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I J. -W. & W.s. JONES. AUGUSTA, Ga. THURSDAY APRIL 16, 1840 v ” XT
K _ --. ’ Yol. IV.—No. 45.
THU CIIUMOICLE AND SENTINEL,
IS PUBLISHED
El d hly thi-weekly, and weekly,
Jjjr At No, 209 Broad-street.
ia? terms;
*3 Bailj paper. Ten Dollars per annum, in advance,
’ll Tri-Weekly paper, at Six Dollars in advance or
yi Sjven at the end of the year.
Mi Weekly paper, Three Dollars in advance, or Four at
the end of year.
■ CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL.
m AUGUST A.
* WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 15.
Central Bank.
V We clip from the Standard of Union the fol
lowing article, and as the editor no doubt speaks
Jl iiy authority, we may soon expect a new issue of
« the Bills of the Central Bank.
Heretofore we have forborne the expression of
H our opinion on this subject, for we did not suppose,
■ that those who had charge of this institution, se
riously contemplated such a measure. What is
pßthe true state of the case 1 The Bank is now un
djPlder the controul of the regular “ hard money de-
a party (hat has signalised itself by its
ffifolly and madness upon this subject, and has in
fe- duced the people to believe, that, were they in
■ power, the whole banking “ monopolies ” of the
State should be forthwith crushed, and in place of
I the *• Bank ruga,” which now Hood the country,
and silver should flow in bounteous profu-
Yet the leaders of this party backed by the
of the State, all of whom have prated so
much about an exclusive specie currency, are now
about issuing from one to three millions of dol
lars of the same “paper rags,” the issues of a
Bank that are not now received at the counters of
L one half of the Banks of the State, and with its
I present small amount of circulation is at a dis
i count of four per cent in this city. What then
K. we ask must be the discount at which it will be
B sold when the Bank issues from one to three
■ millions more, upon no other assets than it now
I; has 1 Let the directors of this institution answer
| I this question to themselves, before they get their
■ consent to practice such an imposition upon an
unsuspecting people. For, that it will bean im
position to issue bills at par, which must inevita
bly in a short time be at a ruinous discount, no
one will pretend to controvert. It must and will
I result in ruin to the borrowers, who will be com
pelled to give their notes and receive the money
at its nominal value, and before they can apply
|£ it to the payment of their debts, be compelled to
submit to a discount of 20 to o 0 per cent.
The idea of the Standard of Union, that the
people will sustain the credit of the bills is, to our
minds, the most absurd wo have ever heard urg
ed to sustain any position. How, we ask, are the
people to sustain the credit of the bills 1 They
are the borrowers —they have no means to sus
tain the credit of the Bank or its bills. Os what
avail then would be their determination to re
ceive and pay out the bills at par, provided they
should so resolve 1 None whatever. The reason
is obvious, the people arc indebted to the mer
chants, and the merchants to the Banks or
through the Banks to the Northern or Eastern
merchants. Can it be supposed that the mer
chants or planters who are indebted to the Banks,
1 will pursue such a suicidal policy as to receive
bills at par upon which they will loose twenty to
thirty per cent I We apprehend no man in bis
sober senses will for a moment expect them to
pursue such a policy. If this be true then, of
what use will the money be to the unfortunate
man who borrows, unless he consents to the dis
count 1 It will remain on his hands perfectly val
ueless, while his notes are in Bank and he is pay
ing interest upon the amount so borrowed. We
repeat, the people cannot by any possible means
sustain the credit of the bills at par, it is impos
sible, they cannot do it now, and how is it possi
ble for them to do it, when the issues of the Bank
are so greatly enlarged as the directors contem
| plate 1
If the Bank were able to sustain the credit of
its bills, nothing would aff.rd us greater pleasure
than to see it stepping forward to aid the people
and relieve them from their distresses. But un
der the present aspect of the affairs of the Central
Bank, we cannot but regard the issue ot such an
amount of bills, as a measure fraught with the
most dangerous and ruinous results to those who
may be induced to borrow the money under the
hope of relief. No fact is more clearly estab
lished by the experience of all men, than this,
that the planters of Georgia, cannot, for a long
period together, with any improvement to their
pecuniary interests, pay eight per cent interest on
large sums of money. What then must be the
consequences to those who may borrow the bills
of the Central Bank and in addition to the inter
est, be compelled to submit to the heavy discount
upon the bills of even 20 per cent, and we have
“ no doubt it will be greater than that 1
Were we to look upon this measure as one of
party management, without regard to the best
interests of the people of Georgia, we should re
joice to sec the leaders of the parly adopt this
measure, and loan out even three millions of the
bills of this Bunk, for it would most assuredly, at
no distant period, recoil upon them and result in
their complete overthrow, as a party. But our
object is of a higher character, we look to the
consequences of this most fatal measure, and al
though we do not imagine that any thing we may
gay will arrest the intention of the directors, to
offer the loan, yet we may perhaps be instrumen
tal in preventing some unsuspecting citizens from
falling into this alluring snare, which although
it promises relief from their immediate and press
ing wants, will only merge them into greater dtf-
Acuities, from which it will be a more difficult
labour to extricate themselves.
As we anticipated, the Central Dank will com
mence a distribution as early as arrangements
can be made, and it will then be seen whether
the chartered institutions will be content to mind
their own affairs, or combine for the purpose of
sinking their credit.
Much as they seem opjiosed to Redistributing
money among the people, we yet hope they will
not attempt to interfere with her arrangements,
as no good can result from their hostility, in any
view of the subject. Could they even succeed
in depreciating her bills, they would gain nothing
by it, while the credit of the Stale, and the inter
est of the people, would be the sufferers; nor
nee 1 it be concealed, that in proportion to the in
jury sustained by both, would be the spirit of op
position aroused against them. But, in the liist
place, wc sincerely hope, that the dictates of pru
dence will admonish them to a course of moder
ation, and that all may work together for good.
The limes require, that relief should be found
in some quarter, and that forbearance should he
the governing principles, as well among men as
banking institutions, and the Central Bank acts
liberally in her discounts, and the chartered
banks do not allow themselves to interfere with,
or thwart her policy, much good will be done,
and harmony will prevail; but should they rush
blindfold upon her, we entertain no fears for the
issue. The people, whose institution she is, will
rally around her and support her credit, in spite
of all opposition.
In conclusion, we invoke a spirit of modera
tion. Theie is distress enough in the country,
without agitating its fury, and increasing the gen
eral calamity.
Let all extend a helping hand, and vio with
each other in the race to do good.
Letter of Col. Johnson.
The letter of the Vice President, to Lewis
Tappan, of New York, in this day’s paper, will
be read with pleasure by every class of citizens.
It is the best thing, except the Sunday mail re
port, wc have ever seen from this pen.
From the New York Journal of Commerce and
Courier of Friday morning.
LATER FROM EUROPE.
By the packet ship St. Lawrence, Capt. Bunk
er, we have Liverpool papers to March 11th, and
London to 10th inclusive. By the Albany, Capt.
Watson, we have Paris and Havre papers to
Saturday, March 7th.
The rates of disiounting on Banker's security
continue at 3$ to 3| per cent, and on good se
condary paper 5 to G per cent, without however,
there being many bills offering.
The alarm created in the money market by the
great demand for money by the Tea people to
meet their prompts has subsided.
Mr. Featherstonhaugh and Mr. Mudge have
not yet made their Report upon their survey of
the N. E. Boundary Line.
Lord John Russell has suggested the position
of affairs on the Boundary Line as an argument
for maintaining the strength of the British army
in Canada.—Nothing, however, was said of the
prospect of a war.
Private letters by the St. Lawrence, state that
Mr. Jaudon will return to the United States by
the packet of the Ist May,—the affairs of the
United States Bank being in a fairer conditb-n.
The news that Pennsylvania had paid the inter
est on her loan, had produced a favorable im
pression.
The accounts from London possess little in
terest here. The most important item in general
politics that we find in these papers, is the par
ticulars of the force England has already direct
ed or is about to direct against China, the mag
nitude of which would indicate that the inten
tions of the British Government are not confined
to the mere mercantile question, hut that she con
templates teritorial acquisitions or the overthrow
of the Chinese Government; and when it is re
collected that the native princes of India were
subdued and the foundation of the British Em
pire there, laid by, comparatively speaking, a
handful of men, there can be little doubt, that
with the means England has now employed, she
will succeed in her plans of conquest, however
vast they may be.
One of the papers contains the particulars of
the British expedition against Canton. There
have already sailed for that port, or about to sail,
four seventy-fours, two large steamers, and a great
number of frigates and sloops of war. The num
ber of men on board from 12 to 15,000.
The Constantinople intelligence of the Journal
de Smyrna, under date of 18th February says,
—“A treaty of commerce, similar to that with
England, has just been made with the United
States.
Correspondence of the Courier Sr Enquirer.
Paris, 7th March, 1840.
The bonds of the Bank of the United States
• remain firm at 98$. Some parties here take it
into their heads that there is a chance of war be
-1 tween your government and that of Great Brit
i ain on the boundary question which has more or
less influence on the public mind.
London, March 9. —f evening.) —ln the Con
sol market very little business has been done,
1 and it has been considered heavy, though the
- money price has shown a disposition to improve,
i Rank of England.
; Quarterly average of the weekly liabilities and
assets of the Bank of England, from the 10th
Dec. 1839, to the 3d of March, 1840, both in
' elusive, published pursuant to the Act 3 and 4
William IV., cap. 98.
LI ADI CITIES. ASSETS.
Circulation, £ 16,678,000 Securities, £23,223,000
Deposits, 7,896,000 Bulion, 4,271,000
£24 574,000 £27,494,000
Downing street, March 5, 1840,
The returns show an augmentation in the cur
rency to some extent. Compared with the last
account, there is an increase on each item : on
! circulation, £167,000 :on deposites, £326,000;
on securities, £242,000; and on bullion of £307,-
f 000. We estimate the actual stock of bullion in
t the bank, at this moment, to be about £4,500,-
000, and, as it is increasing steadily, there is no
cause for alarm, unless a sudden change of cir
-3 cumstances should occur ; such as bad weather
■ for the spring corn, or any thing to cause violent
t speculations or panics in business.
» Abolition Petitions.
r A Letter from the Vice President to Lewis Tap’.
s pan< of New York, upon declining to present
lathe Senate an Abolition Petition, signed
hu one hundred and forty women.
> 3 Washington, March 23, 1840.
J Sib: Your letter of the 7th instant, was duly
received, enclosing a petition to Congress, signed
by one. hundred and forty women of the city and
county of New York, praying for the abolition
1 of slavery and the slave trade in the District of
Columbia, and in those Territories of the United
Slates where they exist, and to admit no new slave
Slates into the Union, requesting me to lay the 1
same before the Senate. I have also received
your teller of the 17th instant, requesting me to
inform you when I would present the petition.—
Having declined to present the petition, ills, per
haps, due to the fair petitioners, and to you, their
organ, as well as to myself, to state some of the
reasons which dictate my course.
The constitutional right of petition is contain
ed in the first article of amendment,as follows:
“Congress shall make no law respecting the
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thorcof; or abridging the freedom of
speech, or of the press; or the right of the peo
ple peaceably to assemble, and to petition the
Government for a redress of grievances.”
Congress has never made a law abridging this
right, but the people assemble at pleasure, and
petition at pleasure for a redress of grievances.—
01 course, this part of the Constitution has not
been violated; and if it did not exist, Congress
could not, constitutionally, have passed such a
law, because no such power is delegated to Con
gress. This right, reserved to the people, docs
not devolve upon the presiding officer of the Sen
ate the obligation of presenting petitions of eve
ry conceivable description.
There are considerations of moral and politi
cal, as well as of a constitutional measure, which
would not permit me to present petitions of a
character evidently hostile to the Union, and de
structive of the principles on which it is founded.
The patriots of the Revolution m-de great sacri
fices of blood and treasure to establish and con
firm the doctrines set forth in the Declaration of
Independence. Each Slate was then an inde
pendent sovereignty; and to form a perpetual
confederacy for the safety and benefit of the
whole, embodying the great doctrines of the De
claration,‘a compomrise ofinterest and feeling was
necessary. That compromise was made; and
the principle which your fair petitioners are now
agitating was settled. The right of regulating
and abolish-ng slavery was reserved to the States;
and Congress have no more right to destroy sla
very in Virginia and Maryland, than they have
to establish slavery in New York or New En
gland. 'I he right of petition for these objects is
reciprocal, and the obligation of the presiding of
ficer to present a petition to the Senate, if it ex
ist in either case, is equally strong in both. But
I cannot recognise the obligation in either case,
though F acknowledge the right of the people in
both. Is a difference made between the District
of Columbia, and the States of the States of Ma
ryland and Virginia, from which it was taken 1
The question was settled in relation to this Dis
trict by those States, by the formation and adop
tion of the Federal Constitution when it was a
part of those States; and a subsequent cession
of jurisdiction could not deprive the citizens of the
rights already secured to them both by the Feder
al Constitution and the Constitutions of their re
spective Stales. The right of Congress to exer
cise exclusive legislation in all cases whatever,
does not mean omnipotent legislation. Congress
have no right in the District of Columbia to take
away the right of trial by jury ; t pass an ex
post facto law ; to abridge the freedom of speech
or of the press ; to establish religion by law, nor
to destroy the rights of property, or the personal
liberty of the citizen. These reserved rights are
as sacred in the District of Columbia as in the
State of New York. They have the same right
to consider the abolition of slavery in New York
a grievance, and petition to Congress to establish
it there, as the citizens of New York have to con
sider it a grievance in the District, and petition
Congress to abolish it. Their right in either
case to assemble peaceably and make their peti
tion, I do not call in question ; but the obligation
on my part to present it to the Senate, I do not
admit. >
If a number of citizens should consider a Re
publican Government a grievance, and petition
Congress to establish a monarchy; ifothers should
consider religious toleration a grievance, and pe
tition Congress to destroy heresy, by abolishing
all religious sects but their own, I should not
consider it my duty to present their petitions to
the Senate, nor do I consider it my duty to pre
sent a petition the certain tendency of which is
to destroy the harmony, and eventually to break
asunder the bonds of our Union.
In regard to new States, the case is, if possible,
still stronger. They must be united upon terms
of equality. Each State having reserved the
right of regulating this subject for itself, no one
can lie constitutionally deprived of the right.
The State of New York has abolished slavery;
but this abolition is not the condition on which
she holds her place in the Confederacy. It is her
own policy; and if it shall be her pleasure to
change it, Congress cannot interfere, So, if new
States are admitted into the Union, when admit
ted they will stand upon an equality with New
York. They may establish or abolish slavery at
their pleasure, and neither Congress, nor any
other State, will have any more right to interfere
with the subject than with the laws of primogeni
ture in the British empire. The object of the pe
tition does not affect the abstract question of
slavery; that is a subject which the abolitionists
of the free States can no more affect than they
can that of the privileges of the British nobility.
The plain question is this: shall we, continue a
united confederated Republic, or shall we dissolve
the Union 1 If the prayer of this and similar pe
titions should be granted by a majority of Con
gress, the inevitable effect would be an imme
diate destruction of the Confederacy, and, with it,
those bonds of affection which have united us as
one great, one harmonious family. It has been
my grief to observe a recklessness on the part of
some, whom I otherwise highly esteem, showing
an utter disregard of all the consequences which
must result from the perpetual agitation of this
subject. We have an interest at stake too dear
to be compromitted for a phantom which we can
never gain, however enthusiastically we may
pursue it. As a free, a powerful, and happy na
tion, we stand unrivalled in the annals of the
world.
Turning the eye alternately to every region of
our country, it is greeted with the smiles of hap
piness, amid the scenes of liberty, and peace, and
plenty; and yet imagination frequently pauses up
on the localities which remind us of the price at
which these blessings were gained. Do wc com
pare our condition with that of adjoining colo
nies'! We look to Quebec —and there Montgom
ery fell. Wc return to view the beautiful town
of Boston; and take our stand on Bunker Hill—
there Warren died. Wc cross the delightful
fields of Connecticut —there Wooster hied. We
continue our observation through the Jetseys, till
we reach Princeton —there Mercer perished.
Even from the Capitol in which we are assem
bled wc cast a look to the South, and the heights
of Vernon remind us that the mighty Washing
ton slumbers there, who forsook these peaceful
shades for the toils, the dangers, and the priva
tions of the sanguine field, where, with thous
ands of others equally brave and patriotic, the en
emies of our rights were defeated. It is at the
price of their blood that we, in common with
your fair petitioners, now enjoy these blessings.
When these rights were again threatened, I re
garded it my duty, in humble imitation of those
1 apostles and martyrs of liberty, to offer my own
life upon the altar of my country, to confirm to
you and to them the permanent enjoyment of
those blessings, A merciful Providence protect
ed me, and I find a twofold recompense in the
preservation of our institutions.
With these views, I cannot reconcile it to my
sense of duly to present the petition. I shall en
ter into no discussion on the principles of slavery,
as that is not involved in the subject. 1 can view
it in no other light than that of an interference
with the constitutional rights of others, and in
such away as lends to the destruction of the
rich inheritance purchased by the blood and toil
of the fathers of the Revolution. Another cir
cumstance exists aside from what I have noticed
above, which would make me reluctant to present
this petition ; it comes (rom ladies, ordained by
Nature and by thocustomsof all civilized nations
to occupy a higher place in society than that of
petitioners to a legislative body.
It courtesy could induce me on a subject that
could ndt become a matter of injurious notoriety
to present a petition from females, yet I should
regard it purely as a matter of courtesy, and not
of constitutional right. The rights of women are
secure through the coarser sex—their fathers,
their husbands, and their brothers. It is the right
of a woman to maintain a modest retirement in
the hustle of politics and of war. She docs not ap
pear at the polls to vote, because she is privileged
to bo represented there by man. She does not
serve on juries, nor perform the duties of the bai
liff or executioner, because it would be a degra
dation of her dignity. She docs not take up
arms and meet her country’s foes, because she is
a privileged character, and man is her substitute,
who represents bet in all these drudgeries. Every
man is bound by the perfect law of custom and
of honor to protect and serve her. This is the
light in which the law of God places the woman.
She ;s veiled and silent even in religious discus
sions; not because she is unworthy, but because
she is exempt from the strife of man: and it is
her right to observe that retired modesty whicli
renders hei the object of admiration and esteem.
In this respect the Constitution of our country
is established upon the principle of the Divine
law. If the rights of man are inviolable, they
are of course confirmed to woman ; and the most
dignified of the sex are the least inclined to
meddle with public matters. I presume females
who sign petitions would not consent to the pub
lication of their names. I should he very reluc
tant to be accessory to an act which should, in
any degree, cast a shade of reproach upon an in
dividual of that sex whose modest degnity is the
glory of man. I bus, sir, I have frankly slated
my views in returning the petition, as I now do.
I trust you will not deem it disrespectful to
you, nor to the ladies for whom you act. Be as
sured that, for yourself individually, I entertain
high respect; and could I serve you personally,
it would give me great pleasure to do so. Though
a stranger to the signers of the petition, I do not
doubt the respectability of their character; and
I deeply regret being requested, on their bchaif,
to perform an act with which I cannot consistent
ly comply ; but with the view which I enteitain,
I cannot better testify my regard for them than
byreturning the petition. Most Respectfully,
R. M. JOHNSON.
Lewis Tippah, Esq. New York city.
Rumored Bank Defalcation. —The Nor
folk Beacon, of Thursday, says;—“Rumors
reached town by the Richmond boat
that there had been an overdrawing of an account
by some thirty thousand dollars in the Bunk of
Virginia, and that the officer, through whose
oversight it had been committed, had disappear
ed.”
From the Baltimore American,
Sugar in Louisiana.
A memorial remonstrating against the reduc
tion of duties on foreign sugars has been address
ed to Congress by the Legislaiure of Louisiana.
It contains some valuable statistical statements
relating to the present condition of the sugar
growing interests, and the effects produced by the
policy of diminished duties.
The memorial stales that investments in the
production of sugar were chiefly made in Louis
iana after the passage of the Tarill’laws of 1816.
From that year to 1828, the annual production
increased from 15,000 hhds. to 45,000 hhds. of
1000 lbs. each. In 1828, the capital vested tu the
business was about thirty-four millions of dollars,
with manual power to the amount of 21,000
hands, 12,000 horses, oxen, Ac., and machinery
of 1,640 horses power. From 1828 to 1830,
new estates were undertaken requiring an outlay
of about sixteen millions more; at the close of the
last named year, there were in Louisiana 691 es
tates devoted to the production of sugar, with a
capital of about fifty millions. Under the system
of protection then existing, the State was supply
ing one half of the sugars required for consump
tion in the United Slates, and was bidding fair,
says the memorial, soon to meet the entire con
sumption.
The reduction ofdutics which took place upon
the passage of the Compromise Act operated dis
astrously upon the sugar growing interests. One
hundred and fifty-six estates have been compell
ed to abandon the business, and the further ac
tion of the present system, introduced by that
Bid, threatens to annihilate that important branch
of national industry. Some statistical estimates
are given going to show the profits of sugar
growing under existing prices. The capital now
invested in the business is reckoned at fifty-two
millions, many improvements in machinery hav
ing been added of late years to increase the value
of estates.
The average annual crop is estimated at 70,000
hhds. or 70 milhons of pounds of sugar, and
350,000 gallons of molasses. At 6 celt's for su
gar and 20 cents for molasses, the product of the
crop would be $4,900,000; expenses -ctkoried at
$2,000,000, the nett balance would he $2,900,-
000, or about 5$ per cent on the capital invested.
At 5 cents for sugar and 17 cents for molasses,
the nett product would yield 4 per cent on the
capital; at 4 cents and 16 cents, the nett product
would yield 2 8-10ths per cent.
The memorial states that in Louisiana, sugar
cannot he raised for 10-s than 5$ cents per pound,
in the West India Islands, with their advantage
of climate and cheap operations, Muscovadois
can be produced so as to yield a fair remunera
tion at 2$ and 3 cents. Under these circum
stances it is declared that the heavy investments
in the sugar business which have been made in
Louisiana would never have taken place had not
a cont.nuance of protection been relied on. It
is further urged that while a protective duty
would enable this languishing interest to revive
again in the State, the abandonment of the cul
ture, under the present low duties, would not op
erate to diminish the current prices of the com
modity. In other words, under a protective du
ty, the prices would be no higher than they would
be if no protection were extended. This is
shown by a table of prices from 1830 to 1839,
both inclusive, from which it appears that the cost
' rt *. Reduction in the West Indies has been no
criterion of the selling price, whicli has always
risen in proportion as the supply from Louisiai a
fell short of its usual average. If that supply
were withdrawn altogether, the West India pro
ducer having no competition to dread might im
pose his own price upon the commodity.
We may here add that this consideration is of
great weight in reference to other articles besides
sug-ir. Duties for the protection of homo manu
factures are said to raise the prices of articles to
an unnecessary height—much above the regular
price liascd upon the cost of manufacture in Eu
rope. But it our domestic industry were left
entirely without protection, so that the British
capitalist and rnanufaiptU'er might command the
market, without a cumpetitoi, who does not see
that prices would run up without our being able
to help ourselves I The demand for an article
would regulate its price— not the cost of produc
tion ; the seller would require not what the thing
was worth, hut what he believed he could get.
I lie Louisiana memorialists, temperate and ac
curate in their language and statements, conclude
by praying Congress to revive the sugar duties of
1816, as a measure essentially important to the
sugar growing interests in the United Stales.
Every thing in England now is ‘a la Princa
Albert,’ from locomotive steam engines down to
mouse traps and penny whistles. In the window
of a cheap dirty cook shop, in vicinity of White
chapel Church, is a paper displayed, setting foith
that ‘Kalbert scope tuppense hapeny a pint’ may
he had within. In one of these bye streets, run
ning from Houndsditch to Petticoat lane, an
enterprising sugar plum and bull’s eye manufac
turer advertises ‘Albert lollypopg two a penny,’
and in Bethnal green road, one Jeremiah Riggs, a
poetical barber, exhibits a flaming playcard in his
window, surmounted by the royal arms, with the
following choice and importont announcement:
‘Gentlemen’s hare cut and dressed a la Albert:
only turpcncc : ladies ditto ala Heine, 3d. The
best Albert hair bile only 6d a battel.’
Names.—A recent act of the Legislature of
Maine, to change the names of certain persons,
provides,—That Shcarjashub Hatch, of Mercer,
i be allowed to take the name of Francis Hatch ;
that Mary Jane Carpenter, of Cornville, be al
lowed to take the name of Mary Jane Ncwbegin;
that John Blue, Betsey Blue, (wife of said John,)
ami John H. Blue, their son, and Agnes P., wife
of the said John H., all of Bloomfield and Mon
mouth. bo allowed to take the the name of Ballou
as their surname; that Jonathan Fly Wormwood,
his wife, and seven minor children, of Surry, he
allowed to lake the name of Wood as their sur
name.
The Eastern papers announce the death of
Peter Bdes. well known in N. York, where he once
I lived with his son, Benjamine Edos, who carried
> on the printing business. Mr. Peter Edes was,
at the time of his death, o.i the 28th ult. the
’ oldest printer in the United States, being then in
1 his 85lh year.
A War Sion. —The New York American
states on good authority, that orders have been
received at the New York Navy Yard, to get all
the vessels in port ready for active service. These
vessels are the Independence , (razee) just rc
-1 turned from Brazil, the Fairfield, the Natchez,
and Boston, large sloops of war, and (ho Relief
lately returned from the South Sea Exploring
, Expedition.
The greatest despatch is also ordered to bo giv
en to completing the new steam-ship of war now
building here.
Bridge across the Mississippi. —The people
of St. Louis havo'for a long lime been thinking of
building a bridge across the Mississippi at that
city. Thecity Council some time since authoris
ed Mr. Ellet to examine into the practicability and
expense of such a structure. Ho has made a
report, of which the Gazette gives the following
as the essence:
“The bridge is to be 3,000 feet long, from hank
to bank, to be supported by wire cables, to have
only two piers and three arches, and to be elevated
above low water mark 70 feet; and above high
water mark 45 feet, so to admit of a free passage
under the arches for the tallest steamboat. The
cables are to bo suspended over the two piers from
lowers that, from the bed of the river, rise to an
elevation of 200 feet. The central arch is to be
1,300 feet long—the arches at die ends 900 feet
each. The entile cost is set down at $737,-
566.”
From the New York Commercial Advertiter.
Aft old Subscriber. —A Veteran. —We
had the pleasure yesterday morning ofgiving the
forty-seventh bill and receipt for the New
York Spectator, to the venerable William Lud
lam, of Oyster Bay. During the whole of the
period, forty seven years, he has been a constant
subscriber, has paid punctually every year, and
has the whole number of receipts in order. He
is an example for the world to look at. What
sound and quiet sleep he must have ? And how
much more comfort would (here be upon the pil
low, if all men were like him! Reader, who
ever thou art, think of this matter. An! if in
those hours of the night when deep sleep falleth
upon man, you lie tossing and tumbling about,
without being able to sleep at all—pause a mo
ment and reflect whether you do not owe for your
newspaper! Mr. Ludlam, by the way, is eighty
three years old, in excellent health and spirits,
and promises long to read the Spectator still.
African Slavery. —Let Northern and British fa
natics read the following statement, and blush for
their warfare on our institution of domestic service.
Recapitulation of the African Trade, and by what
nations,for the port of Charleston,from Ist Jan.
1804, to 31« f December, ISf7.
ships or vessels employed.
'n: 53 3j ~y, ona r » t »■;
?! £ SLio’.o § a. 3 % 3 ?ig3 S' 3 ~
ri- 1 1-) -•( 5- 3%s- % 2.(Bg||S So os
£ 111(5? |2.f|-g ?g, re g
■ § s-i 3 1 s iSa is’ 5-9
t I ” | g.j|B'2| s
I ll 2. S.I 2.
ii l
16 69 dl 2 1 170 13 1 13 83 9l| 10
T dal, 202
THOS. H. JERVEY, Surveyor.
Survoyor’s Office, Custom House, Charleston.
Life Insurance in New York.— The Le
gislature of New York has passed an act respect
ing insurances on lives for the benefit of married
w. men. It makes it lawful for any married wo
man, by herself, and in her name, or in the name
of any third person, with his assent, as to trustee,
to cause to be insured, for her sole use, the life of
her husband for any definite period, or for the
term of his natural life ; and in case of her sum
»ing her husband, the sum of the insurance be
\
» VUI M. f •
coming due by the terms of the insurance, shall
be payable to her, and for her own use, free from
the claims of the representatives of her husband,
or of any of h.s creditors. This exemption, how
ever, does not apply when the amount of the
donors'” lald annUa “ y excccdß three hundred
i ho design of this law is to secure to widows
some more certain provision than any which pre
vious enactments had been able to secure. The
New York Commercial Advertiser commends
the law highly, and says :
i he peculiar merit of the law just enacted is
that it rescues the amount insured from the hazard
of insolvency. Heretofore, the widow and chil
dren ol a man dying in debt might sutler the bit
ter disappointment of seeing the little fund which
he had in this way provided for their relief, ap
propriated to the payment of his creditors; but
now insurance may be eflected by and for the
wife, with the certainty that at the decease of her
husband the sum insured will enure to her own
benefit and that of her little ones, even though
all else that ho has left be swallowed up in the
satisfaction of claims which misfortune or impro
vidence had prevented him from discharging. It
is an excellent law, and the Legislature that en
acted it deserves the thanks of every wife and
mother.
Suß rinaiNiAN Viliaok.—A French paper
states that accident has just brought to light, an
anciein|subterranean village in the commune of
Hermics, near Bapaumc. During late heavy rains,
a consu eruble landslip took place, leaving on i«*
mense chasm, into which some of the young men
ol Hermics, with more courage than prudence,
decended by means of ladders to the depth of
about 30 yards. Great was their astonishment
on finding themselves in the midst of streets, bor
dered by cells and chambers, which evidently
hud been formerly inhabited. The streets are
wide enough for vehicles to pass and the chambers
which are ol different sizes, amount, according to
the exaggerated statement, perhaps ofthcexplor*
ers, to 1,400, or 1.500. They were particularly
struck by a winding staircase, which they ascen
ded, and at length discoved that it reached the bot
tom of the tower of the church, at Hcrmies, into
which they soon made away. In continuing
tho progress of their researches, the candles they
had with Ihcm were extinguished, by the foul
ness of (he air, and were forced to retreat. On
reaching (ho spot where ihey descended, one of
tho party were missing, His companions, though
without any fright, returned in search of him, and
discovered him fallen into a well 20 yards deep.
Tiny succeeded in gelling him out, but with one
leg broken, and nearly suffocated.
For the Chronicle If Sentinel.
To nil whom it may concern.
There will be held on Thursday evening, a
meeting ot the Augusta Benevolent Society in
the Masonic Hall. The Anniversary has been
changed from August to April. It will be an in
teresting meeting. The actions, expenditures
and services of the Society since last August
will be presented to the public,and every individu
al should feel interested in it. It is the only insti
tution in this place that has for its object, the ame
lioration of the condition of tho sick poor of our
city. But it is a lamentable fact, that (compara
tively) but a small portion of our community
feel interested in this work of philanthropy and
labor of love ; whereas it ought to concern eve
ry individual. To the support of this institution
every one should give his aid, because its benefits
are like sun beams diffusing light and warmth
over all, without respect of persons. The Socie
ty is now in a languishing state. The treasury
is empty, Jhe number of subscribers is very
diminished,and it is very desirable that those who
are in arrears should come prepared to pay their
dues, and it is hoped that the majority of this
community, especially the wealthy and influen
tial, will come forward to the support of this lan
guishing, but Heaven born child of mercy and
benevolence. Let it not die. O ! let it live to
bless you. It is our duty, nay, it is the privilege
of all to be engaged in this labor of love. Fel
low-citizens you know it is written in the book of
God, “It is more blessed to give than to receive.”
Do not then enter the pica of hard limes, scarcity
of money, St c. The times are a great deal hard
er and money a great deal scarcer with the poor,
and especially the sick poor. You have enough
and to spare. O ! spend it not in extravagance
and pride. Remember there is one in Heaven
who governs all the earth, and who has given to
nations communities and to individuals his law,
and with it the earth and all its fulness ; and he
has said to all “ occupy till I come.” And you
know there cannot he a law without having pen
alty attached to it. Our duty is clearly pointed
out. We cannot plead ignorance, and He will
not let the guilty escape. Sins of communities
or nations He visits with temporal calamities.
So it has been from the beginning of time. No
one at all acquainted with sacred or profane
history can deny the truth of Solomon’s asser
tion, that “Righteousness exalted a nation, and
that sin is a reproach to any people;” and is it
not a sin to withhold from the poor, aye, from the
sick poor, that which tho Supreme Ruler over all
has put into our hands to be given to (hem ; and
is not such withholding a reproach to any peo
ple ? Who can doubt it ? I should suppose not
even a sceptic with a spark of patriotism in his
bosom can doubt. If, however, there should re
side among us such a sordid individual, I would
refer him for his doom to the first three verses of
the sth chapter of St. James. However, my fel
low-citizens we hope and expect better things of
you. j J ruy remember the promises left upon re
cord to the liberal soul. Hear what the mouth
of the Lord hath spoken ; “ Prove me here with,
if I will not open you the windows of Heaven
and pour you out a blessing that there shall not
be room to receive itand again, “Blessed is
he that considered! the poor, the Lord will deli
ver him in time of trouble.” Come then, ye
friends of the country, ye friends of humanity,
ye friendsof the poor, come on Thuisdsy eve
ning to the meeting, and lend a helping hand to
make pre| uration for the time of affliction. We
have no assurance that we shall not bo visited
this summer with disease. Those that are able
can retire. But, fellow-citizens, what must be
come of those, who have no place to retreat to,
nor means for support in the time of affliction.—
Consider seriously, act well your part, and Hea
ven's blessings shall be yours. A. B. S.