ning. Never, perhaps, did emissaries work with more energetic perseverance. ’1 heir ora torical howls over “ the horrors of slavery ” were sent up at alt points of the free States, which they were allowed to visit. Their presses, running night aud day, scattered the vile fabrications of English Abolitionism over the land, as plentiful as aututnual leaves in the Valley of Ailembrosa. They, it is true, found American helpers in their iulernal woik; but wherever a gang oi these itinerant Aboli tionists were found, an Englishman was their leader. English gold paid their unholy wages, and English chicanery directed their labors. Their early efforts were not eneouraging, since in 1844, a dozau years after the crusade com menced, and after spasmodic appeals to support Birney (an Abolition candidate) against Clay and Polk—both slaveholders—they succeeded in polling but forty thousand votes, out of a total of a million and three quarters at the North. But England was not the nation to be discouraged. She had expended but a dozen years upon an object she esteemed cheap at a century’s effort. She felt she had scattered the seed of abolitionism over a broad area, and had only to cullivatirit assidu usly to reap, in due lime, an abundant harvest. And that harvest has since been most assiduously culiiva'ed by English speeches, English editorials, English sermons, English essays, and Engiish actions— public and private. We all recollect how, a few years ago, at the World’s Convention, the Americans present were insulted by Lord Brougham’s ixultirg intre ducticn of -a “rev ereud” negro, trow, at the World’s Fair of 1852, on one of the gala days, a beautiful and titled )< ur.g Eiglhh lqd.\ matched up (be aisle, in the immediate* presence of the Queen, lean ing upon the atm of a blaik and burly runaway negro, while the wife of the latter leaned, also, lovingly, upon the arm of Mr.Thompson, M.P., who, then and there, vauntingly challenged “ any American to discuss with him the ab stract right ot any individual to hold a human being in bondage.” Nor have we forgotten that when several thousand dollars, seut over from one of our southern cities for a benevo lent purpose, was tendered in public to a dis tinguished member of the British Par liament, he drew* back, with melo-dramatic horror, and denounced the gilt as blood bought money—as bnt another form of blood, wrung by the oppressor lrom the oppressed and shrunk lrom it with as much horror as if it had been She veritable thirty pieces for which Judas had betrayed his Saviour! Neither have we forgotten that when that in carnation of fraud and misrepresentation— ” l t ele Tom’s Cabin”—made its appearance, how kindly it was received in England, how its praises rung lrom every journal, and were echoed from every lip, how it was reproduced in twenty editions—iront the twenty guinea issue which shone resplendent on my lord’s or my lady’s table to the six penny reprint that was snivelled over by nine tenths of the half-fed operatives and work girls of England. Or how the visit of its author was made a sort of tri umphal march over every part of the kingdom, or how her book, translated into nine lan guages, was 'sent wherever railw.y or ship could carry it, to poison the miud of the uni verse. Nor have we forgotten that a leading daily journal of London made this declaration : that "The overworked, underfed, misers. BLY CLAD, AND WRETCHEDLY LODGED SLAVES, ftA\ e been compelled, as a means of repres SING THEIR INTELLIGENCE, TO WORK IS IRON COLLARS, TO SLEEP IN THE STOCKS, TO DRAG HEAVY CHAINS AT THEIR FEET, TO WEAR YOKES, BELLS, AND COPPER HORNS; TO STAND WHILE THEIR MASTERS BRAND THEM INFAMOUS LY, TO HAVE THEIR TEETH DRAW N, TO HAVE RED PEPPER RUBBED INTO THBIT EXCORIATED.FLESH, TO BE Bathed in turpentine, to be thrust INTO SACKS WITH MAD CATS, TO HAVE THEIR UNGERS AMPUTATED, TO BE SHAVED, AND TO BE WHIPPED FROM NECK TO HEELS WITH HOT IRONS.” Nor have we forgotten that this love ly and “truthful” picture of slavery was ten thousands of times reproduced in the “respect able” and really able and influential journals of England, until the whole world was poisoned against our institutions. Nor that —bringing the matter nearer home—the seed of English abolitionism, plauted in the Free States of the American Union, thus carefully watched and watered, have commenced to yield to Englaud her loug expected harvest in the sad and terri ble war that is now devastating Southern soil, drying up every source of public and private wealth, and which, we believe, she confidently hopes is to culminate in the destruction of American slavery. Nor that, seemingly encour aged by the importation ol a million and a hall bales of cotton from other countries the rast year, she is employing this period of our trials in pushing her schemes for colonial cofton cul tivation in every part of the world where she can plant a seed, hoping thus to raise up a com petition, which will aid iu ruining American slavery—that or.e obstacle to her rapacious greed, against which, for a third of a century, she has directed every resource of her infernal machinations, with a heartless indifference to results and a cruel disregard cf consequences to others t And yet (As is the nation whose friends have so long told us to lean upon for succor in the hour of our need [—this the country that was to rescue us from the hands of the Northern Phil istinesj Merciful Heavens 1 Was ever simple credulity so imposed upon, since the Devil tempted our common mother in the garden ot Eden ? Yankee Trade. We referred, some days ago, to the new scheme of the tyrant Lincoln to subjugate the people of the Confederate States, his aims having tailed to reduce us to obedience, viz: an appeal to our cupidity and necessities. He has declared sundry ports of the Confederacy open to (die trade of all nations, his own among the ficst,'and, we presume, will soon make his most formidable appearance in the form of a mercantile marine, laden down with Yankee products and notions. These trading expeditions have been justly likened to the Grecian Horse, that was- wel comed through the gates of Troy, only for the utter humiliation and destruction of the simple hearted inhabitants of that gallant city, who had successfully repelled all the assaults of their enemies. Are the people oi the Confed erate States to be equally simple? and shall they, forgetful of the high mission an which they have entered, thus yield themselves willing victims to the seductive wiles of an infa mous foe ? The Northern papers have per fect confidence in the success of the Scheme ; declare that we will receive their wares and exchange for them oar cotton ; that we are starving and naked and must be fed and cloth ed. Shall we verify this prediction, and prove ourselves as avaricious, as mean, aud as despi cable as the enemy would make us out to be Granting that he has correctly represented our condition, is there a starving Confederate so base that he would preserve his own life at the hands of the detestable Yankees, only to be* coine their hewer of wood and drawer of water, their slave ? Were not death itself preferable to so ignominious a fate 1 Would not life itself be loatbesome when purchased with a humilia tion so degrading and damning to the very soul of a freeman 1 Heaven save our countrymen from such a destiny ! If unable to cope with the enemy, let us be destroyed, but never bought up, degraded, and enslaved ! Wbat then, shall we do with regard to Yan kee tradesmen, and others who shall enter our ports under tbeir auspices, for the purpose of inaugurating business relations with us? This is an important question, and we hope the au thorities at Richmond have had it under con sideration and determined on a rule for our guidau -e. In absence of any announcement on the pari of the government, we would offer a suggestion of our own, and leave it fertile consideration of the people of the Confederate States, and especially of the military and naval authorities who have charge of our ports. Our treatment wonl i be two-fold, varying according to the nationality ot the vessel or the owners of its cargo. Should a Yankee merchantman attempt to enter such ports as are still in our possession, we would regard her as a hostile messenger and open our batteries upon her as soon as we would upon Yankee gunboats. In ports [n the jjtanfis of the enemy, our people should resist every attempt at Seduction, and to the point of starvation and nakedness turn their backs upon the devilish adventurers. Every Confederate merchant who shall patron ize the poisonous mess of potage, should be marked for ali future time as the man who would sell his country for gold. Something has been said about cargoes of icc now on their way to southern cities that have become ex hausted of that article—we would rather drink hot water for the remainder of our days, than cool it at the expense of our country’s honor. Should European vessels come to trade with us, let us receive them, but always with the condition that they shall acknowledge our sovereignty over the soil by paying the customs due under the Confederate law. If they choose to submit to exactions at the hands of Yankee blockaders, it is their business, not ours. We hope to see an awakening of the public mind on tliissu 1 jeet, and that, under these 1 new circumstances of trial, our people will show themselves worthy of the name of freemen. An Imposition on the Press. —Whilst pri vate individuals are telegraphing important in formation from Richmond, concerning the late battles, we would be glad to know what that individual is doing who has set himself up at the capital as th? agent of the Press, and regu larly comes forward with a bill for his services. He has been absorbed in a profound slumber, or swooned away into an equally proiound in difference towards everything of interest to the Press and’the public from the moment of his induction into office until now. A more shame ful imposition ws never attempted on anybody, and it is a mystery that his long suffering pa trons should have borne with him so long. What are you at, Mr. Giseme, that everybody else can get important information, and you alone remain iu the dark ? It Mr. Yeadon and others conld visit the battle field aud find out who were killed and wounded, the forces en gaged, by whom they were led, etc., &e., pray, why conld you not do the same thing? For three whole days you have been burying the dead, without finding out who they are, and watching with wonder ami admiration ihe “quiet” that reigns “along the 1 nt”—is there nothing else you tan do that would better Inter est the public for whom you set yourself up as a caterer of news ® We ask our editorial brethren : How long are we to submit to this state of things f I- there uo remedy upon which we can ui.ite and that will enable the Press to meet the just expecta tions of the public ? Protecting Pp.ivate Pis pshty !—We learn from a private letter that the enemy’s gunboats went up the river from Brunswick Thursday last, and tired eighteen shell at the residence of Dr. Troup, some six miles above that place Several shell struck the building, and one en tered it, doing considerable damage. The house is a large and fine on-*, and stands on a high bluff, thus presenting a tempting mark for ihe enemy. Why is it that we hear of no efforts made to stop the career of these ruthless despoilers ? Where are our Partizan rangers, raised and equipped at a heavy expense to the government, that they do not scour the country aud break up all such nests of pirates as those now quar teied on St. S.inous Island and other points on the We suggest that the Thirteenth Georgia be sent down to look after these Yankee thieves, who seem to be having mat ters pretty much their own way. Land Batteries vs. Iron-Clad Ships.— Gen. Tatten, Chief of Engineers of the Fed eral army, has made his report in aeswer to Inquiries on the subject of changes necessary in fortifications. He says all the changes in ordnance snd projectiles are greatiy in favor of land batteries against vessels in any combat between them. He favors existing fortifications, and says iron had been used to strengthen them for years past, and that its further use is a question of economy. j Tile Confederate state* and Foreign JUiMoioiitt—Our Follcy wit It Htgurdlo Cotton. [concluded. J We thiDk we have given evidence enough to satisfy the intelligent reader, that the interests of the Confederacy have nothing to hope for from England, but on the contrary everything to fear. We propose now to bring forward the reasons which hive convinced us that we may have much to hope for from France whenever we have taken the proper means of giving that country due encouragement. It is true that France has not stepped forward either in advance recognition nor in direct in terference in our favor. But we must remem ber that we had but little claim to expect her to do so. To judge this matter rightly we must look upon it from an European stand point, and not through the medium of our owu too sanguine hopes and expectations. We have none of us a right to expect that an utter stran ger will step lorward at eonsidetabie hazard to himself, in the attempt to extricate us from our own difficulties, without giving him some thing in the shape of inducement. That in ducement, indeed, we accord to our own friends and acquaintances iu our every day tiunsac tions. If we buy goods of a merchant we cheerfully accord his profits. If we employ a lawyer, doctor or commission agent, we expect to pay them the recognized fees. What right, then, have we to call upon a nation between whom anti ourselves there are no interests in common for active, perhaps hazrrdou?, inter ference in our behall ? Every government is bound to take care ot the interests of its own people. Recognition, aud especially interfer ence, involves the hazard of war, or at least the severance of commercial advantages with the other belligerent, and is, therefore, a serious matter. We have, constquSntly, no right to expect that France, between whose people and our own there has heretofore been no conuner cial connection worth naming, to volunteer all these hazards on our account without an assur ance of some ultimate advantages in return. Again, it must be remembered, in favor of France, that in the war oi the first Revolution she came gallantly forward to assist the colonies in throwing off the yoke of Great Britain ; and not only assisted in armies and navies, but with credits and money. It must be further remem bered that all this cost France immense sums in direct expenditures then, and subjected her to future retaliation from England, whenever that nation felt itself strong enough to strike the blow. Yet for all this aid, this expense, and this hazard, when we had fully established our independence, we practically gave France the cold shoulder and made our most advan- tageous treaties with England. And further on, in the day of France’ own trial, when her great aud wise Emperor, Napoleon I, was beset with the armed hosts of Europe, we, so far from rushing to his rescue, gave our best sympathies to bis opponents ; aud up to the breaking out of this revolution, where the people of the Southern States had oue transaction w ith the citizens of France, they had fifty with those of England, sni where a Frenchman made one dollar out of our interests Englishmen made a hundred. To the latter we bad virtually given the control of our cotton, with ali its wealth giving influences to the manufacturing, the commercial, the shipping and financial in terests of that country. Is it, then, a matter of astonishment that France, after her former unprofitable experiences, should be somewhat chary in again volunteering, when she, so far from having any assurances of future advan tages, would, on the contrary, have done so in the face of a moral certainly, that after our independence was secured, the present com parative status of trade between this country and France and England would continue, and that with the advantage oi iter fixed trade, her extensive shipping, her established manufac tures the latter would fall a natural heir to all our trade worth having? Let all these 111ings be duly weighed, before we venture even to ask why France lias not been more prompt iu coming the second time to our rescue. But England had none of these excuses. She had no claims against us for unrequited grati tude. She had no grouuds of bitterness on the score that we had repaid former favors from herself, by giving ourchoisest gifts to the bit ter enemies of either. On the contrary, we had given her everything. For half a century her operatives had made their daily bread out ol our cotton ; their Ships, rnanulactures, mer chants and bankers, had been reaping a rich harvest from the exclusive manipulation ol the same material. The general interests o! Eng land had received their greatest impetus Irom the same influences, and the whole country may be said to have battened and thrived upon the advantages they derived from their connection with us. But worse than this, we have shown that England has ambitious aspirations directly op posed to ours that she long ago determined to set up a rival cotton culture in opposition to I our own—that to this end, she has labored for j more than a third ol a century with ail her! power, diligence and determination—that she has indirectly made unscrupulous war upon our all important institution, and imliteclly fomented (he inUueoces that have culminated in the preseut war, and is now using our troubles to plaut her selfish schemes success fully ; looking to nothiugless than a supply of cotton independent of us, aud hoping nothing les3 than a monopoly of that staple, through the crippliDg or destruction ot our tneati3 of culti vation. We have been over this ground with sufficient explicitness, bat before leaving it, we would remind the reader, that it we have made good the charge upon the intention of England, it matters not what confidence we fed iu her failure to succeed. Wo do not ho and tlie man guiltless of murder, who has only failed to take our life, because his aim was faulty or his weapou refused to fire. It is ille tn ention and not the act that constitutes murder, at least in a moral poiut of view. We look for the animus— the malice pre; ease, and we doubt if a clearer case was ever made out against either nation or individual. If we arc right iu this opinion, it is plain enough that so far from expecting aid from England, we would bn arrant tools to ex pect anything else than her constant and per severing efforts for our dcstr uction. But with France all this is precisely jhe re verse. First, as already explained, we had no claim on her lor past, or probably futm tions. Second, we have no reason to believe that, lilts England, she has lor a third of a cen tnry been using every appliance for our destruc tion. Third, France has no aspiration for the cultivation of cottou in her colonies, or if she had, h3S no colonies in which she conld grow it ; and, therefore, —totally unlike E igland— she has no interests whieh from necessity are vitally opposed to our own. Here are three good reasons why we may rely on France in stead of England. Bat there is a fourth reason worth all the rest. France, trom the time of William Pitt, has had a painful consciousness of the advanta ges which the policy developed by that emi nent statesman, has given her hereditary foe in war ut.d rival iu peace. Napoleon the Great — if that appellation is not considered ur just in dioiiuguDhing him lrom his almost equally great successor in Imperial power,—fully com prehended the advantage this policy gave to England, and made every effoit to checkmate her bp a counter policy. The k-cu sagacity of the pre-flit Emperor enabled him to p* rceive irom ihe commencement of his political career, the advantages that a more extended maculae turieg, and through that, a more expanded and iudepeudtnt commercial and financial policy, would give to his country —directly in buiidmg up her own fortunes, and indirectly in crip plicg those of her rival—and he has been untir ing in his exertions to push them forward. In this view he has conquered and annexed Al geria, established Italy as an independent na tion, last year made the celebrated Reciprocity , Treaty with England, and is now planting in fluences in Mexico, which will end in opening the markets of that country to French pro ductious. In this view, too, he is be.ieTed to have been cognizant of, and to have encouraged the sale ol the Virginia Water Line to the great French House ot Bdiat des Miaieres Bios. & j Company, ot Paris and Bordeaux, no* only to establish a moral advantage in favor of French manufacturers throughout the immense trading section to tie drained by that line, if ever com pleted, but to supply the mechanics and opera tives of hie country with a cheap and abundant supply of bread. Docs it need any extended argument, then, to show that we can most ef fectually checkmate England’s schemes for in dependence in, ora monopoly of, cotton, by striking hands with Napoleon ? and that we> as the growers of cottou, and France, as its merchant and manufacturer, can divide be tween us all the wealth and power of that im-- portant article ? Negotiations between private parties, we learn, are so far arranged, tha't it needs but an intelligent diserirn nation on the part of our rulers to displace England— whose aims and interests are opposed to ours—by Franco, who has no such antagonistic views, and who would be amply compensated by the tarns fer of the factorage of cotton from Liverpool to Bordeaux or Havre, its manufacture from Manchester and Birmingham to Lyons, and the settling house of it* bills from London to Paris. France, we repeat, in the absence of any of England’s ambition for colonial cotton, is in every way as ready to foster our interests, as England is to giripple and destroy them. It needs but a glance to discover how advan tageous such an arrangement would be to both countries. With our independence established, and peace secured, and with our unparalleled facilities for growing cotton unimpaired, we could again establish our monopoly in culture, while France, with our better fibre and at a cheaper cost, could establish an equal monopo ly in its manufacture, and this not only to the extent of the present demands, but what it will bo when its unparalleled cheapness and Provi dential adaptability to so many use# of human ity shall introduce it to all nations and tribes. Practical difficulties have heretofore been supposed to intervene against this proud con summation. France could not spin cotton which had been compressed, owing to the dry ness of her climate. Bt there are few of us ignorant that our cotton can be spun here, while fresh from the gin, with the natural oil yet upon it, producing a liner, smoother, stronger, and more glossy thread, and at con siderably less cost, than England can produce from the same cotton, after the compression re quired to transport it to Europe. We have then only to use our abundant water power and climatic advantages in spinning cotton^ as well as growing it, to place it in fhe hands of France in such a shape as to defy competition from any quarter. We hope the intelligent, and the influential, in this Confederacy, will give proper considera tion to the facts and suggestions we have pres ented. With us cotton, and to a degree thecot lon monopoly are everything. If we maintain it, we become iu a comparatively few years one of the richest and most powerful of natious—if we lose it, one of the weakest and poorest ; aud if we are correct in the views herein presen ed) our decision upon the very matter pro posed, may alone settle that question, with all its tremendous length and breadth of couse quencies. Our conclusion, therefore, from the argu ments advanced iu this series of articles, is that the true policy ot the Confederate Stales con sists in cutting loose, in every practicable way, from British trade, British monopoly, and Bri tish bondage ; that in the regulation of our commercial treaties with nations abroad, we should discriminate against enemies and in fa vor of triends; that we should seek, by all law ful means in our power, to thwart those who would weaken and destroy us, and to encourage and strengthen those who have ever been wil ling to accord us striet justice and see-us prosper, and even aid in the growth of our greatness. This is just and right. But iu the prosecution oi such police, we should exercise a wise caution and act upon assurances and not upon appearances alone. We bold a mighty power in onr hands, and wo trust our rulers will be found competent to the task of exer cising it safely and judiciously. It is hardly necessary for us to say, especially to the intelligent reader, that our reference in these articles is to England and France as governments, and not to the people. We have discussed, and brought iuto contrast British and French policy, and have had little to do with the feelings and sentiments of the inhabi tants or subjects of those countries. We know and deal with a nation only through the acts of its public authorities. Death of Floridians. —We regret to learn, through parties who arrived here from Florida last night, that despatches received at Talla hassee add another to the list of noble Flori dians who have fallen in the defense of their country. Major George W. Call, ol the Second Regiment, fell in one of the recent battles near Richmond. lie was a citizen ot Fernandina, and in civil life held a high position, having been regarded as the leading lawyer of ids State. Adjutant Butler, ot the same regiment, and a citizen of the same place, was also kil(pd. Lieut. Col. Lewis G. Piles, of the same regi ment, a citizen of Alachua county, was se verely wounded. Add to these the gallant Ward, who fell at Williamsburg, and we have a loss that Florida will ieel most deeply and take long to repair. The Fort Pulaski Prisoners. —ln answer to numerous letters —which we have not the time to reply to separately—,ve would state that no information has been received trom the Fort Pulaski garrison, except the letters ad dressed by many of them to their friends at home soon alter their arrival at Governor’s Island. Also, that vvn ne aware of no means of communication through which a letter from home would reach them at the present time. B iug on the lookout for such an opportunity shout) it occur, we will give public notifi cati n of the fact, for the benefit of all con cerned. Salt Springs in Conn. —The Sait Springs in the southern portion of Cobb county have re cently been leased by a company of gentlemen in Marietta, who intend proceeding forthwith to develop their resources. Mr. E. Deumead, the flour manufacturer, is at tfie head of the organization, which affords a guarantee that ihe affiirs of the compa y will be well and en ergetieally managed. They intend, we learn, operating on a large scale—tiie largest, we hope, of which the locality is susceptible, as the demand of our State requires the appro priation of all the means at our command. The Southern Express Telegraph.—The Southern Express Company is extending Us telegraph line to Raleigh, and will eventually reach Richmond via Danville —thus giving Columbia two complete telegraphic connections with the Capital of the Confederacy. The line has been completed as far as Salisbury, North Carolina, aud will be in operation in a few days, ■ Mr. Julian Soule, the former very popular and j efficient Superintendent ol the A merican Tt-le graph Company in Columbia, has been appoint ed Superintendent of the new fine. Where is Dautsvillk Ihe postmaster at Darirville has written us a note complaining that other postmasters do not seem to know the location of his office; for which reason let ters and papers take weeks to reach there. lie aDo requests us to publish hi.? cote for general information, though the public would be but little edified thereby, as he omits after all to tell j ns where Dartrviiie really is ! Whereabouts in •• Georgia is your post-office, Mr. P M ? That’s the {joint. An Absentee Tabooed. The Vigilance Committee of Columbus have passed a resolu tion delaring that John G. Winter shall not be allowed to return to that community “on pain of such punishment as the Committee shall in ; fliet.” Three out of the four dailies iD Richmond, viz: Whig, Enquirer and Examiner, are now j printed upon a ball sheet. Ail the newspapers j of Mobile, Memphis, Vicksburg and New Or- i lean-, also issue a t a t sheet only.- ‘ M,” of Jbeiiair, Fla., should know that we , publish nothing without knowing the name o the writer. This extends to communications about the crops, as well as to any other. ARMY CORREA * Of the Savannah Lefuislivan. Evacuation of Corinth. Mobile, May 29. You will probably have learnt by tfte tele graph, before this reaches you, that Corinth has been evacuated by the Confederate Army. At least, I infer from what I saw before leaving that place, and from news that has reached me to-day, that our troops will be withdrawn down the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, probably to night or to-morrow. lam not informed of the pre else locality where they will “pitch their tents,” bat have heard it is about fozly five miles below Corinth, and a short distance above the Okaiona Station. I endeavored to prepare your readers f t this movement by an intimation thrown oat in the concluding paragraph of my last letter. I refer to the subject again merely to say, that the evacuation of Corinth, under the circumstances which environed the arrny v was both wise and necessary, as a brief statement will suffice to demonstrate. The soil around Corinth is of that peculiar character which is very wet in winter, and very dry in summer. As was stated iu a former letter, I saw a mule drowned in a small branch near the town, where, two weeks afterwards, there was not a drop of water to be been. The consequence was, at the time of my departure both the troops and horses were suffering for • water, to an extent you can kardiy imagine. The chief supply was obtained irom the stand ing pools in the beds of exhausted streams. Steps had been taken to bore a number of wells, but it was ascertained that there was no rope or tools to be had in the town, and that it would be necessary to send to Columbus, Miss., for the particular kind of rope desired The rope had not been received up to the 20th, and but for timely showers which renewed the supply in the watercourses, and the wells dug by the men in low, damp places, army could not have remained there as long asii,has. The citizens use rain water, caught in cisterns from tne first of October to tbe first of May ; but the supply iu the cisterns was not sufficient to last the army one week. In the neighborhood of Pea Ridge, the local ity oi the enemy’s chief encampment, the water is better and the supply more abundant. But it was not the want of an adequate sup ply’ of water alone that rendered it necessary for our atmy to retire from Corinth. Our en campment was bounded on three sides by Bridge creek and a dense swamp—in front, on the right, and in the rear—and our breastworks were just behind the swamp and ran parallel to it tor a considerable distance. The swamp was crossed by four or five roads, near which we had planted formidable batteries to cut off •fill approach by the roads. It would now ap- jiear that the tame thing has been done by T tbe enemy, who has advanced up near the swamp on the other side, thrown up breastworks aud posted heavy siege guns, which not only com mand the roads leading out from our side, but are of-sufficient calibre to shell nearly every part of our encampment. He has also thrown up strong works near Farmington and Pea | Bidge, and erected heavy batteries at command | nig points along tbe several routes to the rear. ] Indeed, the Federal works are superior to ours, i and their position equally strong, il not strong er, while their force is one-fourth, if not one third, greater. It was hoped and expected that Halleck would attack us in our position; but this he was too sensible to do; lor defeat would have been the certain result. Could we expect a different result, if we should attack him behind his formidable works and with his superior force? It was never intended to allow him to approach so near, aud to get into position, without,first offering him battle. This we did at Farmington, when lie declined to pick up the gauntlet thrown down to him, and this we sought to do on the 23d, when it was lound impossible, because the ground had not been properly recouuoitered and mapped, to get our right wing, wLich was to lead the attack, into position. Had we encountered the enemy on that day, in accordance with tbe order of battle agreed upou by our officers, I do not see how we could nave failed to win the greatest and most decisive victory thus far achieved in the war. That night, however, and the next day, the enemy moved up and got into position, where it would be as great madness for us to make the attack, as it would be for him to at tack us. Why, then, it may be asked, should we, and not Hallcck, retire ? Because Halleck is pro vided with guns ol long range and heavy calibre, with which he can throw shot and shell into almost every part of our encampment, every two or three minutes, day and uight, as long as lie pleases ; and because he has better water and more abundant supply than we have The chief advantage the Federals will gain by the change, will be the use of the entire line of the Memplis & Charleston Kailroad from Ste- venson to Memphis. They are good workers, and will soon rebuild the bridges over the Ten nessee river and Bear creek, and those over ihe Hatchie and other streams west ol Corinth, which the Confederates will doubtless destroy. As soon as these lost bridges can be rebuilt, Memphis and Fort Pillow will be occupied, as well as those sections of the Mobile Ohio ar.d Tennessee & Ohio Railroads,which lie north of the Memphis & Charleston road. The withdrawal down the Mobile & Ohio road will dimmish our transportation, and b/iug the army into a more healthy section of country, where all kinds of supplies are more abundant and the waters much better. The enemy, on the contrary, should he follow us up, will have to march sixty-five or seventy miles into the interior, where, incase ol disaster, he would be cut to pieces and destroyed. P. W. A. | Dent3s of Col, Tennent Lomax, j No event of the sanguinary field of Chicka | hominy is more to bo deplored, and will carry [ sorrow to more hearts, than the fall of Colonel Tennent Lomax, the commander of tbe 3d Reg iment of Alabama Volunteers. He was a South Carolinian by birth, but soon after attaining his majority emigrated to Columbus, in this State, where he took charge, as editor, of the Times, previously and throughout his administration one of the leading and mo3t influential journals ot the State. As an editor he was able, well iutormed, and wielded a vigorous pen. A cul tivated gentleman, his courtesy never forsook him, -even in the heated struggles of partizau warfare, in whieh he bore an active and con- part. We knew him well, both in his professional and private relations, and can iruly say a good man and a gallant soldier has fallen. p c ace to his ashes and the consolations of Heaven to his stricken family and friends ! We find the following graceful and feeling notice of his death in the Times of Tuesday : j Death of Col. Lomax. —The painful imelii- I geuce ol the death of Col. Tennent Lomax i passed through this city Sunday night on its mournful errand to liis family in Montgomery, lie fell on Saturday iu the battle near Richmond, gallantly leading his regiment against ihe str xi ed columns ot the foe. Col. Lomax was v,til known and universally admired and beloved m this city. For several years he wag sole editor ot this paper, and its tiles are an enduring monument of his ability and unwavering devo tion to principle. Love lor his native Sou::., to which he has just given the last and crowning seal, shines forth conspicuously iu all m- wir ings’. The military reputation which he won ou the battle fields ot Mexico, was promptly appreci ated and recognized at the outset of the present revolution. He was elected Lieut. Col. ot the 3J Alabama, and, on the promotion of Colonel Withers, war advanced to the Uolouelny. Under his command this regiment reached awiegree'of elliciency which has given it an enviable repu tation thionghout the army. He enjoyed in unbounded measure the love and confidence of bis men, any of whom would have cheerfully met the death he suffered to have saved their cherished and gallant commander. But it was ordered otherwise. A mysterious Providence decreed that a portion ol the price of our independence should be paid with the blood of this chivalrous and noble man. In common with his many friends throughout j Georgi i and Alabama, we mourn his loss, and ; deeply sympathize w.th his bereaved family. Ihe Columbus iGa.) tjuu rays that the scar city of bacon there is creating a great demand for cattish of all sizes, lrom "kitte-as” to the “oig blue” when he is caught. 1 In the late fire in Troy,N-* York, it is stated that the number of bnild.nga destroyed will reach eight hundred.