Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

f L 6 mu ~ PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY BY JARED I. WHiTAKER proprietor. JOHN H. 8TE tL*E, K I* I T O R. ATLANTA, G-EOKGIA. Wednesday, May 24, 1865. KEW KATES. Tin* prawnt condition of the countrv lias compelled a clmog*-In ifUr r.tU-s of publication and for advertising. Kvciy one will »ec and iiprerlati- flic necessity for this, ami w hope otir friends ami patrons trill continue in tbe future that suppo-l and patronage ulilch have Stern so liberally.bestowed in the past. JJrlow will be found the new terms referred to . Daily for 1 month, I 2 (O Dally for li months A 00 Dally tor 12 months, 12 00 Weekly for C iiionUia, 3 00 Hinjje copie. *.t. t.lie counter, 10 cents. Advertising. ifl »H» per square uf 10 lines, and VA< cents for eaeli tfulacijucul Insertion. ... IiKGA I. ADVEKTISE.HEATS. .Vales of band and Neemes, l»y Aibiiini.llr.itots, Kveeu- toiv: or Guardians, are require I l»y law to he held outlie first Tuesday lo each niuiith, between the hours of ten in the forenoon and tbi -e In t''<- afternoon, at the Court }I.iu.il* in the eouuty hi which the property Is shunted. les m .at he given in a public g.i- :i■ property must, he given gli a public g.cz. tte, to days j.-revi- WEEKLY INTELLIGENCER. EBBOR CEASES TO B« DAKOUBOUS WflKN MtASON IS UgT FREE TO COMBAT IT."—Jefferson. VOL. IX. ATLANTA, DA., MAY 24, 1865. NO. 43. LAW AMD ORDER. Charge of Judge 0. A. Lochrane to the Grand Jury of Bibb County, at May term, of Cir cuit Court, 18G5. Gentlemen of ttieGrand Jury: You arc convened this "morning uuder circumstances which invite your attention to interests incomparably the most exten sive and important that e^er engaged the public mind. With all the elements ol so man can shake off his opinions, like apples from a tree. These opinions may remain nay, will remain. The reason and judg ment, however, of the people, will see the necessity of subordinating them to the cri sis. Ameliorations of condition may ex st without systems of violence, and our reflec lion teaches that liberty consists not in ab stractions, but equalities—equalities politi cal, civil and religious; equalities of order, based on the respect ol all and each. The practical must take the place of theory, and ciety loosening beneath your feet, and all tC nnemy the place of politics. Notice* ..f tins z.-rtu dO ii'ri.V* previous. Notice* of the sale of per 1 n like milliner, l! nun f-> sub- d.iy. Notice lo Debt.I iiubliirlnd »<• d.i.v ami Gredin f an estate, must be ill l*o made to the Court of Didiintry bn I- nve t*. ell laud or negroes, must be pub- Jhh dloi two lu *uUis. t’ilatloiis to.- letters of Adii.lul.-tratlon, Guardianship, Ac , iim-f be peSdhtlu-d :td days—for iVcwitssion from Ad ministration, iftonUily six mouths—lor disinissiou from Guardumsldp, -Id days. Huh-: lor the foi edosurn of Mortgages must he puli llslied umnthly for four luouths -for establishing lost pa pers, for the loll span- of three months—for coujpellinj Administrators, where bond h i title In t:< a tore by the dcceascl, for the lull HpaCfe'of thre Publications will a ways he continued according to lltllH. tli.-s^, tlir iejrjtl ifMjuinfiiiciitti. uni- '* * th«*nvi»e or Id dl, Ht III* loll RATES: •Sli.-I-Ifi •« s alos * er li*vy >f ten lines or less. ... . £ 00 . 1..-1 ill . * l .tInane A. fa sa'cs, per 8i|U ilIV, fHJ C .11.- • Do *; Sales, pi *!* SijU.T! .. .. DO * ItatioiH oi* letters ol A ilmlniatratlon o 00 UitHlloU • or ielti-i a ol ( UfinliaushlK 3 (HI Xoti< e <it Tiupiii'alioti l< r ilUa.iasion li om Aiiujinis- ti«in.. . G 00 N.itic* '.r iipp leal ton lu r iHsuviiisiou f •om (luarai- 4 00 A1 .pill .111 in t . sr-ll lal.il tii«l negroes,. 0 00 Ni.ll.-i- to Debtors amt (’ reditors .* . . . 8 IHj i-'u o f.l 1. iml or Veproe. , per square,. 50 ;-.ii<* k of i erishable prop •rty, 10 liiivs, 2 00 1 li ay N. Does, .sixty <lu )'S 4 (HI Foicclosu • Of Mortj'nK -, per :-i|U!U-e, r>u For man iilvvitiniip wife, (iu atlvaucc.) 10 00 Mmi-iagc Notice# 1 00 l’iiyinent at the above rates will be required in specie or current notes. Country produce, such as Wheat, l-’luur, Coin, Daccui, Poultry, jfce., (if deshed,) will be taken ai Its market va’ue. All persons writing to this office will please address their letters or communications to Intelligencer, Atlan ta, Georgia. THE HAUNTED RIVEN. BY M.UIY E. Bit VAN’. Par down whore the shadows most gloomily bill, And the wizard winds are wailing ; Where the willows droop like a funeral pall. Amt th-- long gray muss is trailing ; Where no flower may bloom and no bird ruay sing, Hut a silence broods forever, Have when the Vulture flaps his dark wing, Oi the gloomy death-owls shiver; Far down in this lonely valley of shade, Where ghastly moon beams quiver, Rullenly, sluggishly through tire glade, Flowelh the haunted river; Mo.vdro lit:-' i:e lit atrouhn-d dream. As on its black tide floweth. And a legend wild of tills h.mipedjdreaiu The way-side peasant Unowetli; • A story that tells of a former lime, WV-ii its waves were bright and golden, Atid its dancing fed kept merry rhyme With the birds in the forest olden; Hut one night the shuddering stars turned pale At a deed ot guilt and horror, Ami tlie waning moon, in a cloudy veh, Did her pallid lace in sorrow. Tlier e was one low moan, deep and prolonged, And a voice was hushed forever, And a trusting heart, betrayed and wronged, Lay cold 'neatli the forest river And tlu* stain that its wat- rs still retain Is blood, and the blood is human, Atut the moan that it echoes again and again Is the cry of the dying woman. Hut the murderer fled with crimsoned hands, And no vengeful toot pursued him— And he wandered away to foreign lands, And the smiles of fortune woo'd him. Hut the vengeance of God is just ami-true, And sleeping rr waking ever, A'apertre, with wounds of cr imson line Haunted his thoughts forever. Amid the crowded marts, or pleasure's whirl, Though he w -II and bravely Imre him, • The face of tliat wronged and murdered girl Rose fearfully before him, And once, al the close of a night of storm. At daw n a forest ranger, - Discerned on the shore, the 1 feless form Of a pale and dar.-liaircd stranger. They put back the locks of raven hue, Hi ill wet with the chilly water— An.t a g-ay haired man among them knew The. betrayer of his daughter. From his dist ant home, from the smites of love, Hy that Haunted spectre driven, IK- ii ad come at length to this spot to prove How true the vengeance of Heaven. He sleeps on the bank of the lonely stream \\ here the breezeless poplars quiver— Where falleth the starlight’s pallid gleam, And moaneth the haunted river. THE NEW YORK MARKETS. That ike people ol our good city ami our renders everywhere may form some idea of what il coals lo kve at the North, we .give the ruling prices in Ihe markets of Gotham : Flour raugca from $o,50 to $9,50, ac cording to brand and quality; new mess pot k, $29 50 to $50 per ‘parrel; sugar, hrowu, 10* to 17*o; white, iSjfc per lb. These are wholesale prices. 9 Family marketing seems to be a little "higher in New York city than with us. Beef is selling from 20 to 10c. as to choice, veal, 14 to 30c; mutton, 18 to 23c. And to tantalize the palates of gourmands—it there tie auy such left amongst us, after four years ot Codfederatc cruisun.—we give the quota tions ol the game, fish and poultry markets: Smpe, $7 per dez ;n; ducks $2 lo $2,50 per pair. Fresh shad, 25 lo 5Ue each; Iresh mackerel, 35 to 40 per lb; halibut, 25-'; eels, 15to20r; haddock, 3 ”, cod, 10 to 12; lake pike. 15 ; sea bass 25c each; lolrsters * 1 * * * * * * * 9 0c per lb; oysters,.75 * per quart. TV.rkies are quoted al 40 to 452 per It-; spring chickens, $3 per pair. Butter selling at from 40 to 45* per lb; cheese. 25e; eggs, 39c per doz>:n.— Macon Herald 13t A. The American Card Company,” of New York, adveitise a new style of playing cards, designed to supercede ihc old. The advertisement concerning the merits of these cards closes as follows : ‘‘Of how much more significance are our national emblems than tiie homely, mean ingless characters used to desiccate the suits in the old style of cards. Kings, Queens and Jacks are played out! Clubs and Spades no more!! ••Colonels remove Kings; the Goddess of Liberty scorns Queens; and the Major is h ; gh to any Jack in Christendom. In order to secure your interest in the general circu lation of the Union cards, the following prices have t>een established.” &c., &c. the pillars ol the social public tottering, you as representatives ol the civil order, are left standing by virtue of powers inherited from the great fountain ol the common law, and flowing Jrom the sovereignty of tire State; powers which have neither been acquired or impaired by the conventions or the leg- isla'ive enactments ot the last four years. In January, in a published legal ar gument, 1 held that the convention of Geor gia "was not absolute over all rights—that all acts of conventions outside the constitu tions of the Slates demanded the people’s sanction.” That “the sovereignty of the people had been divided, its proper spheres assigned, ns mode ot action directed by the constitution of the S'ate. The judicial ieg- is iaturc and executive departments were the agents of the internal sovereignty, and a convention called to resume the external sovereignty, had no power to change, alter, amend or impair ihem.” This view L held when the first drops of the storm ot war were Tailing upon us. and l reiterate them to-day, and therefore regard you convened, and this court in session by virtue of legal anti constitutional right, un der powers that are inherent iu the consti tutional functions of the Slate. The question as to wheiher there is a constitutional officer to co-operate withyou in transacting the business, is one delicacy of position demands 1 shall neither raise nor ejudge, for I do not coiue here to hold court, lm to meet you and put the raaehia cjy in order. - in occupying this m, I cannot refrain fronqlpoking back to the pleasing relations we have borne in the past. Elevated to the Bench at the outset of the war, it has been my fortune to bold the scales of jus tice, at a time when every prejudice of the public mind was blazing with discord; pub lic questions involving the most exciting public interests were continually before tne, and to have given judgments satisfactorily to all, was more than I could have expect ed. I can only' trust that those for whom I administered law will credit me with inde pendence in dispensing justice, and a deter** ruination to protect the citizen from op pression. My record as a judicial officer is made up—my decision on every important legal question arising during the war pub lished. I have nothing to add, and nothing to take away. With that rccosd my name will go down among the memories of the •ircuit, as one, I trust who never yielded to necessity, nor bent his judgment to the caprices ot power. The maintenance ol law, I have always regarded as the essential element of liberty and to urgeupon everyman in this circuit the necessity ol supporting the laws that now govern the land, is the, object and purpose ol my meeting you here this day. This is an immense duty rising from a great occasion, and if the opportunity is Tost it may never return. It would be iu tny judgment, the darkest outrage a man could commit against humanity, to couusel anv resistance to the restoration of peace ready to flow through the channels ot the lawconscience will sting in the grave him who in this hour does not lend a willing hand to restore the constitutional functions of the country ; the voice of famity, country ami posterity appeals to every one who holds a place in the organization of power, tc bring baric with cordial co-operation lhe guardians of the public weal, to heal the wounds, compose the dissentions and re store the liberty of the people. “Nolem Corinthum” was the remark of Cicero, when teaching the principle of morality to his son Marcus, illustrating that to be great, we must forget the sensitiveness and selfishness ot weak men, and with an ascension of rea- on rise up to the level of great occasions. We can admire the poetry of feeling that loves a cause with all the idolatry oi a mis tress, but the passion is not so lofty as the reasoning and steady affection of a wife.— We may go toe far, and when we lose sigl^t of our own best interests, and involve the future in disasters, we do go too far. Love of country is evidenced by acts which confer honor, prosperity and peace upou the land; acts of wild and romantic folly, resulting in crime, to serve a country, evidences fanaticism. Like the husband growing drunk toasting his wife, who at home weeps for his return, is the love of conutry some give, who never did ought but talk, and whose sentiment, like the toast of the drunken husband to his wife, brings only tears and trouble. On this occasion, gentlemen, I spes'i ay honest convictions to you when I every man must put down, by example and by counsel, every motion of discontent, producing bickering, strife and bloodshed, and every one be a peace officer, aotiug on the determined pur pose that every man who violates law, or counsels its violation, shall suffer the penal ly such disorganizer is times like these should suffer. This is the love of country 1 enjoin ou you. Now, when the war is over, and everythin tends to peace, let us have it aud go to our peaceful pursuits iu lifo.— Some may tbiuk that liberty of speech hits become a mockery, if men are not allowed to abase, and talk as they, please. Tins matter has always in practice been misun derstood. The liberty ol reason and ma nia are not more distinct. The madman does as he pleases, bnt it does not follow that every sensible naa may act like he was mad; the law restrains even passion. Vituperative epithets on public men are not evidences of liberty of speech; officials are representative men embodying the dignity and representing the power of position, and the outpoulings of disappointment and ma lice should be restrained. Liberty of opin ion dots not consist in conceptions of hate which rankle into crime. Opinions ripen ing into acts must be in view of law, pacific, and tolerance in opinion is tine of the ele ments of peace; men may differ, like Poly bius and Pliny, upon every subject, moral, social and religious, aud remain, like them, the warmest and most devoted friends, When wesec the present condition of our people, we are iorced to utter our earnest convictions against all crimination and re crimination. It is not to be hoped that the teaching, education and training of an age We learn by experience, that a too ovdr- \v; tiling estimate of one’s self or country, may produce pride aud obstinacy, and that these, either in nations or individuals, gen erally end in concession. In our condition, however, I do not apprehend that pride will be Auy obstacle in ibe path of progress. Bui yet much has been achieved for history, much for poetry to twine its arms ot song around, much lor glory iu the inlure. The world will recognize the grandeur of this nation, its power be leit amid the courts ot foreign princes' and its flag wave over the destinies of our race. ~~ But with these, the people reduced to poverty, must see the spirit in which their intcresware to be protected, betore we can anticipate either pride or enthusiasm. The institutions ot the land will be reorganized, the constitutions of the States changed,and in the policy foreshadowed by the President of the United Slates, the masses of the peo pic will have a voice in fixing and settling their own rights and destiny. The wisdom of the heart, and the logic of necessity will counsel their action. Though now tossed upou the waves, we trust soon to see the Dove over the waste ol waters, coming with broken wing again to shelter in the Ark,and the Blate launching forth to a new destiny, will cany the freighted hopes and prayers ot the people. Cleared for action In the field of industry, and enterprise, Georgia will soon resume her position, and wealth and prosperity pour again into her hip. The nation is young. The dewe of its baptism * scarce wet upon its forehead, and wc look to a manly stride over the troubles of the past, and an unwearied march l</ prosperity. Our fields will soon resound with the hum ol industry, our anvils ring with’the music ol labor, our people won back' to peaceful pursuits hy family associations, and the in fluences ot religion give a new impetus to \ civilization; and uuder the inspiration of fortune, the nation plume itsell and arch its neck for a flight to immortality. Such, I trust, will be our destiny, counselled by “wisdom, justice and moderation,” and may God in his iufiui’e mcicy send angels to lift every shadow from our path to the destiny that awaits us. My prayer for the country, is the invcca- iioji of .my heart, tor you have honored me and with Georgia, as I would have shared her glory, 1 will remain to share her fate. To sit by her sick bed is a duty the ihstinct of honor prump'M. To r-.,.-u«&*-t her ter pro* sperity, the instinct of reason equally de mands. I would ba untrue to duty, myself and you, if I permitted pride to blend with my counsels, or freeze the stream of conyic- tten that 11 jws from the inmost recesses of my soul. I, therefore, counsel with all the ssserva- tion of truth, obedience to the laws and constituted authMilks; a cheerful acquies cence to the designs ot Providence, an un murmuring assent to the decree of fate,and by our readiness to accept the position God- has assigned Us, illustrate our desire for the restoration of law, order and government, that we may enter our career, aud save to our children and children’s children, what has been left by the storm that has swept over us. TIIE REBELLION. THE SOUTH AND SLAVERY. THE TERMS OF PEACE. LEE’S DESIGNS FOR THE PiTTIIRB. From the New York Herald of the 29 h ult, we extract the folio wing interesting ac count, of an interview between Gen. Robert E. Lee and a Mr. Thomas M. Cook, the spe cial correspondent of the Herald. We give the article a9 wc find it, cautioning our read ers to receive with due allowance anything coming from Mr. Bcnneit’s sensational sheet. The dispatch is dated Richmond, Va., April 2 lih: —Macon Daily Herald. GICN. ROBERT E LEE. •Iu order, if possible, to get some clear light for the solution of the new complica tions growing out of the muid.r of Presi dent Lincoln, I yesterday sought and ob tained an interview with that distinguished soldier and leader of the rebel army, Gen. Hubert E. Lee, and was permitted to draw out his views on the very important quis lions suggested. It is proper to say that my reception was everything that could be ex pected from a gentleman who has always been considered a type of the once famous chivalry, and, I had almost said, nobility of Virginia. Pen aud ink sketches of Gen. Lee have been so numerously made of late by newspaper writers, that a‘ny attempt at this time by me in that direction, would be a work of supererogation. I may simply say, that the firm step, the clear voice, the bright, beaming countenance, the qnick in telligence, the upright form, and the active manner of the General, very strongly belie the portraitures of him which are so com- mou. A‘l the vigor, animation and-ability ol ripe mauhood are prominently conspicu ous in his beaiing. His venerable white hair and beard simply inspire respect for the mature ideas and deliberate expressions that come lrom this conspicuous rebel leader but in no wise convey au impression of de cay or old age. INTRODUCTION. It was certainly emtafcassing to me, on introducing the objectIBPmy visit, to say that I intended to lay his political views be- lore the public, as his military career had already been. His reply—“I am a paroled prisoner”—at once appealed to my sympa thy. A trank, generous man, how far may I properly question him without touching upon his views of honor in reference to his parole ? But when he added, ‘T have never been a politician, and know but little of po litical leaders—I am a soldier”—felt easier. I assured him that I had no desire to offend his sensibility, or tempt him lo violate any presumable obligation under his parole ; but that, being prominently identified with the rebellion, his views on the question arising „ w out of that rebellion would be of great in- can be Thrown aside in an hoar, er that a j terest at the present moment, and doubtless of great importance and influence in the settlement of the troubles agitatin'* the country, and with this vie v only I cal’ed upon him. He replied that tb4 prominence he ueld was unsought by himself and dig, tasteful to him. That he preferred retire- ment and seclusion. Bat was ready to make any sacrifice or perform any honorable act that would tend to the restoration ot peace and tranquility to the country. GEN* LEE, VIRGINIA AND THE REBELLION. The General's attention was directed to his written and spoken determination to dray his sword in defence only of his na tive State, and Iht inquiry was raised as lo whi t he considered the defence of Virginia, an4 what degree ol deliberation he had' given to that expression. He stated that, as £ firm and honest believer in the doctrine ot C^tate rights, he had considered his nlle- giatce due primarily to the State in which he vas born, and where he had always re sided. And, although he was not an advo cate of secession at the outset, when Vir ginia seceded he honestly believed it his duty tar abide her fortune.' He opposed se cession to the last, foreseeing the ruin it was sure to entail. But when the State withdrew from the Union he had no re course, in lm views ol honor and patriot ieru, but to abide her fortunes. Lie went with her, intending to remain merely a pri vate citizen. Whfeu he resigned his com mission in the United States army, he had no intention of taking up arms in any other service, and letpit of all, in a service antag onistic to the Uuited Suites. His State* however, called for him, and, entertaining the fixed (principles be did of State sover- eignty, he had no alternative but to accept the service to which he was called. When he made use of the declarations that have been so extensively quoted of late, -he had accepted only a commission from Virginia. Subsequently, when Virginia attached htr- sclf to the Southern Con oderacy, the'same political impressions impelled him to follow her, aud when he accepted service under the rebel Government, he did so on the principle that ho was deftndieg his native State. And yet, by the act of accepting sifeh service, he was bound in honor to serve in any part of the Confederacy where he might be called, without reterence to S ate lines; and the reconciliation with his former avowal, if any were necessary, were found m the fact that Virginia, standing or falling With the other Southern States, m detend ing them all he was defending the one to which he considered his allegiance primari ly due. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF HIS SURRENDER. As to the effect of his surrender, he was free to say it was a severe blow to the South, but not a crushing blow. It was of military, not political significance. I asked, was not that surrender a virtual surrender of the doctrine ot State rights. By no means, the General replied. When the South shall be wholly subdued there will v*n*Je»5»l»ly be a surrender ol that doc trine. But the surrender of a single army is simply a military necessity. The army of Northern Virginia was surrendered be cause further resistance on its part would only entail a useless sacrifice of life. But that army was merely a part of the force of the South. When the South shall be forced to surrender all its forces aud -returns to the Union, it uudisputably, by that act, surrenders its favorite doctrine of secession; That principle will theu be settled by mili v tary po’.;er. STATE RIGHTS. On this question -oi Stale sovereignty the General contendslh at there exists a legiti mate casus belli. Ia the convention lha formed the organic law ot the land, the question of dcfiuiug the relative powers ot the States, and their relation* to the General Gouernmcnt was raised, but after much discussion was dropped aud left unsettled. It has remained so unsettled until the pres cat time. This war is destined to set it at rest. It was unfortunate that it was 'not settled at the outset; hut as it was not set tled then, aud had to be settled at some time, the war raised on this issue eancot be considered treason. If the South is forced to submission in this contest, it of course can only be looked upon as the tri umph of Federal power over State rights, t}nd the forced annihilation of the latter. THE SOUTH ANXIOUS FOR PEACE TWO YEARS AGO. With reference to the war in the abstract the General declared it as his honest belief that peacj was practicable two years ago, and has been practicable from that time to lhe present day, whenever the General Gov ernment should see fit to seek it, giving any reasonable chance for the country to escape the consequences which the exasperated North seemed determined to impose. The S mill has, during all this time, been ready and anxious for peace. They have been looking lor some word or expression of c mi- promise or conciliation lrom the Norih, uoon which they m’ght base a return to the Union. They were not prepared, nor are they yet, to come and beg for terms; but were ready to accept any fair and honorable terms, their own f.oli'ical views bung .con sidered. The qu stion of slavery did not lay in the way at ait. The best men of the South have long been anxious to do away with this institution, and were quite willing to-day to see it abolished.' They consider slavery forever dead. But with them, in relation to thifsul ject, the question has ever been, “What will you do with the treed peo pie ?” That is the serious question to-day, and one that cannot be winked at. It must ba met practically and treated intelligently. The Degroes mast be disposed of, and il their disposition can be marked out the mat ter ol freeing them is at once settled. But unless some humane courss -is adopted, based on wisdom and Christian principles, you do a gross wrong and. injustice to the whole negro race in setting them free. And it is only this consideration that has led the wisdom, intelligence and Christianity of the South to support and defend the institution up to this time. THE GENERAL A NATIONAL MAN. The conversation then turned into other channels, and fiially touched upon the prospect for peace. And here a very no ticeable form of expression was used by the General. In speaking of the probable course ot the Administration towards the South, the General remarked that “if we do” so and s>. I immediately called his attention to the expression, and sought an explanation of the sense in which he used the pronoun “we,” bat obtained none other than a marked repetition of it. It was no ticeable throughout the entire interview that in no single instance did be speak of the-Southern Confederacy, nor of the Yan kees nor the rebels. He frequently alluded to the country, and expressed most earnest ly his solicitude for its restoration to peace and tranquility, cautiously avoiding any ex pression that would imply the possibility of its disintegration. THE SOUTH NOT YET CONQUERED. Throughout all the conversation, he man ifested an earnest desire that such counsels should prevail and such policies be pursued as would conduce to an immediate peace implying in his remarks that pcaoe was now at our option. But he was particular to say that, should arbitrary or vindictive or revengeful policies be adopted, the end was not yet Tncre yet remained a great deal ot vitality and strength, which harsh measures on our part would call into actioD- and that the South could protract thestrug- g’.e for an indefinite period. We might, ft was true, destroy all that remained of the country east of the Mississippi river bv a lavish expenditure of men amt- means; but then we would be required to fight ou the other side of that river, and, after subduing them there, we would be compelled to fol low them inlo Mexico,- and thus the straggle would be prolonged until the whole coun try would be impoverished and ruined. And this we would be compelled to do if exter- miuat’on, confiscation and general annihila- i ion and destruction are to be our policy. For if a people arc to be destroyed, they will sell their lives as dearly as possible. Condemnation of the assassination of PRESIDENT LINCOLN. The assassination of the President was then spoken of. The General considered this event in itself one of the most deplora** ble that could have occurred. As a crime it was unexampled and beyond execration. It was a crime that no goed man could ap** prove from any conceivable motive. Un doubtedly tlie effort would be made to fas ten the responsibility of it upon the South ; but lrom liis intimate acquaintance with the leading men of the South, he was confident there was not one of them who would sanc tion or approve it. The scheme was wholly unknown in the South, before its execution, and would never have received the slight** est encouragement had it been known ; but, on the contrary, the most severe execration. called the General’s attention, at this point, to a notice, that had been printed in the Northern papers, purporting to have been taken lrom a paper published in the interior of the South, proposing, for the sum of one million dollars, to undertake the assassination of the President and his Cabi net. The General affiirmed that he had never seen nor heard of such a proposition, nor did he beileve it had ever been printed in the South; though if it had, it had beelf permitted merely as the whim ot some cra zy person that could possibly amonnt to nothing. Such a crime was an anomaly in the history of our country, and we had yet to learn th^t it was possible ot either ear nest conception or actual execution THE SOUTH NEVER HALF IN EARNEST IN THE WAR. It was a most singular and remarkable expression tcTescape the lips ol such a man as General Lee, that “the South was never half in earnest in this war.” I cannot at tempt to translate this remark or elucidate it. Its utterance conveyed to me the im pression that the South was most -heartily sick of the war, and anxious to get back in to the Udion and t<* peace. The General added that they went off alter political leaders in a moment of passion and under the excitement of fancied wrongs, honestly believmg that they were enteriug a strug gle lor an inalienable right and a fundament al principle of their political creed. A man should not be judged harshly for contending for that which he honestly believes to be right. Such was the position of the vast majority of the Southern people now. And now that they are defeated they consider that they have lost everything that is worth contending for in the Government. They have sacrificed home, Iriends, property, health ; all on this issue. Men do uot make such sacrifices for nothing. They have made the sacrifice from honest convictions. EXPATRIATION SCHEMES.. And now that they have lost in the issue they feel that they have no interest lelt in this cotiutry. It is the opinion of General Lgejthat unless moderation and liberality be effcrircised towards them, the country will lose its best people. Already, he says, they are seeking to. expatriate themselves, and numerous schemes are started to go to Mexico, to Brazil, to Canada, to France or elsewhere. He is called upon frequently to discountenance and Suppress such Undertak ing. The country needs these young men. They are its bone and sinew, its intelligence and enterprise, its hope for the future, and wisdom demands that no effort be spared to keep them iu the country and parity them. GENERAL LEti’s STANDPOINT. * It was a moat noticeable feature of tho conversation that Gen. I>e, strange as it may appear, talked ihroGgliont as a citizen of the United States. He seemed to plant himself on the national platform, and take his observations from that, standpoint. He talked calmly, deliberately, earnestly., bnt with no show ot interest oilier or different from what might be expected from an hon est believer in his peculiar opinions. THE TERMS OF PEACE. The conversation which had been greatly protracted, so much so that I became um asy for fear ot trespassing on time that I bad no light to claim, terminated with some allu-’ sioc to the terms of peace. Here there was; perhaps naturally and properly, more reti cence than o £ any other topic. But it waspiain lrom what transpired that the only quest ion in the way ot immediate peace was the treatment to be accorded the vanquished.— Everything else, by implication, seems lo be surrendered. Slavery, Slate rights, the doc trine of secession, and whatever else of po laical policy may be involved in the strife, is abandoned, the only barrier to 'an Imme diate and universal suspension ot hostilities and retnrn to the Union being the treatment the national authorities may promise those who have been resisting its power an Apara- mount authority. It is proper to say that this was not so stated by Gen. Lee, but is simpiy an inference from the conversation that took_place on that topic. Oa the con trary, the General seemed very cautious in regaid to terms. Iu order to get at his views, it possible, I suggested the conservai tive sentiment of the North,wh!ch proposed a general amnesty to all soldiers - and mili tary officers, but that the political leaden of the South be held to a strict accountabil ity. “Would that be just?’’ headed. “What has Mr. Davis done more ihan any other Sou Jierner, that he should be punished ? It is true he has occupied a prominent position I agent of a whole people, but that has | made him no more hot less a rebel than the rest. * ' His acts were the acta of thcT whole peo ple, and the acts of the whole people were his acta He was not accountable for the commencement of the struggle. On the contrary, he was one of theTast to give in his adherence to the secession movement having strenuously opposed it from the out set and portrayed its ruinous consequences in his speeches and by his writings. Why, therefore, should he suffer more than others ?” Ofcourse, it was not my province to discuss these questions, and as this illus tration disclosed the bent of the General's mind, it was all that I desired to know. GENERAL LEE’S PERSONAL WISHES FOR THE FUTURE. In taking leave of the General I took oc casion to say that he was greatly respected by a very large body of good men at the North, and that as a soldier he wa9 univer sally admired, and that it wag earnestly hoped that he would yet lead an army of United States troops in the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine. Ho thanked me for the expression of Northern sentiment to ward himself, but aa tor mere fighting he felt that he was getting too old; his only desire now being to be permitted to retire to private life aud end hia days in seclusion. It WH9,1 thought, an evidence of painful sadness at heart that prompted the added expression that he would have been pleased had his life been taken in any of the numer ous battle-fields on which he had fought during this war. THE CU3TIS SLAVES. While talking on the subject of the aboli tion of slavery, I remarked that it had late ly been charged In some of the newspapers of the North that the Custis slaves, some two hundred in number, who had been left in Gen. Lee’s enstody for emancipation,had' not been emancipated. The General said this was a mistake. Aa exeeutor of the will lie was required to emancipate these slaves at a certain time. That time had not ar rived when ihe war broke out. It did ar rive one or two years afterwards. At that time he could not get to the courts of the county in which Arlington is located to take out the emancipation papers as pre scribed by law. Bnt he did, takeout papers from the Supreme Court of the State in this city, liberating them all, and they are so re corded in the records ol that court. He sent word of their freedom to the negroes at Arlington, and the necessary papers were sent to.lhose at the While House, and to all others that could be reached, and they weie all thus liberated, together with a number Who wore either the General’s or Mrs. Lee’s private property. TEMPERANCE LECTURES. These discourses are of several kinds— eloquent, common place and humorous. It was our privilege to hear last summer, _ iu the vicinity of Horscneck, a village situ ated on lhe Sound, a temperance lecture which belonged to the latter category, al though we are at this moment in doubt whether its humor was intentional or acci dental. The “orator of the day” was a long, shingle-sided New Englander, with a face that was all angles in its outline—just as if nature had whittled it out with a dull jack knife, and had lacked the necessary fragment of glass or scrap of sand paper to round off the corners. The location was not the moat favorable one in the world for the glorification of water, being on the edge of a stagnant pool, bearing upon its surface a coating of filth and feculence which looked like the cicatrix of a healing ulcer. We pluynograplimd the oration, and here it is, verbatim: —Exchange. Feller Men—I desire to say there’s no safety in moderate drinking. When vice takes a start it doesn’t often stop half way, but generally goes on continually v cey wor- scr. Whisky will wisk ye off before you know it; brandy will brand ye with disgrace, the commonest gin is a snare to the unwary, aud even hydroym and oxygin is destruc tive to human life, except when jined, in the form of water; in fact, feller men, no gin ought to be used except the cotton gin. If the still men were all destroyed, we should have quht in the land. Thousands are brought to an early bier by the brewers, and a little more grape is the death of many Captain Braggs. The grain and fruits of the earth were not intended to have the liquor wormed out of ’em, and it ia a mis take to suppose that the Horn of Plenty should be converted into plenty of horns. Every Jack must have his gill, the proverb says, but there is no reason to believe that it means a gill of applf-jock. Never drink rum to drown reflection—you had belter drown it in water, by jumping*off the dock. If your inclinations should get such a command over your legs as to carry them to a porter house door, pause, think, reason with yourself—you will theu put down the fatal cup, and go off with rectified spirits. Try—should you ever be tempted to im bibe forbidden fl oids—not to persevere iu so doing; for Saukespeare says, and I be lieve it, that lha eighth glass shows you many more. Therefore, teller-men, beware ot the eighth glass. Drnnkeness, feller- ' men, is the officiel guide to poverty and the devil. The temperance man redeems his pledge—but the drunkard seldom gets bis walcli out of pawn. If lie.has * any jewels they go the same wav, and the carbuncles he gets instead of Ym are neither eo orna mental nor so valooble as these you read about, in the TLbian Nights. Don’t for massy’s sake,-take your bitters in the morn ing before breakfast—if you da it will soon be all day with you. But, a9 I said before, I go for total abstemiousness—which means as you are aware, the total absence of steam. Look, lctlcT-men, at that teraptiog sheet ot water— [[jointing to the scabby pool]—that is your uateral element. [Here a percepti ble twinge ran through the convocation.] What says Isaiah ? You that thirst, come ye to the waters and drink free gratis for nothing; Think, feller-men, how much cheaper it is to drink waler than alkihol— and water’s a liquur that no man hankers arter, which is not the case with the latter. Do you suppose that if the rock Moses smote with his pick had spouted hot whisky punch, the children of Israel would ever have been satisfied ? Never, my feller men, I know it by personal ex -I mean I know it by many uxcrooshiating scenes that I have personally witnessed. Feller men, I have nothing more to say, except that the h it is going round for the good of the Cause, and however mnch you may drop in, it will not be a drop too mnch. Restoration of Virginia.—Governor Pieipont (it ia stated by the National Intel ligencer) has been authorized and empow ered to establish the new Slate governmen of Virginia at Richmond. He will proceed to that Capital forthwith and call together the loyal State Legislature ^The^State^wsis divided into Congressional districts in If60, and under that division preaentalives to the 39 A CoDg duly elected.