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J. w. & W. S. JONES. AUGUSTA, Ga. SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 22, 1840 v
■ ’ ' VOL. JV. —i>o. 22.
THE CHRONICLE AM) SEATIN'EE
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CHRONICLE AM) SENTINEL.
\ iicusta.
FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 21.
qJ’No mail North of Washington last.nighf.
-
Charleston Races—Third Day.
Hammond and Tuggles’ ch. h, Geiiow, 1 I
Col. Flud’s ch. f. Hermoine, 3 2
Mr. Simon’s br. c. Giovanni, 3 dist.
The evening edition of the New York Journal
of Commerce of the 14th inst., states that the
Philadelphia Banks have agreed on the Ist day
of February, 1841, as their day of resumption,
and sent a deputation to Harrisburg, to endeavor
to persuade the Legislature that an earlier day
would be ruinous.
From Tampico. —We learn from the New Or.
leans Bee of the I3th, that the schooner Doric
arrived St that port from Tampico, on Wednes
day week, bringing dales to the sth inst.
The Doric brought §300,000 in specie.
It was reported at Tampico, that Gen. Arista
had been defeated by the Federalists; two bun.
ilred soldiers had left Tampico to join him.
/ The schooner Eliza Ann was waiting the arri
of the Conducta which was soon expected. She
will probaly bring more specie than the Doric.
The Washington correspondent of the Charles
ton Courier, under date of the 15th, says:—
Among the memorials presented, (be other day,
was one from the Executor of the late Dr. Thom
as Cooper, of Columbia, praying remuneration
on account of the fine imposed on tho deceased,
under tho alien and sedition law. The will of
Dr. Cooper accompanies the petition, and in that
instrument, it is enjoined on his Executor, to
prosecute his claim upon Congress, “until the
same he recovered.”
Speech of Air. Colquitt,
OF GEORGIA.
lathe H. of Representatives, Jun. 17, 1840—
AGAINST THE RECEPTION OF ABOLITION PETITIONS.
Mr. Speaker: The little experience I have
had in your national councils, has excited my
fears that a spirit stalks in our midst, calculated
to destroy the purest Government that has ever
shed the sweets of social life upon the world.—
Every discussion tends to excite local prejudice;
every debate to stir up political strife; every ques
tion to call forth tho energies of party discipline;
and every motion serves but to kindle tho fires of
individual animosity. Amid these conflicting,
warring elements, the voice of reason is 100 often
hushed, and the peace, the glory, and prosperity
of the country, neglected or forgotten. To me,
therefore, it has been gratifying to witness the
spirit that has been manifested by those who have
hitherto taken part in this debate; a debate so
. well calculated to stir up tho bitterest feeling of
I excitement. I, too, will gladly follow the gener
ous example, by sacrificing upon the alter of my
country my strong sectional attachments, and
lend my aid to soothe the tempest that threatens
destruction to the fairest edifice that human
hands ever raised. I listened with delight to the
eloquent strains of patriotism that fell from the
lips of the gentleman from New York, [Mr.
Monroe.] He spoke the feelings of a heartburn
ing with love for the institutions of his country,
and I can trust his sincerity. But, sir, while I
approbate and cheer his well told regard for
rights secured by the Constitution, I must beg
leave to dissent from tho mode he has recommen
ded, as the one most likely to quiet this agitating
question. Wo are invoked not to blend the
question of abolition with the right of petition!
We are toldht is best to receive tho petitions and
report upon them, and in this way sever the
questions! We are told by another gentleman
of New York, [Mr. Granger,] that by refusing to
receive the petitions, we shall drive into the
ranks of the abolitionists many a gallant spirit!
Sir, it is a mistake; honestly as the sentiment
may nave been uttered, it is a mistake. The
blending abolition with the right of petition is a
subterfuge to which the Representative has (led,
in order to compromise with abolition constitu
ents. He and they have made the feigned issue.
The Representative, too well informed, or too
much devoted to the Constitution of his coun
ts unwilling to vindicate tho prayer of the peti
tioners; and yet, to win their friendship, and ob
tain their suffrage, he promises to advocate their
pretensions, which he bases on the right of peti
tion. Here he takes his stand, proudly claiming
a high constitutional prerogative; passes an eu
logy upon the motives and characters of the abo
litionists, while he confesses that the granting
ek4 their prayers would he the overthrow of the Re-
V ” public. He is opposed to trampling down the
Constitution, and of bringing ruin on the coun
\ try, while they are bent on carrying out their
purpose, reckless of the consequence. The pc
-0 tidoners, yet too weak iu most of the districts to
■ elect a Representative who is willing to vindicate
1 their project, must content themselves to yield
I their support to him who, in some slight degree,
I shall favor their cause. While they arc 100
I weak to elect, they are strong enough to ho
I courted. The gallant spirits which it is said
I would be dtiven into the ranks of the. abolition-
I ists, by refusing to receive the petitions,are those
I whose patriotism and integrity are too weak to
I resist temptation to office. In those districts
f where the abolition inllueuce is strong enough,
they send abolitionists here, who stand prepared
Jt to plead for the prayer of the petitioners, and will
V vote to carry out their wishes. In those districts
I where they are not quite strong enough for this,
they support such delegates as answer their pre
sent purpose; who deny being abolitionists them
selves, and yet, to retain the friendship of this
class of their constituents, pronounce on this
lloor high commendations upon them. You, sir,
[to Mr. Monroe,] with your worthy colleague,
coming from the proud city of New York, can
•peak a language much more bold than the gen-
I ——“
-*en ■ii ■n T—m rvenr—j——ga*-
can denounce the threatened ills to your country,
and with a noble, generous spirit, throw yourself
in the breach, and proudly say in the midst of
Representatives of the nation, that if the threat
ened work of slaughter shall proccid, if civil war
shall bo the result of tho maddened efforts of fa
naticism, that your sword will be drawn and your
blood he spilt on the soil of Virginia, the place ot
your birth, battling for her rights.
But can the gentleman who succeeded you
[Mr. Granger] use language as bold! Think
you ho would dare, upon tiffs lloor, speak a lan
guage of rebuke to those misguided constituents
who gave him their support, and tell them if they
persevere in their madness, that his love of coun
try will make him their unflinching foe 1 No,
sir; true, he is no Abolitionist, but he passes an
unwarrantable panegyric upon this favored class,
says they are intelligent, they arc patriotic, they
arc brave, and chivalrous ,■ they are such men,
if his eulogy he just as friendship would covet,
and t!ie country need in the hour of her peril.—
Why this difference between you and your col
league! It is the proof of the remarks I have
been making. Your constituency will sustain
you in ydur proudest strains of patriotism ; they
send you, as you have declared, with the olive
branch, and hid you tender it the South ; and if
I may digress a moment, permit me to say, that
such a tender, from such hands, sent by such as
you represent, will meet the cheers of the South.
It is what I could have expected from the gener
ous citizens of the city from which you have
come. Her merchants have mingled with our
people; have shared our friendship ; and have
witnessed, in the stillness of our Sabbath morns,
at tho ringing of our church-hells, hundreds of
well-clad little negroes, cheerfully assembling at
Sabbath schools to catch,lessons of piety from
the fairest and best of our land. No shivering
starveling to arrest your thoughts of devotion, by
begging a pittance to satisfy his hunger. They
know that there is more comfort, happiness, and
religion, among the colored people of the South
than the North. They know tliat the servile
hireling of the North is a subject of deeper pity
than slaves at the South. But other gentlemen
cannot, dare not, speak a language so bold and
patriotic as you have for yourself and associates.
They represent a constituency who are ignorant
of our people; who are deeply imbued with im
aginative pietisni, and they must needs court
their favor to obtain their suffrage. Tho eulogy
hetovved upon this portion of your citizens is un
just, they are pronounced intelligent, chivalrous,
and patriotic. Sir, if they are enlightened, if
they understand the Constitution of their coun
try, if they know that the pillars which support
their Government, are the confidence and affec
tions of the people—then their efforts contradict
the idea that they arc patriots, and prove them
reckless to the perpetuity of the Union. He is
no patriot, no matter where ho lives, no matter
whether he claim to be Whig or Democrat, who
disturbs the peace and tranquility of the Govern
ment, wars against the rights secured by its Con
stitution, and labors with zeal for its total sub
version. And hois scarcely less contemptible
for his folly, if he is a patriot , than criminal for
his conduct, if he he. intelligent. Both he can
not be; it is a contradiction iu terms. But wo
arc charged with wishing to deny the right of pe
tition ! and that it is monstrous that an Ameri
can Congress shall now publish to the world her
denial of this constitutional right. Sir, it is a
false issue; no such rule or resolution is propos
ed. The Constitution inhibits Congress from
passing any law to prevent the citizens from
peacefully assembling to petition Government.—
In other words, no riot act shall he passed, as in
England, to be read by some officer of Govern
ment, compelling citizens to disperse, who may
have assembled in peace, smarting under their
wrongs, to petition for their redress. This is the
spirit of the Constitution, the object, plainly ex
pressed by the article as amended. And yet we
are told that, by refusing to receive the petitions,
we voilate this wholesome ar'iclc of the Consti
tution. Is there any injunction that their peti
tions, when made, shall ho received ? If so, the
same construction compels you to act; and if
you act, compels you to grant the prayer of the
petitioners. The reason urged for the constitu
tional obligation to receive is claimed as a con
sequence upon the constitutional right of petition.
That the right of petition is in vain, unless we
receive'! By tho same process of reasoning, are
we not compelled to act upon them when receiv
ed, and to grant their prayers when we act 1 If
it be useless to petition, unless the petitions are
received, will it not he equally useless unless the
prayers be granted ! The Constitution is equal
ly as imperative upon us to grant the things for
which they ask, as it is in compelling us to re
ceive. Would not the advocates for constitu
tional right of petition feel fully at liberty to de
cline being the bearers of petitions, over which
they felt satisfied that this House tiad no juridic
tion! Wpuld they not feci it a duty to refuse
being made the instruments of producing delay
and vexation in our legislative council, by presen
ting petitions which they would not support, and
which they well knew would not and ought not
to he granted ! Ho might and so ought each
Representative on this floor to act, who regards
the institutions of his country. Before I would
he made (he unhallowed instrument of introduc
ing the brand ofdiscord and the fierce fires of dis
sension into this Hall, threatening dissolution
and rain, this right arm should fall rotten from
its socket. If eacli member, in his individual
right, could refuse to receive these petitions, eith
er denying jurisdiction, or from a more laudihlo
impulse—the peace and safety of his country—
how does it happen that we are charged with in
fringing a sacred right, if we do the same net, for
the same reasons, in our congregated character.
Does it add to the dignity of an American Con
gress to say, that it must receive for consideration
every subject presented, no matter how fruitful of
discord, anarchy, and insult"! Do gentlemen
flatter themselves that they arc to be esteemed the
high spirited champions of national honor, by
forcing upon it scenes of outrage and confusion.
No, sir, it is the folly of childhood ; yea, more,
it is tho madness of lunacy, to sport with the
peace, honor, and perpetuity of the nation, under
the specious pretext of establishing the right of
petition.
The people nowhere complain that they are in
terrupted in the free exercise oI this constitution
al right ! They complain that the South does
not emancipate her slaves. The Representative
only insists upon the sacred right of petition.
They petition that Congress may force slavehold
ers to set their negroes free. The Representative
only insists on the right of petition. Sir, it is an
insult to the understanding of the House, that
gentlemen should urge us to receive and act up
on a subject, which they admit an unfit subject
for legislation. They make tiffs false issue to se
cure their elections, and warn ns that if they ho
driven from this step-stone to elevation, many gal
lant spirits will be driven into the ranks of the
Abolitionists; that is in plain language, these gal
lant spirits will sooner join the maddened yells of
fanaticism, and raise a sublimated war cry against
the perpetuity and peace of their country, than
hazard the ions of their appoint merits. On their
I """ ~ ~ ~
■ account, you must receive these petitions, and
they will most cheerfully unite in a report set
ting forth their tolly, and denying their require
ments. I will not indulge my thoughts of detes
tation and abhorrence for this mockery of patriot
ism, and hypocrisy of morals. I am truly re
minded of a few lines of doggeral verse, quoted,
1 think, by Bulwcr, in some degree descriptive of
our present position :
Hark ! in the lobby, hear a lion roar:
Say, Mr. Speaker, shall weshut the door >
Or say, Mr. Speaker, shall wo let him in,
'lo see how quick we’ll turn him out again ?
The Representative from Pennsylvania [Mr.
, Biddle] asked my honorable colleague [Mr. Coop
i er] to furnish him with argument to combat the
, Abolitionists: that when ho was laboring in the
political-harvest field, endeavoring to mow down
, the noxious growth, that is, blasting tho nation’s
, prosperity, he was met by this declaration : if it
be v’i'ong —it it he unconstitutional—why docs
. not Congress tell us so—why not declare by the
. voice of her resolutions the impropriety of our
i proceedings! which, ho said, he could not an
swer ; and begged now to be furnished with one.
! sir, I listened with too much interest to tho mol
r lifluous accents of his winning oratory, to believe
; he was serious. He is too well informed to need
i the prompting of my colleague ; he can, if he
, r/are.hase himself upon the pillars of constitution
al rights, and with a voice, a manner, and utter
i ance, that would still the turbulence of passion,
■ tell his constituents that the inquiry is answered.’
i He can, if he will, take in his hands the journal
, of Congress of 1790, when Georgia had a wor
[• thicr and abler advocate of her rights, in the halls
■ of Congress, her illustrious Baldwin, and point
them to a report that tells them of their folly. He
. can, if he will, tell them, what his worthy parti
’ san from New York [Mr. Granger] has uttered,
that for twenty-h te years past, have our illustri
-1 ous predecessors received and acted on such pe
i titions, and politely denied them. He can, if he
> will, tell them that an able and conciliatory re
. port was made as late 1836. with the vain hope
, of quieting their exertions. He cun, if he dare,
| go farther, and speak in arguments not to be re
, sisted, the wisdom of experience upon this sub
t joet. He can tell them that many deluded en
thusiasts have ruined themselves and the objects
t of their philanthropy, by uprooting the order of
societv. Ho can tell them that Lycurgus gave
laws, that Epaminomlas and Scipio conquered,
, that Demosthenes and Cicero poured forth their
■ strains of animated eloquence, in a land where
, slavery was recognised. Hp can tell them of the
desolations of Poland, whero Kosciusko and So
hieski battled for tho cause of liberty, and yet
slavery existed. He can tell them o! the wars of
our Revolution; of the patriots who penned our
; Independence; of the soldiers who stood side by
. side in the ranks of war; of the final victory aclffe
i ved; of the framing and ratification of our Con
stitution; and that the institution of slavery cxis
. ted, was acknowledged and guarded.
But, sir, he prefers to come hero with his ar
gument, throwing a veil over the iniquity of tho
Abolitionists, and apologises for their mischief.—
■ Twenty-five years ago, what Governor of a State
! would have let down the dignity of his station,
• and have trampled upon the compact of union;
offering the veriest quibble as a reason, relying
' alone for his support on the prejudices of the peo
ple 1 It is evidence that the spirit of fanaticism
is stronger, or man’s moral virtue weaker, than it
used lo be. The same arguments, as to forbear
ance and moderation, have induced Southern men,
on many occasions, in the spirit of kindness and
friendship, to receive these petitions. And what,
let mo inquire, has been the result. To-day it is
quoted on us as an acknowledgment of the right
to legislate upon this subject. Tho gentleman
from Pennsylvania [Mr. lliddle] now claims that
the South has admitted its constitutionality, and
here bases an argument. Sir, the South has been
deluded by the insidious pretensions of their
Northern friends; that rejection would increase
tho bitterness and accrimony of the Abolitionists;
they have dared to make a peace-offering, by kind
ly compromising the claims of tho Constitution,
which is now seized on as an acknowledgment of
right. lam unable to answer for former Repre
sentatives from Georgia; the little party,of which
I am a member, has been doomed lo defeat, bat
tling in the Thermopyla: of politics, against Fed
eral encroachment, hut has arisen again ; and I
can now answer for my State, and answer for my
honorable colleagues, and say, in the face of the
nation’s Representatives, that we deny the right!
[So do we,so do we! from many voices.] And
while I speak, all around me, the representatives
from Alabama, South and North Carolina, and
Mississippi, bid me, for them, deny the right.—
Wc arc told the Abolition battle must he fought
at the North ; that wc must deal kindly here, to
afford a campus for their chivalry at home 1 Sir,
these gallant men who now battle at the Norlli
for the protection of our rights, will soon sink by
age, under tho weight of their armor, or fall in the
battle field by tho superior strength of tho foe.—
'J’heir places will be fifed by men, whose growth
and strength were derived from the bosoms of fa
naticism ; whose dreams in childhood were bro
ken by the faithful legends of a mother’s super
stition. There needs no spirit of prophecy to
warn and direct us; no matter where the battle
he fought, here or at the North, wc must meet the
foe upon the i utposts of the Constitution. No
admitting tho incendiary torch within the holy
citadel of our liberties. Every friend lo his coun
try, from the North and from the South, must
stand firm upon the ramparts of the Constitution,
• admit no insidious foe, hut resolve to brave the
growing rage of that imaginative plfflanthrophy,
that is reckless of the peace, liberty, or union of
the Republic. Every conciliatory measure lias
been adopted ; prayers and entreaties have been
offered, to prevent excitement and passion ; dis
cussion has been avoided; the voice of party
friends has been regarded ; still the tempest thick
ens and rages, and is beating with a success too
fatal against the rock of our freedom. It is not a
time to encourage the prospects of men infuriated
i with a blind fanaticism ; no lime to hold out the
meteor of hope, whose baleful light will lead to
the overthrow of our country. Nothing is claim
ed here but the right of petition, which lias nev
er been denied. With this pretext,gentlemen la
bor with a zeal worthy of a better cause, to open
a fisurej in the Constitution, through which an
incendiary follower may thrust the firebrand, cal
culated to burn asunder the connecting cords of
the Confederacy. They are in fact, pioneers,
dealing up the way that others mav pass in tri
urnph to build the tombstone of the Republic.
They are fixing a powder train, that others may
blow up the temple of liberty, I can pity and
forgive the blind zealot and misguided religionist,
who arc ignorant of the structure of the Govern
ment; hut the statesman, who knows (hat »ur free
institutions are based upon the confidence and af
fections of the people, who dare not violate rights
secured by the Constitution,deserve uridyingcon
tempt, for he has not so much as the veil of opin
i' ion to cover the baldness of that desolation which
• threatens the land. Wc are told not to he rash ;
i make ourselves easy ; receive the petitions; treat
• i them with respe?!: and by it our friends from tho
North will again bo elected, and “all’s well.”—
The very entreaties that are uttered, and the
strong appeals of party associates, which are made,
mo convincing proofs that they are courting tho
friendship of the abolitionists for their votes. 1
am neither Whig or Democrat,and can he excus
ed, therefore, from compromising our rights, to se
cure voles for their friends. I will speak with
boldness my thoughts, and deal out blows against
the foes ot constitutional right, no matter to which
P urt y they may belong. I propose to show that
while these advocates for the reception of Aboli
tion petitions are speaking in accents of tenderness
and love, the Abolitionists themselves speak a
language totally different. I will not detain (lie
House, by reading from this anti-slavery pamph
let, the scurrilous abuse they heap upon the South;
1 will not induce the angry passions of gentlemen
“l oin slave-holding States, by reading the opinions
here expressed ot our morals, our religion, and
our intellects. They arc of a sort, with the re
peated denunciation you have seen in their phi
lanthropic prints, with which your desks have
been weekly inundated since our meeting, But
I will read a few extracts to show that our reliance
lor safety is on ourselves. 1 read from tho annual
report of the Anti-Slavery Society of Maine, thus:
“ The free States possess a clear majority iq
Congress. Their several objects will therefore he
accomplished, whenever tho public sentiment in
the free States shall demand it, and that sentiment
properly represented in Congress. Wo are under
solemn obligations, therefore, not only to diff use
through the community correct sentiments on the
subject of slavery, hut also to make all proper
efforts to place in oar National Legislature men
who will use the power committed to their hands
iu accordance with our views.”
Docs this extract, 1 ask, show that the petition
ers barely wish their representatives here lo con
tend for the right of petition! But does it not
demonstrate that (hey carry their principles to the
pills, and force aspirants to Congress lo favor or
support their views! Sir, we are not to bo deceived
by yielding our rights, in order lo accommodate
' gentlemen, in courting such votes to secure their
election. Again I read :
“The District; then, is the spot where the first
onset upon slavery is to be made—the battle
ground where this great contest between' liberty
and slavery is to be decided. Not to employ our
political, as well as all other resources, iu the con
flict, would ho not merely wrong, hut tho very
height of lolly,’’
Where is the man, I inquire, so lost to sense
nr feeling, whose heart throbs with one solitary
patriotic, emotion, and who knows the South will
maintain her rights, or he buried under their ru
ins, that docs not shudder for tho approaching
downfall of the country ! Who does not sco
that the insidious attempts to encroach one inch
upon our rights, arc the promptings of that influ
ence which has for its object the tearing away tho
guards of our property placed by the Constitution!
They only wait for strength to place men iu
power, who will not stop at the evasive argument
now used about the right of petition, but who
will labor to carry out their purpose. And while
we ure arguing and granting tho right of recep
tion, they arc preparing heavier blows, inflaming
tho passions of tho ignorant, tho idle, and the
young, to be poured forlh.likc the lava of a vol
cano, lo blacken and blight tho peace and gov
ernment of the country. It is not a time for the
Representatives of tho South to he quiet. It is
not a time for tho lover of his country from the
north to palter for office, and vainly imagine “all’s
well!” when tho elements of dissolution aro
gathering like a frost about the heart pulse of the
Republic. It is high time, if wc expect to save
the Union, to rebuke the madness of such delud
ed fanatics, as expect to establish religion by their
crimes, and to enforce philanthropy by the sword.
Sir, my heart thrilled at tho spirited remarks
made by tho honorable mover of the amendment,
[Gen. Thompson,] he spoke the language of tho
patriot and the voice of the South; and if every
Whig and every Democrat felt the same senti
ments, and would toar loose from tho bonds of
any party, no matter what their ties, that would
dare cherish tiffs spirit ofdiscord, our institutions,
civil and religious, would bo safe. These modern
reformers must be taught, that the South, with all
her strong attachments to the Union, would soon
er see the country riven asunder by an earthquake,
and her fertile plains floating on the bosom of a
tempest-tossed ocean, than be forced to surrender
a solitary right secured by the Constitution.
1 have heard criminations and recriminations
made in party bantlings upon this floor; but I am
satisfied there are abolitionists of both paities; and
that party which courts them most, is by the
American people most to be blamed. In proof
of which I will read again :
“ So far as the two groat parties of the day are
concerned, we hold to no principles as abolition
ists, that both do not publicly profess. The ob
ject we desire to accomplish, does not interfere
with any, at which cither professedly aims. Let
it then lie distinctly settled, that no man, under
any possible combination of circumstances, can
receive the votes of abolitionists, who will not go
the extent of his constitutional powers for the ab
olition of slavery; and both parlies will soon, ei
ther from policy or necessity, present candidates
for public otlicc for whom we may vote, iu con
sistency with our party predilections, and in sub
serviency also to paramount duty to the slave.”
Do we not find here sufficient cause to induce
candidates (br Congress, representing such a peo
ple, to favor or adopt their views in a close party
i contest! But, sir, these fanatics will not long
be content with representatives here, who are the
mere advocates of petition, and their party poli
cy here must induce gentlemen not lo press this
subject, for fear of injuring a partisan candidate
at home. I will again proceed with their declar
ations, and I ask Southern men to give car, and
those from the North, who declare they are not
abolitionists, to listen, and then tell me if the con
test is not most safely met at the thrcslihold of
our rights. Tiffs is the language, they say :
“That we shall not again present the monstrous
anomaly of petitioning Congress to use its ac
knowledged powers for the termination of sla
very, while by'your votes you help to send men
there who wc know beforehand will refuse our
petitions.”
There is no complaint in the language of the
right of petition ; they admit they do petition,
and only complain that their petitions are not
granted. I make r.o charges against either of the
great parties, as to which is most committed in
order lo secure tin: friendship of the abolitionists;
and 1 would read a sentence more, but it might
savor of party preference. [Read, read! from
many voices.] With the avowal 1 have made, 1
will read:
“ 'i he day, we trust, has passed, that the slave
holder or the Northern apologist and defender of
slavery can be elevated to tho high place of power
by the friends of the slave in Maine. Or, to il
lustrate our remarks by a paticular case: Mr. Van
Buren, we think, must abandon his “Southern
principles,” and Henry Clay, the eloquent advo
cate of South American and Grecian liberty, must
emancipate his slaves, before either can receive
the suffrages of intelligent Abolitionists in the
pole star Slate—” . I
[Here he was interrupted by Mr. Graves, who
inquired “ whether Mr. Colquitt had not read in
the Emancipator that they would not support Har
rison !”]
I may have done so, but I have not made a
charge against General Harrison, and the vindi
cation of him or Van Buren, I shall leave to
•hose who wear their livery. Without regard to
party predilections myself, my purpose was to
prove that this body of men is sufficiently strong
to he courted; that they have resolved to carry
their principles to the polls, and that seeking their
influence palsies our resistance hero. And Icon
less that 1 have sought in vain for a reason, un
less this influence be one, why Henry Clay, the
favorite of his party, justly distinguished at the
bar, in the Senate, and in tho Cabinet, who lias
served long, and still is in the service of his
country, should have been pushed aside at the
Harrisburg Convention, and an obsolete politi
cian put in his stead. No matter whether the
politician here acts from his convictions of duly
or is moved by prejudice or passion, we are satis
fied that our rights, yea, the Government itself is
endangered, by sacrifices for party success. The
statesman now that would dare stand forth to
strengthen the bonds of union, and to exalt and
perpetuate tho institutions of his country, finds
hinisell fettered by the policy of his parly, and
is driven to abandon Ills purpose, or he branded
as a deserter. Disappointed ambition, in its as
pirations for power, grasps every instrumentality
within its reach; fans the flame of faction and
discord, and smiles at success, in the midst of tho
ruins of that Constitution which guaranties pro
tection to the person and property of the citizen.
Here lies the foundation of that paper built edi
fice ot piety and philanthropy, which is destined
at some future period lo bo the hull of legislation
for a large proportion of the Republic. Here is
the nidus in which is nestled, and bred and born,
the corrupt vermin that feed and fatten upon llio
vitals of the Republic. Designing politicians
strengthen their alliances, by bringing to their
support the misguided zeal of religion, and the
maddened feelings of philanthropy. The Chris
tian minister and Ills flock are made the uncon
scious adjuncts of artful and designing partisans.
Religion, forgetful of her high and heavenly call
ing, is made the polluted handmaid of intrigue
and corruption. The disciple of Christ, who
hitherto fostered a meek and quiet spirit, who
walked humbly in the tear of God, whose wor
ship breathed the elevation of the skies, and
spoke a sublimity that made us forget the imper
fections of earth, now mingles his cries with tho
bowlings of the mob, and converts the temple of
the living God to a busy mart for political mer
chandise. The spirit engendered by this mixed
and factious piety, is unfriendly to genuine reli
gion, as weil us to (lie Stale. It moves and
prompts the same passions, which, in other
times, have corroded, adulterated, and broken
Jown the church. Frail men make themselves
I lie standards of zeal, piety and benevolence;
pass judgment between themselves and their op
ponents; roll the thunders of intolerance over
the heads of those who repudiate their opinions;
and in the maddened wailings of annual petitions,
virtually ask Congress to give them power lo ar
rest the liberty of private judgment, and substi
tute in its steud their own fuullless conceptions of
duty. To these misguided people permit me to
say that Christianity never bus, nor never will,
need the support of craft or despotism, the pow
er of kings, or the arm of the law, to carry on its
benignant precepts. And every votary of the
cross, who seeks to enforce his notions of piety
by the power of legislation, shrouds in darkness
the bright banner of the gospel, and subjects in
its stead the bloody standard of demonology.—
History and experience should admonish every
friend of the church, if she is to exert a more
general and beneficial influence upon the earth,
she must breathe with herown lungs, speak with
her own voice, and show the energy of a pulse
and a heart exclusively her own. Every inter
mingling of her purity with secular interest, sul
lies her beauty and fetters her power. The mer
chant of Mecca, who professed to penetrate the
seventh heaven, and brought down a spark which
set the ambition of Arabian bosoms in a blaze,
might deem the sword tho only instrument to bo
trusted for reforming the world. But the proph
et of God deals with the souls, not with the bo
dies, of men; and wars with weapons not carnal
in contending with spiritual wickedness in high
places. Madness and phrenzy might mingle in
Moslem warfare, making the question of salva
tion or damnation lie on the ground between
marshaled armies, to be fought for and carried by
the stronger arm. But with us Heaven is not
won by those who breathe out slaughter against
their brethren, though in the midst of carnage
they should claim lo be doing God’s service.—
Upon the subject of slavery, Christians of every
denomination, and of every grade of character
and talent, differ in their opinions. Yet they
read the same bible, worship the same God, bow
around the same altars, hymn hosannahs in the
same temples, and finally anticipate an entrance
into the same Heaven. With these conflicting
opinions, who shall determine the orthodox
creed! Shall the deluded enthusiast, whose sum
total of religion centres in one single act of ima
ginary devotion! Shull a few parchment disci
ples upon this floor, whose political power is en
hanced by the creed they profess, shut themselves
up in their little munition of spiritual pride—a
city walled up to Heaven—and with formality
unchristianize those with whom they differ! Do
they outshine their opponents in solid virtues, or
in amiable and heavenly dispositions! Are they
more free from the common vices of life—mure
pure in spirit—more devoted in friendship—or
more liberal in their chanties, than those they de
nounce! No, sir: the South, the slaveholding,
the generous South, is the nursery for the poor
ot all the States; and her friendship and liberali
ty are by-words in those very mouths that would
tain leach her lessons of philanthropy. I will
not descant upon this much abused term, phil
anthropy; I have spoken of religion; philanthro
py is but its beam, radiating from its centre, God;
it is but a fold ot that mighty mantle of love,
with which Christianity would cover the naked
ness of the world. But sir, perhaps these con
ceited defenders of tile only (rue faith, have an
apology for looking out from home for objects of
pity and commiseration! I’erhaps they have no
poor in their midst—no widow’s tears to wipe—
no orphan’s cries to quell—no child of sorrows
to cheer—no wretchedness to alleviate—no af
flictions to heal—no nakedness to clothe, but all,
all, through this mighty channel of philanthropy
—from this boiling fountain of benevolence—all
have been made smiling, healthful and happy.—
Having done so much at home, it is not so much
wonder that the circle of their benevolence should
widen. Millions of money may now be expend
ed with profit, in compensating benevolent edi
tors to trumpet forth virtuous heroism, to canvass
tlie claims of candidates for office, and pour their
merciful curses and phrenzied benedictions up
on each and all who dare refuse to worship the
image they have piously set up in the plains of
Dura.
1 am departing from my purpose, I have not
designed to deal in panegyric or satire. I have
no right to make myself the keeper of other men’s
conscience, for if they think it religiously a duty
to hobble the chickencock, to keep him from gal
lanting the hens on Sunday, and to yoke the
geese to keep them from goingin washing in vio
lation of the Sabbath ; and I should differ with
them, and think it no sin for the gallant cock to
flap his wings and crow upon his dunghill, and
the playful goose to wash and swim in the fish
pond, neither ought to complain; for we are
entitled, in this country, to our religion
and our opinions. The most artful chain
of despotism that was ever forged, was supported
by false notions of duty, and enforced by those
who were to profit by the cheat. There are mul
titudes of honest men who are not qualified to
judge properly of their civil and political rights,
and are too often content to surrender their rea
soning powers to interested aspirants, supersti
tious fanatics, and pedantic Itnuvce. I wage no
war against those who may believe slavery a sin;
hut I pity their vanity and their folly, if they flat
ter themselves they alone are divinely illumina
ted ; that others are in darkness, and must have
their instruction. Wo rend of one who was very
thankful to his Maker that he was not os other
nu n, hut especially the poor publican, and yet his
• opinion of himself was not confirmed by him who
know nil things. Yet I have no complaints to
utter against the high opinion men entertain of
themselves ; hut as a friend of the church, and as
a friend t 6 the pence and happiness of the coun
try, I raise rny bund and voice against enforcing
any religions dogmas at the point of the bayonet,
or by force of legislation. The evidence we have
of the untiring efforts of the anti-slavery agents,
their reckless determination to distract and ruin
the country or carry out their purpose; the as
siduity with which they are courted by political
lenders, and the number of able eulogists they
have in the hall of Congress, all speak, with un
erring longue, the nation’s destiny. The fiery
vapors of war and dissolution are fast gathering
on the disc of our political horizon; no cheering
rainbow foretells the abatement of the coming
storm ; but every moment the prospect darkens,
and every pa'riot and every Christian trembles
for the fate of the country and the temple of God.
The public mind is in fearful commotion, and
like (ho sea, tossed by a tornado, wave mounts
on wave, heightening and widening at every
breath of the tempest. It is the high prerogative
of a few master spirits here, if they dared to will
t, to bid these proud waves be still. To them I
appeal; and in the name of the country, the
whole country, invoke them to withhold their
fire-brands of discord and. ruin. I appeal to the
venerable Representative from Massachusetts,
[Mr. Adams,] upon whose shoulders fell the
mantle of a Revolutionary father; who won and
wore, in younger life, the civic wreath, the high
est honor a nation’s confidence could bestow ; I
appeal to him to withhold the blow that is aimed
at the life-pulse of the Republic, and not permit
himsclfto he used ns the unintentional instru
ment of his country’s ruin. We know his sen
timents; wo have read his letters, and hoard his
speeches; hut still, through his advocacy, this
discussion is kept alive, a lew more years of labor
in this cause, and the last leaf of the laurel will
wither from his brow; and should Heaven spare
him many years, he may yet outlive the glory of
his country. Your Abolition petitions will prove
in (ho end, to he the winding-sheet of the Con
stitution. No men, no body of men, could per
suade me to bring into your midst an unfit sub
ject fdfclegislation, calculated to destroy the har
mony of your councils, to excite sectional feeling,
and threaten dissolution. Georgia, in whoso
borders 1 have been reared, my own home and
the home of my friends,for whoso honor and inter
est I would make an offering of my life, oven
Georgia could not force mo, humble as I am, to
trample upon my country’s Constitution, and
sow the seeds of discord and ruin through the
land.
My honorable colleague [Mr. Cooper] the other
day, when supposed to ho departing from the sub
ject of debate, was illustrating the same feelings
I have expressed. He adverted to the contro
versy of our Stale with the State of Maine, in
which wo should exemplify our strict adherence
to the Constitution; and that, although our Le
gislature spoke by her resolutions, the humble
supplicatory language of dependence, she had no
representative here that would echo her voice; but
that wc should rely with proud confidence on a
people that has never faltered, who know their
rights, and will dare maintain them. I am alar
med for the Constitution and for the fate of the
Republic, but feel no alarm for the honor of my
State. The infatuated priest may change his
mitre for a helmet, and lay aside his Bible for the
torch of the incendiary, place himself at the head
of an army of crusaders, as bloody as those of
Languedoc, armed with all the authority Con
gress can give; and when he shall have completed
the work of reformation, upon which his piety is
set, nothing will he seen, to look out from the
landscape—he has traversed hut smoking ruins
and a blood-trodden wilderness.
With this prospect before us, can any man
say that this Government will stand unshaken!
that the alarm cry is counterfeit 1 that this fac
tion is powerless, courted and caressed as it is by
aspirants for power ? These deluded people, al
lured by imaginary good, look to no danger—
they beat up for recruits, the pulpit and thedram
shop, the elite parlor and the dirty brothel—enlist
their quota for the mighty work of reform. If
the Constitution is to he saved—if the Union is
to be preserved, there must be no giving back up
on the part of their friends. The silken cord of
affection, that hinds the Confederacy, is fretted
and weakened by insult. We are upon the eve
of a struggle, that will bury the Government, and
the church of the living God, under a mountain
of cinders. Let no Southern man bo deceived by
the ciy of forbearance. Let no political alliance
induce you to compromise your rights. Reject
the petitions, and count him only true to the
South, and to the Constitution, who sustains us
by bis vote. Let none play false to his duty,
false to the interest and honor of his State, rather
than be obstacles to his associates in party. Ask
me not what harm to receive and lay them on the
table! It is an implied acknowledgment of the
right of Jurisdiction; it is the evidence that the
fire is not yet extinguished; its smouldering fumes
arc an annoyance; and none can tell how soon
the breath of the faction may fan it to the flame.
It is like subterranean fire; the more to be dread
ed, as it may burst forth by surprise. If the issue
must be formed, let it be formed now; if the crisis
must come, let us have it now. Let the South
stand up as one man, denounced, ns we are, for
the want of patriotism and religion. The soft
silken banner of the Gospel, and the broad stripes
and bright stars of the country, both float trium
phant in a southern sky. Wc represent a gener
ous and gallant people, who have never yet tram
pled upon the rights of others, and will repel with
indignation, and at every hazard, any unjust in
terference with their own.
Maryland is seven millions in debt on account
of her great Cana). A direct taxation is recom
mended to meet the demands on the State Trea
sury.