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<tn-iucck!u Cipmticlt & Sentinel J. W. & W. s. JONES. AUGUSTA, Ga. SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 21, 1840. Vor lV -No ac” THE CHROMCLE AND SENTINEL. IS PUBLISHED D JLY TIU-WEEKLY, AND WEEKLY, At No. 209 Broad-street. terms; Daily paper, Ten Dollars per annum, in advance. Tri-Weekly paper, at Six Dollars in advance or Siren at the end of the year. WeMy pap t. Three Dollars in advance, or Four at the end of year. CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL. AUGUSTA. FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 20. Pennsylvania Destructives. The recent bill introduced into the Pennsylva nia Legislature, a sketch of which will be found in this day’s paper, strikes us as the most extra ordinary measure we have ever seen submitted to any deliberative assembly, by a man who had sufficient intelligence to draft a bill. Certainly the anti-bank party are struggling to see how low they can sink the institutions and credit of the State, and if they succeed in carrying this mea sure, they will accomplish the destruction of both. By the bill the Banks that accept the terms,arc required to loan to the State>s3,ooo,ooo, and to pay the interest on the State debt cf $32,000,000, from now until 1843, which a mounts to two million dollars annually. And those Banks that reject the terms, are compelled to resume specie payments in thirty days. To what are we coming! When the Legislature cf one of the most powerful States in the Union says to her ,banks, you shall loan us money and pay our debts, or your charters shall forthwith be forfeited! For it is, in effect, saying so by requi ring them to resume specie payments in thirty days. As well might they go to a wealthy citi zen and command him to open his strong box, and lake therefrom the fruits of his labor; and wo hesitate not to say, if such measures are counte nanced, the day is not far distant when sucii a right will be claimed for the Legislature, by the destructives of that noble State. The National Intelligencer of the 16th Inst, says. An article appeared in the “ Globe,” two or three days since, in relation to the contested election in the Third Congressional District of Pennsylvania, in which it wns stated, in sub stance, that Mr. Ingersoll had already discovered and proved that upwards of a thousand illegal votes had been polled for his competitor, Mr. Nay lor. This, we are authorized to say, is entirely without foundation; and it is not true that Mr. Ingersoll, has produced a particle of evidence af fecting the case, or can produce any.—We are further informed that the evidence which he has procured is what a person, had been heard to say and whom the witness who testified to his de clarations stated to be unworthy of credit, even, if upon oath. This is the foundation of the Globe’s charges, if they have a foundation at all. Correspondence of the Philadelphia Inquirer. HA.v” l sat;iiG, March 14, Bill to authorise the issue of state stock bonds to the contractors on the Gettysburg rail road was considered, and the passage of the bill urged with groat ability by Mr. Snyder, but after amend ments to take a loan from the U. S. Bank in specie were adopted, the bill was voted down. Mr. Snyder immediately offered a joint resolu tion providing for a loan to pay the contractors, or if a loan cannot be had to issue slock bonds to them.—Laid on the table. Correspond nee of the Baltimt re Patriot. PnilauKi.riir.v, Marcli 14, 8 a. m. The excitement, that unfortunately prevailed to such an extent on Thursday has entirely sub sided, brought about by the inters, rrnce of the proper authorities to prevent the railroad compa ny from proceeding with their work. Business generally has been much more ani mated than for the last two or three days. A sale of 50 bags Rio coffee, slightly damaged, wns made by auction yesterday at ICjjc, 90 days ; 70 hhds. Porto Rico molasses, a little tart, 25, cash; 200 kegs Lexia raisins a $2,95 a 3; 100 drums Turkey figs at 6 cents, and 150 sacks Liverpool fine saltat $1,60 per sack. Correspondence of the National Intelligencer. New York., March 14. The rates of domestic exchange are a little better than when I last gave a table, but there are many places on which bills cannot be negotiated at any rate. Mississippi, as to commerce and trade, is out of the Union, ami in some respect* Alabama is not belter off. The brokers have the control of the whole business, and monopolize it at will. We begin to think our Southern breth ren are getting almost enough otit; if not, we can stand it yet a great deal better than they. Exchange on Philadelp dahas slightly improved from an impression that the New Yoik and Eastern Banks would co-operate wiih the Phila delphia banks to bring about a resumption. The Great Western not sailing till the lElth, but little is done in exchange on London as yet, The rates may be quoted from 108 to which shows no tendency to the export of spe cie. Blocks are slightly advanced to-day. Money continues plenty here, and at a low rate of interest for New York; but few have securities of any kind now, and very tew securities good enough to get it. There is great anxiety here respecting the Gen eral Bankrupt Law among men of all parties. Our Stale Legislature will speak in a few days on the subject. If the politicians, for political pur* poses, throw obstacles in the way to the general relief of individuals, it will in the end be a dan gerous vote for them, for there is no one matter upon which so many persons now are so keenly sensitive,— A sale of real estate was effected in Broadway the other day so low as to alarm all the holders of real estate fin the city and its suburbs. There has not been any thing like it hardly since the embargo. John Jacob Astor is closing up many of his mortgages, and when a rise of property comes again his immense wealth will be amazing ly added to. There never were such times for the rich, and there never were such times for the poor. The New-Yorker. Those of our citizens who desire to subscribe for this valuable paper, can do so by applying to Mr. I. S. Beers, of this city, who is the Agent. Balloon Ascension—No go. We omitted io publish yesterday morning, the letter of Mr. Hobart, announcing his disap pointment, in consequence of which he is com pelled to defer his contemplated ascension. New York, March 12th, 1840. Messrs Editors. — l regret to have to inform you that, having failed to procure an immediate shipment, from this port, of the materials for my contemplated “Balloon Ascension” of the 271 h, the ascension is necessarily postponed to some fu ture day, of which further and timely notice shall be given. I deem it proper to add, that when a day shall be fixed on for the purpsse, it will be done with a more careful reference to the circumstances, that that have caused the present delay, and may, therefore, be depended on, and, also, to inform you that, to prevent disappointment, I have has tened to address a note to every Post-office to which advertisements had been directed. Respectfully yours, Samuel Hobart. The new act upon the subject requires the Census ofTB4O to be commenced on the Ist of June next, and to be completed within five months from that date. All the returns are to be made to the Secretary of State before the Ist of Decem ber. From “ Down East.” The Bangor Courier says : “ A letter (rom Fort Fairfield states that six teen more horses, with their drivers, &c. were ta ken on the Aristook on the 3d inst. The pro perty belonged to trespassers on that territory. The Democrat states that a mob armed with axes attempted to recover the property, but were compelled to beat a retreat.” The following items from the New Bruns wick papers, look a litte warlike; Woodstock, Frebruary 22.—Captain Batersby and Hawkshuw, of the Engineer Department, ar rived hero on Thursday evening from head quar ters, for the purpose of selecting sites for the erec tion of barracks and all such other works as may be deemed necessary for the pro'ection of this place. These works, we understand, will bo on an extensive scale, sufficient to accommodate a largo force.— Times, More Trouble. —Col. Goldie has been or dered to take command of the British troops now within the disputed tenitory, and 250 additional solders have been sent thither.— St. John's Cou rier, Important from Peru. We are indebted to the kindness of an absent friend, for the following interesting letter. The bearer of despatches alluded to. has arrived at Washington, having proceeded at once from Norfolk, wheie he landed, to that city. This is the first intimation we have seen of the object of his rapid movements. Correspondence of the Philadelphia North' American. Panama, January 7, 1840. The Peruvian government lias refused to re ceive Mr. Pickett, our charge d’affaires, or to re cognize the treaty formerly concluded, ratified and exchanged with the former governnent (that of General Santa t tuz) in consequence of which the St. Louis has been sent down here with a bearer of despatches for our government, who crosses the Isthmus to day on his way to the U. States.—This proceeding of the Peruvian gov ernment, is so much the more insulting from the fact, that the British treaty, which was ne gotiated under precisely similar circumstances as ours, is, for the present allowed to remain in force, and will continue to bo observed until altered, modified or annulled, through the negoti ation of a Peruvian Minister, who has been ap pointed to proceed to London for that purpose.— Don Felipe Pardo is the person named to fulfil this mission, and there can be no mistake as to the object of it. New Jersey Contested Election. TO TUB AMERICAN RKOI’LE. We desire to call the attention of the whole country to the statement herewith exhibited, as a report prepared and presented to the House of Representatives, by the minority of the Commit tee on Elections, to which wns referred the con tested election from the Stale of New Jersey; and we especially desire to call their attention to the novel, extraordinary and appalling circumstances, which have driven us to the necessity of thus appealing to our fellow citizens, from one end of the Union to tho other; and we do it with the confident assurance, that they will give to thesub ject that careful and unprejudiced consideration which its importance demands, and their own fu ture safety and interests imperiously require; that they will unite with us in the belief, which in the honest sincerity of our hearts we enterta-n, that the government under which we live, must soon become worse than a Turkish despotism, unless the people, in the majesty of their strength, shall arise and rebuke tho perpetrators of the outrage which has been committed on the constitution of the United States, the laws oi one of the sove reign States of this Union, and the rights of the great body of the people themselves. We will not enter into a minute detail of the means by which five of the representatives of the State of New Jersey, furnishing the highest evi dence known to the laws of that State, that they had been regularly and constitutionally elected, v» ere driven from their seats, previous to any in vestigation w hatever, and denied all right to par ticipate in the organization and proceedings of the House, and much less will we undertake here to pronounce upon the motived which led to this unparalleled proceeding. We wish to take up this subject at another point, and let the country know what are the cir cumstances under which five other gentlemen from the State of New Jersey have been voted into seals in the House of Representatives, who have presented no return, vo credential, no com mission—and this done when the members hold ing the commissions of the Governor of that Stale, under the Seal of that Commonwealth, were at homo by leave of the committee, taking depositions to prove—what they had at all times averred they could prove—that they had received a majority of the lawful votes given at tho polls. The proceedings of the committee having charge of this subject, will bo seen by reference to tho report below, up to the time that tho report of the majority of the committee w'as presented, and we now proceed to give a statement of what has since transpired. Hut it must bo remarked in advance that the committee, having determined that if an investi gation was to be prosecuted behind the commis sions of the Governor, every principle of equity and fairness required that there should be a thor ough search into the legality of the votes given for each pat ly,and finding that there was no suffi cient testimony before them by which it could be ascertained for whom a majority of the qualified voters of New Jersey had cast their votes, such time was granted as the parties themselves deem ed requisite to enable them to take such testimony as they might think advisable to establish their respective claims, and that accordingly the par ties severally left Washington for tho State of New Jersey, where they now are engaged in the prosecution of this work. During their absence, and shortly after their departure from the city, (no cnniplaint and no application coming from them to the House,) the Chairman of the Committee submitted a pro position to have tho documents relating to the contested seats printed for the use of tho Com mittee. This furnished a pretext for the introduc tion of another proposition, that tho Committee should be instructed to report forthwith which of the parlies had received a majority of all the votes given at the election. After long debate, this was so modified as to require them to report upon the lawful votes, which expressly, as a matter of course, excluded nil unlawful voles. The subject went to the Committee with a pre cipitation which we deem in a high degree ex ceptionable.—The majority of the committee adopted a resolution directing all the votes given to be reported as lawful , under a most extraordi nary mental delusion that tho instructions re quired it, because tho committee were required to report forthwith. All efforts to have the testi mony then before them examined were success fully resisted—reasonable time to the minoiity to report these and other facts to t.,c House, denied, The report was prepared, presented and received, without delay, the title to which is well adapted to create tho impression that the votes reported were all lawful votes, while the body of the re port itself (which few comparatively of those who see the title w ill read) labors to excuse the com mittee for not ascertaining whether tho votes were lawful or unlawful —a member of the mi nority of the committee attempted In explain the facts to the House—tho Speaker decided that ho was entitled to the lloor—the majority of the House overruled the decision of the Chair, and reluscd him tho privilege of speaking—the pre vious question demanded, all debate stilled—in the mean lime a counter-report is prepared and offered to the House—they refused to receive it, and proceeded at once, wholly ignorant of what the testimony established with a madness and blindness belonging to desperation only, to vote by the entire strength of their party, that the non commissioned members had received a majority of lawful votes, and were, therefore, duly elected, and entitled to occupy their seals as tho represen tatives of the State of New Jersey ; and while the public funds arc to be freely used for the dis tribution of the report of ihe five administration members of the committee, private means are to be resorted to, to distribute the report of the four minority members. It is a circumstance, not the least remarkable in this oxtraordinaiy case, that the individual members of the majority, refused to recognize, or adopt the reasoning of the report, but were entire ly satisfied with the conclusions drawn from it. while the author of the repoit, was equally well satisfied with his own reasoning, but could not adopt the conclusions, as evinced by his refusal to vole for the resolution based upon it, though present at the time. For every fact here stated, we pledge ourselves to produce the proof whenever called on, either before the House or the coumry.they being facts on record, to be found on the journals of the com mittee and of the House. And now, we ask by whom these five gentle men have been elected ? liy the peo| le of New Jersey, or by tho frict.ds of the administration in Congress 1 And have we said too much in char acterising this proceeding as novel, extraordinary, and appalling? Have we done more or less, than our duty as citizens of this republic, and as Rep resentatives of the people, in thus calling your attention, emphatically, to this subject; in warn ing yon of your danger, and in asserting the ne cessity of an immediate Intel position of me ma jesty of the people, at tho ballot boxes, to correct such monstrous abuses in future. It has been said, and was generally understood that the parly in power, had, in secret caucus, re solved on the necessity of admitting the Admin istration claimants, to carry through some of the odious schemes of the present Administration ; still we hoped that before they struck the final blow, they might be induced to listen to reason and to justice. We appealed, but wo appealed in vain—their resolution was as determined as it was unjust; they voted, and succeeded, and that by a boasted majority of thirty. How was that majority obtained 1 Only, be cause some of the members regarding the outrage as highly gross and violent, refused to vote, or contribute to the formation of a quorum, for the adoption of a report and resolution not founded, as we all conceive, on the testimony of tho case, and not warranted or justified by any considera tion whatever. A noble subject for boasting, truly. Let them make the most of it. It is matter of pride to us, that we, at least, resisted it, and resisted to the lust. We feel that wc have discharged our duty; if you are too indifferent to your own liberties, to discharge yours; be it so—the consequences must fall partially on yourselves, but mainly on postcii ty ; but as citizens of this Republic, we tell you wc arc mournfully apprehensive for the future, and that you may not think we arc too grave and too solemn, on this vitally important question, we beg leave respectfully to invito your attention to proceedings in several of the .Statu Legislatures, particularly those of New Jersey, Massachusetts, New York, and Virginia, and to the .“Special Mes sage of the last mentioned Common wealth, and if all this does not arouse you to the importance of tins subject, all further effort on our part will be vain. But wc will not permit ourselves to indulge in apprehensions—wo arc not yet old enough—wc have not yet come to that puss when those who arc clothed with power, for the protection of our liberties,can he sustained in such an encroachment on the rights of the people, either for the purpose of propitiating Executive favor on the one hand, or of perpetuating political power on the other. Wc respectfully ask that our report, which those who should have acted upon it, have re fused to receive (the first instance of the kind as we believe, that has occurred in the government,) may meet with that calm, temperate and unpre judiced deliberation to which it is entitled from the importance of tho question involved. Mii.laud Fillmore, Jrto. M. Botth, t»KO. W. CIIAIIH, Truman Smith. Washington, March 12, 1810. From the Philadelphia Inquirer of the 14/A. The New Bill. Wo yesterday gave a brief outline of the bill, to continue the improvements of the State, and to pay the interest of the public debt, as reported by Mr. Higgins. On looking over the bill, as since received from Harrisburg, wc find one or two matters not without interest. Tho pream ble sets out with stating that there exists an ur gent necessity to complete, with the least possible delay, those important unfurnished lines of tire public improvements, in which a considerable portion of the public debt is already invested. This object, it is added, can only be obtained by resort to the oppressive remedy of taxation, or by such a judicious system of measures as will release the people for embarrassments, ami cor rect the disorders of the currency. It is then stated that ibis desirable consummation is ren dered practicable, “by compelling the bunks of this Commonwealth to loan the necessary amount of money to tho Commonwealth, and to give ade quate security for the faithful fulfilment of their contracts, and by adopting the salutary restric tions recommended by the Governor in his late message, depriving them of their power to do evil in future, and compelling them to resume tho payment of gold or silver coin for their liabil ities to the public, at the earliest day on which such resumption can take place with a ration al assurance of being permanent and useful.” We next have the appropriations, and in the second section, it is provided that tho banks which comply with the provisions of the act, shall bo required on the 10th of December 1840, to pay all their liabilities on notes, bills, deposites or otherwise, in gold or silver. Also, loan the Com monwealth three millions, in a pro rata propor tion to the capital stock of each, atari interest of 5 per cent. They shall also pay tho interest on the State debt, due in July 1840, and on all other days between that time and July 1843, inclu sive, in specie, within ten days notice, and in equitable proportions.—They shall have twfinly days to decide whether th >y accept the terms or nut—and then they are to give security for the compliance of their part of the contract. If they fail to pay in any instance, writs of scire facias are to be issued. All the banks that do not accept the provis ions, are required to resume in thirl// dn//n after the passage of the net, and on failure thereof, their charters to bo forfeited. Tho banks that accept, are also to lose their charters, if they refuse to pay specie thirty days after tho 10th of Decem ber, 1840. Section 8 abolishes tho proxy sy»- tern. Section 9 provides that no charter shall he granted or extended for a longer time than twenty years. The Legislature to have power to revoke such charter, whenever, in their opinion, it shall prove injurious to the Commonwealth. Section 10 prohibits banks paying out at their counters, any but their own notes or specie, unless at tho option of the person making the demand. It al so prohibits post notes, and the holding by a bank of any stock, except its own, or the stock of Pennsylvania or the United States. Section 11 prohibits dividends during suspension. The last sec.ion is in the following words: “ That all laws and parts of laws, imposing penalties or rates of interest exceeding six per cent, per annum, upon sajd banks accepting the provisions of this act, for non-payment of their notes and liabilities, so far as respects the excess above six per cent, per annum, and other laws and parts of laws, hereby altered, supplied, or made inconsistent with the provisions of this act, be and the same arc hereby repealed.” Tins bill is certainly an extraordinary mea sure. The terms dictated to tho banks,strike us ns excedingly tyrannical. Those institutions have been vilified, and nearly trampled to death;and now, they are commanded to “ loan” $3,000,000, besides paying all the State interest between this and 1843; or, on refusal, to have the last work of the executioner consummated. Truly, tho Le gislature of Pennsylvania seems determined to win an enviable reputation for extraordinary proceedings. The banks are any thing but per fect ; hut it should not be forgotten that millions of property belonging to our best citizens, and of all classes, arc bound up with thorn—and the rights and interests of this portion of the commu nity should be protected. Singular Lawsuit.— AnEiiglisb papersays that a curious lawsuit is now going on in Peslli in Hungary, between a butcher and a cattle-deal er. Tho butcher had lent 1,000 florins, to tho dealer, who sometime afterwards, called on him as ho was at dinner, and laid down a note for 1,000 florins thanking him at the same time for the loan. The window being open tho note wag blown by a gust of wind into tho soup tureen. The butcher took it out and holding it by the corner to allow the grease to drain off, it was seized by Ins dog and swallowed. Perceiving that he had done wrong, the dog absented him self, and did not return until the evening, when he was killed and opened; hut the note was, of course, by this lime wholly digested. 'Phe butch er has brought an action tor the 1.000 florins, which the dealer refused to pay twice over, con sidering that, the note having gone into the hands of the butcher, ho alone ought to support the loss. Unclaimed Balances. —The New York Express says; By a law of the Slate, our Banks are obliged to report all old balances in Bank of over four years standing. On examining the returns of the Manhattan Banks, wc find there arc nearly two hundred individauls having bal j arices, there, amountiug to about eleven thousand five hundred dollars, and among them are bal ances of very anicient standing. Most of tho persons are broke, dead, or moved off. Among those deceased is the eelebrabted Thomas Paine. This person died, as was believed in abject pov erty, at the house of o’d Carver, and left $125 7 els in the Manhattan Bank. 'Phis amount ought to have gone to old Carver, who died a few days since in the greatest distress. The amount of unclaimed dividends is about four thousand dol lars, some of which have laid nearly forty years uncalled for.” Interesting Debate in the IT. S. Senate. In the Senate, on Friday last, after Mr. Tall mad ge finish, d his speech on the resolution of the special committee in reference to Slate debts, &c., Mr, Strange, of North Carolina, rose, and after some explanations of certain passages in his speech of a former day, on which the Senate from Now York had commented in n strain of pleasantry, proceeded to complain that the oppo nents of the administration in Now York had not treated the P.esident of the United States, during his visit to that State last summer, with the con sideration due to the Chief Magistrate of the na tion. Mr. Strange also caught at the expression by which Mr. Tatlmndge had descibed the ingrati tude of the President to the people of his own State—the language which Shakspearc put into the mouth of Mark Antony in his speech over Caesar’s dead body— and which is familiar to every school boy. “Ingratitude more strong than traitors’ armsl” Mr. Strange entirely mistaking the meaning and application of the words, and filled apparent ly with the idea that tho President had been called ‘ a traitor,” said tho tongue of the Senator from Now York should he palsied whenever he under took to pronounce that word! Mr. Tallmadgc did not notice this ebullition— perhaps he thought the mistake, or perversion (whatever it might he) too manifest to inquire exposure or comment. Ho confined himself to tho other parts of Mr. Strange’s reply. Tho Senator from North Carolina, said he, gives us to understand that, in alluding to tho mode of carrying elections, through the instru mentality of dinner feasts, ho had no reference to the President’s tour through the State of New York, during the last summer and autumn. I am glad to hear this explanation. For, under the impression that his remarks might be intended for the President, it seemed to mo to exhibit a symp tom of disloyally which 1 hud not expected from that quarter. But, the honorable Senator com plains that the President was not received by the people of New York as ho ought to have been.— If be were not, it was his fault—not theirs.— There was every disposition to receive him as President of tho United States, and to tender to him those civilities which are readily accorded to the high station which ho occupies. Hut hodi vesled himself of his otlicial char.ctcr, ami as sumed the character of the partisan. Preparato ry arrangements were made in tho city of New York to receive him without distinction of pnrly, not oniy by the citizens, but by the Common Council. ITowwcro these arrangements treated by him? The very first thing lie did, after ho set his foot on the soil of his native Slate, at tpnsllo Garden, was to make a formal and studied address to his “Democratic fellow citizens." In this ad dress, ho dwelt upon tho Sub-Treasury scheme, the tavorilejneasure of his administration, and evinced his determination to force it upon the people of New York—a measure to which a large majority have, three times over, shown themselves opposed: and, not only opposed to it, but know and believe, that the manner in which it has been urged by tho Executive is the principal cause of the ruin which has been brought upon the coun try. But, itis said this reply of the President was in answer to an address from some of his Demo cratic fellow citizens; unci how could ho reply oth erwise, being thus called upon of a sudden to re spond? Sir, it is well known that all those formal ad dresses are submitted to the parties far in advance of the occasion, and tho answers are deliberately prepared in reference to the matter of tile address es. There is no doubt that this nddicss was hand ed to the President sonic lime before he reached New York, and ills reply to it deliberately con cocted. Be that ns it may : there was one, and only one true course for him to have taken, if he expected to bo received ns President of the Uni ted Slates, instead of a mere political partisan, on an electioneering tour through the Slate. Ho should have said to those who thus indiscreetly addressed him “ Gentlemen, I have Just returned to my native State, after along absence, it being the first opportunity which I have had to mingle with my fello\*-citizcns of New York since I en tered upon the discharge of tho duties of that high station, to the attainment of which their aid so essentially contributed. Tho measure alluded to by you is one which lias divided not only tho people of this State, but of the whole country. It has caused much excitement—and coming as I now do, ns the Chief Magistrate of the Union, to visit my native State, to whose kindness I am under such deep and lasting obligations, I must bo excused from touching upon topics which would give to my visit the appearance ofa par san character. I come to reciprocate civilities and kindnesses with all my fellow citizens, without distinction of parly, and hope that, however much we may didi-r on political subjects, there will be no interruption of that interchange of friendly sentiments which so eminently distinguish the citizens ol'Ncw York. You will, therefore, par don me, gentlemen, for not replying to the parli zan character of your address; and I trust, alter what lias fallen from me, you will duly appreci ate the motives which bring me to this determin ation. Follow-citizens, without distinction of par ty, it gives mo infinite satisfaction to meet you on this occasion, and to tender to you my grate ful acknowledgments fur the honoryou have done m?. 1 do not know, said Mr. T., that I have made as good a speech for the President os he would have made for himself; hut Ido l< now, that if ho had manifested such a spirit, his reception throughout the State, would have been ail that he or bis friends could have desired. Instead of that, it was a mere electioneering tour, from beginning to end ; and I will not undertake to arraign the motives of thnso who left his reception to his own political friends, to whom, on Ids first ap pearance at Gustle Garden, he saw fit to exhibit himself as a political partizan, instead of Presi dent of the United States. The Vice President, who had also fallen into a mistake respecting the language of Mr. Tall madge, audits application to the Piesident per sonally, then took occasion to make some remarks on the duties of the Chair, and the manner in which it becomes Senators to speak in debate, of the Executive, ns a co-ordinate branch of the Go- j vernment: and though be submitted the question i as to tho extent of the Chair under such cir cumstances to the .Senate itself, yet he threw out an admonition in regard to the impropriety of speaking of the President in terms personally of fensive ; which, as applied ti» Mr. Ta'lmadgc, was certainly quite gratuitous and unnecessary. Mr. Tullmadge, in reply, ssid he duly appre ciated the purity of motive which actuated the I Chair, and the kindness with which the Chair had expressed its views on thi i occasion. He could not, however, admit that it was either the right or the duly of the Chair to call to order for any thing said here, except in relation to niemliers of this or the other House. This rale, which is necessary to preserve order in this body, is not necessary in reference to those who are not mem bers of one or the other House of Congress. If therefore, the Chair had first satisfied itself that neither right nor duty required its interposition,, it would have saved to itself and to me the trou ble of this admonition. Not doubting, however, the kind intentions of the Chair, and knowing: the purity of motive by which it is always gov erned, Mr. T. said, that so far as related to him* self, he had no disposition to complain. But,, • said ho the Chair, as well as the Senator from North Carolina, (Mr. Strange,) has labored under, a misapprehension in regard to this whole matter. I presume said ho, that the Chair is under the impression, that I applied the word “ traitor” to- - the President. (The Chair nodded assent.) So E supposed; and but for that misapprehension, there would have been no occasion for its inter position. I have applied no such term to the Pre sident—and 1 should not have supposed that any. one present could have so understood it, iff had' not scon the error into which both the Chair and. the Senator from North Carolina have fallen. If there bo blame any where, if belongs to Will.. Shnkspearo. and not to me—for it was his lan guage I used, and not my own. But there is no blame any w here. 1 spoke ol the President’s ingratitude towards his native State, which had nourished and cher ished him, and made him all be is—that he had* turned his back upon her interests, as well as the interests of the whole Union, and had repaid her overflowing kindness to him, by “ingratitude' moro strong than traitors’ arm.” It was the' strength of his ingratitude which I characterized by the quotation I made. It neither bad, nor was intended to have, any personal application ns cupposcd by the Chair. The language will not bear such a construction ; and if the chain had understood its true import, I presume it. would have forborne any remarks upon the occa sion. Having said thus much, (said Mr, T.) as. due to myself, I now say, and wish it distinctly, understood, that nothing shall deter mo from characterising the acta of the Executive Admin istration of this Government in language which I* think is duo to it—an Administration which has brought ruin upon the whole country—which* has sacrificed the properly of thousands and thousands of its citizens, and sent many of them to untimely graves. Island here ns the Repre sentative offreemen, and I will speak here, as well ns elsewhere, ol Executive usurpations, and the fatal effects of Executive power, as becomes a freeman, and the Representative of a people and : of a Slate, whose vital interests have been sacrifi ced hy Ins perseverance in the destructive meas ures of his Administration. Mi. Wright next rose, and again exhibited that self-complacency, of which he has already given, so many examples, in utfecling to be the lecturer of bis colleague—admonishing him not to intro duce the local matters of their State but declu-- ringthot if Mr. T.did persistin bringing up such > topics, justice to himself and his filends would, compel him to enter the discussion. He also suggested to tho Vice I'resident that it would per haps have been as well to have forborne any in terposition on account of what his colleague hadi said of the Chief Magistrate—that the language applied to that officer would do no harm, &c.&c. Mr. Wright referred likewise to tho familiar quo tation used by Mr. Tallmadge, and notwithstand ing the explanations just given, and tho manifest* meaning of the phrase itself, most disingenuous ly persisted in attributing toil a personal signifi cation, and insinuated that his colleague had fall en hack on the quotation, to avoid the responsi bility of making so grave a charge directly. Mr. Tallmadge replied wkh great animation.. He said his colleague had alluded to the intro duction of the local matters of New York, and, had deprecated it, as on a former occasion. Sir,. I have not introduced tho local matters of New. York, in the sense in which my colleague would, wish to have it understood. I have alluded to- New York in the course of my argument to-day byway of illustrating the principles which I have endeavored to establish. I have alluded to New York for that purpose, the Fame as I would have.- alluded to any other State in. the Union, if I had been os well acquainted with its statistics and its general condition. I have alluded to the local, matters of New York for no other purpose, except, the President’s tour through the State, which, was a mere matter of pleasantry in reply to the Senator from North Carolina. I hope my. col league will hereafter spare himself and the Senata any farther exhibition of his apparent self-com placency on this subject. I shall be ready to dim-, cuss with him Ire re, or elsewhere, the local or —* general matters of New York, whenever it shall' best suit his purpose. As to my language in re gard to tho President’s message, it is much less harsh than language which I have heard on for mer occasions, applied to it here, and which pass ed unnoticed, and without exciting the sensibili ties ol any one. Hut my colleague seems deter mined to make a personal application to the Pre sident, of the quotation to which 1 have hereto fore alluded and explained. If he insists upon making that personal, which was not so intended;, and which was not so in point of fact, I can only, say, the application shall he his and not mine. And now, sir, permit me to say to my col league, that nothing which can come from him. or from any other quarter, shall prevent me from? speaking ot the President in his official capacity, and of the acts of his administration, as I think he and they deserve. I consider, and I say it boldly, that he has subverted tho very fundamen tal piiuciplen of the Government—that in its practical operation, he has established a despo tism more galling than tmy despotism in Europe' —1 moon the dospotisnWbl opinion—a despotism by which ull freedom or thought and of action is deslroyed—u despotism by which he has, in ef fect, usurped the legislative power, and reduced' to the most al ject slavoiy bis followers throughout the country. The financial policy of his admin istration, left to thu unbiassed judgement of the people, would not receive one vote out of an. hundred of the electors of New York or of the Union. ft is the despotism which ho has estab lished over the opinions of men, by which they Jure not think, nor speak, nor act; that compels, j them ngainstti.cir own wishes, and against their own judgements, to yield a reluctant support to a> system of measures, which, in their consciences, they believe, not only detrimental, but destructive to the best interests of tho country. Yes, sir, I have seen and knonn many a prominent in stance of the kind, to which I have alluded* where the despotic screw of Executive power and of parly discipline, has been applied with signal effect, anil with irresistible force to the unwilling and unoffending subject. Sir, what have we seen, hero of tho despotism of executive power? What has been the coarse of the President in re gard to the groat and leading measure of his ad ministration, the sub-treasury scheme? He re commended it to Congress in his message at the extra session. He said he anticipated great di versity of sentiment in regard to it. He invited free discussion —and said if Congress should not approve it, he was ready and willing to take any other measure which Congress, in its wisdom, should adopt. It was rejected in the other house by the immediate representatives of the people. Instead of acquiescing in that decision, he has