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CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
BT WILLIAM S. JONES,
ornoa n rail road bark boildmo
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will be discontinued.
Correspondence of the New Orleans Picayune.
The Lopez Expedition.
Narrative of Major J. A. Kelly, one of the Amer
ican prisoners in Havana.
Havawa, Sept. 4, 1851.
Capt. J. A. Kelly, one of the prisoners recent
ly released by the Captain General, has given
me the following statement of the events that
followed the leading of the forces under the com
mand of Lopes, irom the period of their em
barkation to that of his being made prisoner.
Knowing how interesting it will be to your read
ers, I give it as full as I can recollect.
On the morning of the 12th of August, be
tween 4 and 5 o’clock, the invaders landed at the
little town of Morillos. Shortly after, Gen. Lo
pes started for Las Posas, at the head of the
Cubans and Hungarians, ordering Col. Down
man to take command of the American infantry
and follow him. Col. Crittenden was ordered to
remain at Morrillos until the stores were landed,
and then to follow at all speed and join the main
body at Las Posas. Gen. Lopez was to E3nd
back transportation to Col. C. from the first ran
cho on the road. He accordingly sent two carts
with a single yoke of oxen to each. These were
entirely insufficient to draw the heavily lauen
carts, and Col. C. sent one of the negro drivers
for more oxen, who returned witn two more
and the parly started. The cars were still tea
heavily laden, however, and the progress was
slow. They left Morillos about 11 o’clock, and
only made five miles that night, the advance
stopping at a tienda or store on the main road,
and being soon after joined by the rest of the
troops and the wagons. Col. Crittenden had
previously sent a messenger to Gen. Lopes, who
returned and met them here. Lopes ordered
Col. C. to abandon bis baggage, ammunition,
4kc., and join him at once, as he expected a bat
tle every moment, and wanted Crittenden to at
tack the enemy in the rear and flank. The lat
ter, however, was loth to abandon the ammuni
tion, and while deliberating be was suddenly at
tacked by a party of Spanish soldiers, who were
repulsed. Col. Crittenden now determined to
leave every thing and join Gen. Lopez at once,
but before they were ready :o march they were
again attacked by ahout 350 Spanish troops, as
they learned from a wounded prisoner, who was
brought in to have bis wounds dressed. It is
proper to state here that after the fight all the
wounded Spanish soldiers who could be found
were brought in and their wounds dressed by Dr.
Fourniquet, who was afterwards shot in this
city. Col. Crittenden had about 120 men under
his command of all ranks.
After beating off the soldiers, Col. Crittenden
took eiehty men and started eff to charge the
enemy, leaving Capt. Kelly with orders to main
tain his position until his return The men
whom Col. C. took with him, Capt. K. states,
were the elite of the whole command, and lrom
that time forth Capt. K. saw no more of either
Crittenden or his men. The Spanish troops
kept up a continual slow fire on Capt. K’s men,
but the distance from which they fired was so
great that their balls were mostly spent before
they reached the tienda
After waiting about three hours for Col. Crit
tenden s return, and seeing or hearing nothing of
mm, the men under Capt. Kelly’s command de
clared their determination not to wait for him
any longer, and some of them started off with the
intention of making their way to the coast and
returning to the United States. After much per
suasion, Capt. Kelly induced them to remain a
little longer. Some time after, the men again
started off with the same intention, headed by
two officers, Lieuts. Van Vetchten and Crafts.
Capt. Kelly now gave up all hope of Crittenden’s
return, and determined to join Lopez at Las Pozas
at once. He induced the men to go with him by
threatening to abandon them and start off alone.
He took a negro with him as guide, and etarted
through the woods, to conceal his march and
prevent being cut off. The tienda was by this
time nearly surrounded by Spanish troops, and
Capt. K. was obliged to commence his march in
a retrograde direction, going towards the coast
until he was out of sight of the soldiers, and
then making a circuit through the woods.
Just befoie dark they arrived at a large sugar
estate and stopped at the house. Here they
learned that a company of Spanish soldiers had
passed a short time befoie, and were also in
formed that a battle had bee r fought at Las Po
sas, but the people on the estate did not know
which side were victors. They hired another
negro as guide and again started for Las Pozas.
When within a short distance of the town they
came across the main road and saw several com
panies of Spanish troops. They concealed
themselves in the thicket and sent the negro into
the town to ascertain who were the victors He
returned and Btated that all was quiet in the
town, and the sentinels v ore blue shirts. Capt.
K. then sent Gonzales, who spoke Spanish, into
the town for further information, and about 10
o’clock at night he returned with the Adjutant
General of Lopez s forces, Schwartzer, who had
succeeded Gen. Pragay, hho had been severely
wounded in the battle of the morning. He gave
Capt. Kelly the particulars of the battle, and
stated that they had beat off the enemy
with considerable loss. Capt. Kelly’s men
were mostly asleep, and on being woke up
and ordered to march, three of them,
named Frank Breedlove, John Trimble and
Tard, w ere, as is supposed, left behind asleep, as
they were not again seen. Capt. K. had given
particular directions to his men to see that ail
were woke up, but it is thought that in the ex
citement of toe moment these men were over
looked, and probably killed in trying to find their
comrades the next day.
On their march to the town Capt. K’s com
m!?. d .. paßßed °A er the balt,e field, which was
literally covered with the dead bodies of the
vervTrMt 0 8 * Their . loßß must have been
n«7whn n J h6y were cha Uenged by the senti
““’7? £ hf* eagerness, forgot his duty so far
Were Crittenden’s men. This
Ihl! CriSnH n Uon Capt * Kel[ y had received
that Crittenden was not with Lopez.
t ««« ,^k immedia i el ? reported himself to Gen.
«xtr«m<»Ti 1 oi a H P t roVed his course and appeared
extremely glad to see him. Capt. Kelly wished
Crittenden who^T^"^^ 1 had b ® Come of
onuen ten, who had eigthy of the best men in
h«U imand With him- Gen. Lopez replied that
Critmiw ‘ \ W °< com P ai) ieß that afternoon to
Crittenden s relief, and that they had returned
th«r*hf« e f d that tl was impossible to get through •
that his troops were already under
dsrs, and that it was absolutely n™cessiry he
should leave there that nfoht no ho „ a ,fj 5*
again attacked by the Spanishdroops hi themmm
ing, with artillery. He intended to make for the
mountains, where he calculated to meet some
Creoles who were said to be in arms there. Capt.
Keliy ssys that Gen. Lopez appeared to be verv
anxious to join with Col. Crittenden } but it was
absolutely necessary that he should leave his
could'r 1 si f uat *? n be f°re the Spanish commander
SK 8 H hi T iliery - 89 tbeir position wS
no artm dered un ‘enable. Gen. Lopez had
as reported’ th ® anr, P® ro brin 8 over any
in the moun ta ? n ® eXp f® ted find a Creole force
Informed. La« p„ wi whllery, as he had been
miles from the 8 equated about twelve
mountain forming ,? hore , and at the foot of the
Abgjo. About twentv called the Vuelta
ly’sairivai, the whol« tl^ nuteß after Capt. Kel
march, and shortly afi or nriand wero on tho
the mountains. About daviun? enced ascending
house used as a sort of senVrni ‘ the y reachcd a
district, and about a mile farther St °® ce iorthe
across another house, where the thoy L came
*•*. which they ate with a right goodwill b Th° k ‘
r#at ® d here until the afternoon, which
“? ded .aa Capt K.’s men had now been
marcb f° r two nights and one day. tbe
thsllne of°m 0f L he afiomoonthey again took up
m-rioKfi ®? rc * 1 ' and arrived at a hacienda for
to Gan * L °P e * ab «ut Bor 9
kina momln * ot the 16th - While ta
«d a i ar ‘ y K° f about 200 ,ancerfl char
ged down upon them, but were soon driven back.
Almost immediately after, news was ifeceived
that a large force es Spanish troops were in a
field about a mile off, and Lopez immediately
inarched thither, where about five hundred of the
enemy formed to receive him. He immediately
attacked them with his diminished force, and after
a short but sharp conflict, completely ronted
them, they flying in ail directions to the woodß.
In this fight Gen. Enna was killed.
After this, Lopez resumed his march and cross
ed the mountains, passing through a thickly set
tled country, until they reached a coffee estate,
where they got sometning to eat. They con
tinued marching about until the 21st, when their
guide brought them to within a few miles of San
Christobal, where, as Gen. Lopez learned from a
countryman, there were upwards of 1,3( 0 Span
ish troops. They proceeded to the top of a small
hill, whence they saw the troops patrolling the
valley below. They remained here all night,
exposed to a heavy rain, and in the morning
started back about fifteen miles, over a road ren
dered very bad and slippery by the rain of the
night before They again turned south, on their
way to the houee of a friend, where they intend
ed to rest and put their arms, which had been
much damaged by the rain, in order. While
taking breakfast the next morning, (the 23d,)
they were attacked by a large force of Spanish
troops. Capt. Kelly thinks between four and five
hundred, and here the invading troops met their
first reverse, owing Co the bad condition of their
arms. It was deemed advisable to retire to the
mountains, and Lopez gave an order to that ef
fect. Some twenty or thirty men left the main
body and made for the woods. Some of the oth
ers who remained with Lopez threw away their
guns.
By the time they reached the mountains, it
commenced raining, and rained furiously for
about 48 hours. This completely ruined their re
maining guns, and all their ammunition, besides
preventing them from making fires and getting
anything to eat. When it cleared off, they killed
and ate Gen. Lopez’s horse, the la:, food they
had. A consultation of officers was now had,
and they demanded that Gen.. Lopez should take
them at once to where the Patriot forces he had
spoken of were stationed, or at least reach the
coast, where they might embark for Jamaica or
Yucatan. Lopez consented to their demand,
and they started for the Patriot rendezvous to
the south. The guide, however, mistook the
road, and led them again to Sau Cristobal.
Here they found themselves in front of a large
body of troops, who ordered them to surrender,
and on their refusal fired upon them, but the balls
passed over their heads. The Americans at
tempted to retnm the fire, when they found that
not a gun in the command would go off. Before
the Spanish troops could again load and fire, the
invaders scattered in all directions and took to
the woods.
From this time until his arrest, Capt. Kelly
states that he and the few men with him wan
dered about the woods and rocks, iiving on the
pith of the palmetto tree and mangoes.
On the 26th, weak and half starved, they were
overtaken and arrested by a party of countrymen,
who informed them of the pardon proclaimed by
the Captain General. They were taken to Bahia
Honda, placed on board the steamer Habanero.
and brought to Havana.
Some of the datnsin the above statement may
be wrong, as they are given from recollection, but
the main facts are correct. C*pt. Kelly states
that to his knowledge but two Creoles joined
them, and they were both killed. H e and Col.
Haines both scout at the idea that Lopez pur
posely abandoned Crittenden and his men, and
say that he would have given his right hand to
have had them with him. Capt. K thinks that
af.er Col. Crittenden left him, he concealed him
self in the woods, with the view of drawing the
enemy into an ambush, and that on his return,
finding that Capt. K illy had left the tienda, and
not knowing in which direction he had marehed,
he and his men, being without guides through
the country, had concluded to make for the coast
and put out to sea, in the hope of getting on
t oard of some American or neutral vessel. That
he must have had some fighting is evident from
the fact that when he left Capt. Kelly he had
eighty men, and when arrested there were but
fifty with him. What has become of the thirty
others is a mystery that will probably never be
solved.
Deere* of the Emperor of Austria.
' Subjoined is a translation, which has been
furnished us, of the Decree of the Emperor of
Austria, which has created such great excite,
ment in Austria and throughout Europe, as
noticed in our Telegraphic dispatch this morn
ing:
"My dear Schwarzenberg As the decreed
responsibility of the ministry is deficient in le
gal clearness and precise de ignation, I feel it
my duty, as Regent, to extricate the Ministry
from its doubtful political relations, and define
that situa.ion which it ought to hold as my
council, and as my highest organ of ad minis
tration, and to < eclare it responsible to the
monarch and to the throne alone, and irrespon
sible to every other political authority, fu
consequence of this principle, the following
regulations will take effect :
“1. The Ministry is obliged to fulfil all impe
rial decisions and orders, and likewise to swear
unlimited allegiance to me
“The Ministry in this new position wiilhave
to deliberate and propose all laws, regulations,
measures of government, &c , v hich they may
consider necessary or available, or to the de
liberation of which they may be summoned by
me, and also to execute all my decisions that
may result from such deliberations.
“3. The Ministry and each Minister in his
department is responsible to me fortheexset
fulfilment of the existing laws, and imperial
regulations. Each minister remains entrusted
with the business of his present department.
But I reserve to myself to give in this respect
more particular d rections.
“4. The Ministerial countersign henceforth
is to be limited to the publication of the laws
and imperial regulations, and will be executed
below the imperial signature by the president
of the Ministry, or by that of those of the
Ministers to whose department the subject
may belong, or by the Chancellor of the ex
chequer The signature to te accompanied by
the words, “on supreme dgcree.”
The countersign gives that the
legal forms are observed, and that*, eimperial
decisions are issue t correctly.
“6. In the publication of the laws and im
perial decisions in future the words, “alter
hearing of my council,” instead of “on mo
tion of my council” are to be used.
_ , Franz Josephs.
Schonnfomnn, 20th August, 1851.
to the Baron Von Kubeck.in
which a <JWSPof the above is enclosed states,
that in future the Reichsrath (Council of Em
pire) is to be considered only as the council
of the crown, and in consequence of this all
propositions of laws. &c-, &c., must not be
sent b / the Ministry to the Reichsrath, but di
rect to the Emperor. And in another letter to
the Prince Schwazenburg. he orders him to
summon the council to deliberate npm the ex
istence and the possibility of the execution ot
the Constitution "of 4th March 1849 And
that in the consideration of this matter and all
others, the principal of the monarchical form
and the unity of the empire must be constantly
kept in view, and must be considered as the
immoveable foundations of all proceedings.
Ch. Cour.
Shameful Outrage. Judge Jones, of
Louisiana, who has been visiting our city for a
day or two past, snd sojourning at the Biddle
House, proceeded, with a friend to Chatham,
Canada, on a pleasure trip, and while there,
was ass riled by aa armed mob of negroes, in
the most brutal and cowardly manner, without
the slightest shawdow of provocation, as we
are informed. Such treatment towards two
of the most respectable citizen of the United
States at the hands, or with the connivance,
of the Canadian people, is an insult of the
most discreditable character, and, if repeated,
will tend greatly to disturb the harmonious re
lations heretofore existing between the two
sides of the frontier.— Detroit paper.
Naw York and Genoa Steam Link.
A letter from an American citizen in Ganoa
published in the Newark Advertiser says :
Subscriptions to the New York and Genoa
earn Packet Company are going forward
aaoOßßß^b^y • under the management of its
P aentative, Mr. Peter Koster, an enlight
ened merchant, engaged in trade between the I
two porta. The enterprise is also cordially j
seconded by Coant Fiola, the liberal chief mag- j
istrate of this city. Mach interest is felt in its be
half in Switzerland —where a portion of the
stock has already been taken—since Genoa
will be its most convenient seaport, when the
railroads now in course of construction are
finished.
Chronicle an& Sentinel.
AUGUSTA, SA'
FRIDAY HORNING, SEPT* 10.
SAMUEL BARNETT, Associate Editor.
Constitutional Union Nomination.
FOR GOVERNOR.
HON. HOWELL COBB-
For Representative from Bth District i
HON. ROBERT TOOMBS.
CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION.
Fibit Diit.—CHARLES H. HOPKINS,
of Mclntosh.
Second District.— J AMES JO HNSON,
of Musrogee.
Third Dist.—ABSALOM H. CHAPPELL,
of Bibb.
Fourth District.— CHAßLES MURPHY,
of DcKolb.
Fifth District.- E. W. CHASTAIN,
of Gilmer.
Sixth District.—J UNIUB HI LLYER,
of Wa'ton.
Seventh District. —A. H. STEPHENS,
of Taliaferro.
Eighth District.—RO BERT TOOMBS,
of Wilkes.
For Senator from Richmond and Co
lumbia,
ANDREW J. MILLER.
For Re i resentatives from Richmond i
JOHN MILLEDGE.
ALEXANDER C. WALKER.
ICT A, J. Miller, Esq., will address his fellow
citizens of Richmond county, at Brandon’s Court
Ground, in the Tarver District, on SATURDAY
next.
Barbecue n Mr. Toombs.
In order that there may be no conflict with
the “Soathern Rights” Barbecue in Burke, on
the 27th inst., and to afford Mr. McMillan an
opportunity to attend both, the barbecue in
Richmond, in honor of Mr. Toombs, will teke
place on FRIDAY, the 26th inst., instead of
the 27th inst, as heretofore published.
Secession Leaving the Field.
A private Mississippi,
informs us that the Hon. Jacob Thompson, a
disunion candidate for Congress in that State,
has promptly followed the example of Gen.
Quitman, and retired from the field. His
health was very suddenly (after the late elec
tion) so impaired, that he could not prosecute
the canvass. Verily, the thinder tones of
an indignant and outraged people, has ex*
ercised a wonderful influence upon the ner
vous systems of some aspirants. And there
seems to be a very general disposition on the
part of many in Mississippi, to avail them
selves of an alternative in the shape of Uoioa
pills in connects n with a strong potion of
tincture of “acquiescence in the Compromise,
in obedience to the sovereign will of (he
State.” Unfortunately, however, for many of
the leaders, they did not percieve their desper
ate condition until it was too late to be reliev
ed, and the sextons have been compelled to
perform the duties of their sad < dices, and
consign them to their last resting place,
through the talismanic influence of the ballot
box.
The Bngltman's Last Note.
A few days since, on the authority of a Tel
egraphic despatch, we announced the with
drawal of G9u. Quitman, from the Guberna
torial canvass in Mississippi. We have now
the pleasure of laying before oar readers the
bugleman’slast note, in the shape of an address
to the people of that State, in which he for
mally retires, and assigns as his reasons there
for—the stern rebuke of an indignant people.
Here it is !
To the Democratic Statb Rights Partt of
Mississippi.— The result of the recent election for
the Convention, however brought about, must be re
garded, at least for the present, as decisive of the po
sition of the State on the great issue involved.
The majority have declared th-t they are content
with the late aggrersive measures of Congress, and
opposed to any remedial ac’ion by the S-tate. *
Although this determination of the people is at
variance with my fixed opinion of the tr-ae policy of
the State, heretofore expressed and et ; 11 conscien
tiously entertained ; yet as a State Rights man and
a Democrat, 1 bow in respectful eubmi wicn to the
apparent wi i of the people.
It is true the State has not yet spokon authorita
tively, even the acts of the convention will not be
binding until they shall have been ratifi ed by a vote
of the people ; but by the election of non -resisters to
the convention, a majority of the people have de
clared against the course of policy en the slavery
questions, which I deemed it my duty to pursue
while Governor; and against the principles upon
which I was nominated and upon which alone I hid
consented to run as a candidate. I might perhaps be
elected, notwithst tnding this demonstra'.ion of public
sentiment in the election' for the conventi on • but as I
have been mainly instrumental in seeking theexpres
sion of the will of the people through a. convention
I ought, in my political action, to abide by it. ’
Therefore, upon full consideration of all the cir
cumstances, respect for the apparent decision of the
people, duty to tb t noble and patriotic party who are
struggling to maintain the rights of the So th against
Northern aggression, and to preserve our institu
tions from the fatal effects of consolidating all power
in the Federal Government, and a eens«> of self
respret, which inclines me not to seek a public sta*
tion in whtch my opinions upon vital ques t ons are
not sustained by a majority of my constitc tents, all
concur in inducing me to the opinion that my duty
requires me to retire from the position which I occu
py as the Democratic State Rights candidate for Gov
ernor. With emotious of the deepest gratitude to
the patriotic party by which I was nomis ated. for
the evidences of their unfaltering confide nee both
in the nomination and in the warm and h early re
ception with which I have been met every where in
the canva' ’, I tender my resignation of the high and
honorable pest of their chief standard beat er in the
pending canvasa, pledging myself to them and to the
country, that I will, to the last, serve the great cause
of ?tata rights as faithfully in the ranks an I have
endeavored to do in h gh position.
Monmouth, Sept. 6, 1851. J. A. Quitman.
lu connexion with this addrese it may not be
inappropriate to append the followingjsM d'es
prit from the Columbus Enquirer :
Tbm Cents Rbwaed 1-Grayed, or enticed from
the employ es the Chivalry Wind Instrument Band
aRHBTT Buolb Blower of considerable notoriety’
having recently executed many difficult “ blasts’’
upon that instrument. When last heard from, ha
was blowing fire eating strains in Mississippi, when a
sudden damp collapse J his moutb-piece—the audi
ence presuming the catastrophe occurred from the
rising of the F'oot lights. We ere thus particular as
any information concerning him or his echo ‘ Char
ley, of Georgia, will be thankfully received at
Rhbtt b music depot, Charleston, or the first Fifer,
Columbus. '
| John H. Howard alias “Jolia Hancock.”
During the last Congressional canvas in
' Georgia, iu 1848, the districts of Messrs.
Toombs and Stephens, were flooded by a
handbill, to which was attached the name of
‘’John Hancock,” said to be from the pen of
our very modest, retiring friead Col. John H
Howard, of Columbus, Gso., who very mod
estly assumed, perfeotly in character, to admon
ish and instrnot the in'elligent constituents of
Messrs. T. and 8 how they shonld vote, and
assailed those gentlemen for their opposition
to the Clayton Compromise. Now, like his
other co-laborers in disunion, he is nndertood
to be endeavoring to persuade the people of
Georgia that “they are degraded” by the late
Compromise, because they are excluded from
the Territories'by the existence of the Mexican
Anti-slavery laws.
This brief explanation will suffice to enable
the reader to appreciate fully the communica
tion of “Sxtbnth District,” in this day’s pa*
per. The position of John Hancodk, alias
John H. Howard, is the same precisely as the
great mass of his partisans.
In 1848, the Mexican laws were a mere hum
bug, a perfect nullity ; now they are sufficiently
potent to exclude Southern men from the
territories. How pitiable!
The latest intelligence we have from different parts
of the up country is, that Cobb will carry the State
by at leist fifteen thousand majority. We learn that
the Disunionists have entirely ceased betting on Mc-
Donald, and are trying to set off whit they have al
ready unwisely slaked on his election by betting on
Cobb's majority. We tbink it decidedly safer to
bet on his majority than to bet on McDonald’s elec
tion, three to one.— Sav. Republican.
Wx have heard of a zealous but very shrewd
supporter of McDonald, who offers to bet on
Cobb and give thousands.
Notwithstanding the signs of tha times, the
Savannah Georgian has to bolster up the
drooping spirits of its despairing partizans, by
copying such stuff* as the following from the
New York Herald, which was possibly insert
ed at the instance of some one who hoped,to
catch a green horn with it:
“Each party is sanguine of suceess, but appear
ances are decidedly i n favor of Goo. McDonald.”
Gov. McDonald on the Stump.
The following letter from a gentleman in
Dahlonega, gives a brief account of the discus
sion between Messrs. Cobb and McDonald in
that pla r e. It will be seen that McDonald
repudiates tha Georgia platform entirely, not
withstanding the earnest efforts of many of his
friends to make tho.peqple believe he had ta
ken his DOsition on it—said he, “ UAM-iitrr on
IT, NOR DO I WISH TO BE.”
Dahloneoa, Sept 16.
Dear Sirs At the ditcus.ion held here yester-.
day, the important admission was made by Governor
McDonald that he was not on the Georgia platform,
neitbei did he weh to be. Or, to use his own lan
guage, when interrogated by Mr. Cobb no this point,
when asked if he stood on the Georgia platform
“ No, (said he,) I am not, nor do I wish to be.”
Quite an important admission, when it is considered
that his friends claimed that he was on the Georgia
platform, though it was not qiite so good Union
ground as he desired.
It was a glorious day for Cobb, and an exceeding
ly unfortunate one for his opponent. The efforts on
the part of Mr. Cobb, we venture the assertion, has
left fifty less foes to himself and the Union in this
county. Yery respectfully.
Chancellor Stephen Cocke has been an
nounced by the Vicksburg Sentinel, as the
“ democratic ” candidate for Governor of
Mississippi ia opposition to Gen. Foot*.
Qvitman was the “ democratic slats rights ”
eandida'e, but failing under that designation
to persuade the people to dissolve the Union,
the leaders hoped, by a new trick , to re estab
lish old party lines, which, a lew months ago,
they so indignantly repudiated. They must
imagine that the people of that patriotic State
are easily gulled by names.
For the Chronicle if Sentinel.
” Old Documents at e dangerous Tilings•”
Stephens and Toombs.
Messrs. Editors : —lt is known to the coun
try generally, that about three years since,
there was a certain bill before Congress, com
monly called the “Clayton Compromise Rill.”
This bill did not repeal the law of Mexico in
relation to slavery, that was thought by some
to exist in California and New Mexico. It
left the law as it was, and if the Supreme
Court of the United States declared that it
existed there, it was to remain so —for the bill
prohibited the people or the legis'ative authori
ty of the Territories from repealing the law
if it existed there, and they wished it repealed,
or passing any law “reapecing the prohibition
or establishment of African slavery” in the
Territories. Messrs. Stepheas, Toombs and
other Southern men, believing that the Su
preme Court of the United Stales would
decide that,the law of Mexico did exist there,
and as they could not get Congress to repeal
it, and seeing no chance of its ever being
repealed with this prohibitory clause in the
bill, they voted against it, and the bill was
killed in the House of Representatives. All
know how these gentlemen were denounced
by those assuming to be the peculiar and ex
clusive guardians of the rights of the South.
And no men were more free iu their denun
ciation of tnese gentlemen, than were certain
gentlemen now calling themselves Sou hern
Rights men out about Columbus. If my
recollection serves me right, to the proposition
of Messrs. Stephens and Toombs, that it was
the duty of Congress to legislate upon the
subject of slavery in the Territories so far as
to repeal the law of Mexico, and that it ought
to hare done so, it was contended that the
Clayton “bill grant ed not only all that was
neeeatary, but all tfa.tt Congress in the exer
cise of its constitutional authority could grant
to us.” It was conteniled further tbit “it has
ever been the doctrine of the South, and it is a
correct doetrine, that Coo t «reas has no right
over the subject of slavery,” that “the Consti
tution had guaranteed it,” And this pro
position was further objected to as a dangerous
doctrine-—that if admitted, wo “surrendered
our rights, or yielded the question—-for, said
admit tbat c.uld have
established slavery where it doos not exist,
“common hones,y wi'l admit that she could
ton? ** ”*, But bow changed the
tune of these gentlemen now. after thev have
avrr .c
than fiction it* 1 m. ,a,d tbat "truth it stranger
tale If h. will T he , reader ’ wil * n «fter «
“1m L- ,-j UBt « ,anoe w ‘ih me over an
my way° Uaiont obanCo has throt/n in
Messrs * hat am<> ng those who denoui'ced
Messrs Stephen, and I'oomb. most, wore
now y ca° rm h ;,r i, T ea o UI abuo ‘ Columbia,
now calling themselves Southern Rights men'
and who now ceutend that the q n „7k : ’
tones, when they themaelvee kuo.w (if they
know any thing about what they talk of ao
much) that not only no Wilmot proviso has
been placed there, but even the prohibitory
clause in the Clayton bill is not now in the
Territorial bi’ls lately passed by Congress.
The Columbus Timas was most violent in its
denunciation, and even want so far as to term
Toombs and Stephens “Traitors” to the
South for their votes and views relative to the
duty of Congress And so strong was the
opposition to the 'doctrine” of these gentle
men, that a gjntleman well known, (and to
wh no all accord patriotism, honesty of pur
pose, and boldness and fearlessness in ex pres
sing his opinions) felt such an interest in the
matter, and fearing Messrs. Stephens and
Toombs might mislead their constituents, ac
tually sent an address to oar District and to
Mr. Toomb’s District, to prove to us that these
gentlemen were wrong—and that we ought to
make them retract, <fco. That address was
published in the Columbus Times, of Sep
tember 1848, and was signed "John Hancock.”
And the ma ts were loaded with “extras" sent
to our districts. Chance has thrown that paper
before me, and 1 find the editor, Mr. Forsyth,
endorsing it as follows :
“ Stephens amd Toombs, —We invite attention
to the unanswerable defence of Southern Rights,
and complete refutation of the mischievous surren
der doctrines of Messrs. S:ephens and Toombs, by
our correspondent. John Hancock, in to-day’s
“Times.”
Now let us sea what our old friend "John
Hancock” says Hear him :
“ To the Whigs or the Sbvsnth and Eighth
Congressional Pistbicts, —I address myself to
you, because you, as a portion of the people of Geor
gia, alone can correct any error which our Repre
sentatives in Congress frojn your Districts, mayor
have run into,” <& c.
* * * e • *
“ As it is your peculiar privilege to select the
Representatives from these Districts, who, when
elected, represent the State, it is incumbent on you
to examine into their conduct, and see to it, that
they shall not pesskvbrb in a course which surren
ders the rights of our State and the common interests
of the South,” &c.
Then again :
“You will not then complain of me for remon
strating with you ag»insttbe motion of Mr. Stephens
to lay the late Compromise bill upon the question cf
slavery, upon the table, and his even more culpable
conduct of surrendering our constitutional rights
to the newly acquired Territories in the speech, which
he made some time afterwards in defence of this un
looked for and unaccountable mevement. Nor can
you complain of me for protesting against the con
duct of Mr. Tcombs, who is canvassing both dis
tricts, openly defending snd endeavoring to sustain
the principles advanced in Mr. Stephens’ speech.
I repeat, that if these two gentlemen are wrong, it
is the duty of these two districts to compel them to
betract, or dismiss them from our service,” &c.
Now what was the great sin of these two
gentlemen, that is here alluded to ? It was
nothin? more nor less than their assertions
(with the proofs they offered) that they believ
ed the Supieme Court would declare that the
law o( Mexico in relation to slavery existed in
the Territories, and they contended lhatitwaß
the duty of Congress to repeal them, &c. Out
hear “John Hancock” again. After saying “I
propose to examine this question with the im~
part ality of a patriot heart, and a mind limit
. ed to the search and exposition of truth,” he
proceeds thus, viz :
“It was fondly hoped when the bill passed the
Senate that (he expectations of the sound heads and
patriotic heaits, who gave b : rth to it would be re
afized, and no doubt they w< uld have been but for
the reckless imprudence of Mr. Stephens and a few
other Southern men. He made the motion to lay
the bill on the table, according to his statement,
without consultation with bis colleagues, upon the
responsibility of his own judgaient. Admitting his
vanity to decide for himself, against the opinions
of his Southern friends upon his own course, as I
am not prepared to deny to him after the declaration,
that both the North and South were ‘profoundly ig
norant’ of the question, it is still my purpose, not
withstanding his supposed fiat, to show that accord
ing to the doctrines of the Gor.stitution and the
South, the bill granted not only all that was
necessary, but all that Congress in the exercise of
its constitutional authority cou'dgrantto us."
“ It is well known to all that in the organization
of California ana New Mexico, the freesoil and abo
lition members of Congress were making powerful
efforts to fix on tho 3 Territories the Wilmot proviso
which all understand to be a proviso that slavery
shall not exist iu them. The South has always con
tended that we have a constitutional right to carry
slaves into the Territories, which I will directly
prove to the satisfaction of every man or woman who
feels interest enough in the subject to read the argu
ment,” &c.
Here him again:
“We of the South, fully impressed with our right
under the Constitution, to emigrate to those Terri
tories with our slaves, believe even if the Wilmot
proviso had been passed, we would not thereby have
had our rights impaired, <Sc.
Hear him agaia :
“ It has ever been the doctrine of the South, and
it is a correct doctrine, that Congress has no right
over the subject of slavery ; because (he Constitu
tion has guaranteed it; Congress could not have
done more for the Souih than by passing this bill un
less the South desired Oregon, too, to be open to
them, Congress could not have established slavery
in New Mexico and California, nor made a decla
ration THAT THEY SHOULD BEMADS SLAVS STATES
for it caanot be denied that if Congress has the
power to establish slavery there, it has also the right
to prohibit it. This is clear, and the South has al
ways insisted that Congress must leave the subject
to the controlling power ot the Constitution. I
ask now ths question distinctly, What more could
Congress do lor the South than was done by this
bill? If the answer is that she coaid have establish
ed it, common honesty will admit that ahe could
have prohibited it. This, though, iaa power which
the Constitution has wisely withheld from Congress ”
&o. 6 1
Then again:
“ If the Compromise bill would have'done no good*
it could not have done any harm, it coald not have
been prejudicial to the interests of the Sooth, and
we have the opinions of ail the members from Geor
gia, as well as most of the members from the South
ern States, of both political parties, except Messrs.
Stephens and Toombs, that our slave interests were
greatly pr< tected by it. These opinions of South
ern men are certainly entitled to some consideration,
when tha Abolitionists and Barnburners, without
exception, joined Mr. Stephens in defeating tha bill,
upon the ground that the freesoil question was yield
ed to the slaveholders,” &c.
Again, speaking of Mr. Stephens’s spesoh,
he says:
“If he and Mr. Toombs are right, it ia just and
proper that we ahoold yield our claim Aa a South
ern man I will not contend for any right, unleas that
right ia well founded. Mr. Stephens and Mr
Toombs contend that the Constitution of the United
Statea does not recognise slavery in New Mexico
and California, because the Government of Mexico
does not recognize slavery, but has prohibited it, and
in suppoit of this exlrajrdinary proposition, tha
former adduces authority which ha insists is con
oluaive in his favor, and more especially as both the
advocates and opponents of the Compromise were
“ profoundly ignorant” of the legal effects which
would result from tho passage of the bill. I will
advert to his authorities, and with due deference to
the profundity of his learning, I shall show all man
of common sense (I mean such men as Berrien
Calhoun and Webster, who have not, like Mr. Ste
phens, a thorough knowledge of the Constitution and
international laws, but who, at the same time, have
had some reputation in their limited intercoutae with
the world) that these auth ritiea fall abort of sustain
ing the position he has had the temerity to esaume
He lays down the doctrine generally “that the laws
of a conquered country continue in force until thov
are altered by the conqueror.” He iosiets that the
f pr ° hibitlß f y«t in existence
and he end Mr Toombs both deolare an set ofCon
giass, establishing slavery in the Territories, becomes
our slaves W ° C * n « nter tho 9« Territories with
lin This , !* ■■ dictum c f Lord Mans
field in a case which I will prerently show has not
the lightest application to this issue, as the oaas did
not invoive, in a single particular, any principle
which is presented in this discussion.” 7 P
John Hancock then proceeds to argue, and
contends for the right of the people of the
Sourti, to go to the territories under the Con
stitution alone. He alludes to several oases
and brings his “authorities” to sustain his po’
sition. He oontends that both the Constitution
of , lh « United States “ tolsra es and
as part and parcel of ear
political system,” and goes' on tA prove
position. And agreeing with Mr\Btenhe'
“that the laws of Mexico are of forie, tz c , n ,
those of the fundamental law of the cutqu^L 1
and those of a political character,” ho a» nten A|
that “the laws and Constitution of ihe United
Slates upon the subject,” are the “fundabieM 1
al ” law, and asks:
'* Is not then this Mexican law, upon which Messrs
Stephens and Tcombs rest thair argument to destroy
our constitutional right to slavery, in conflict with
the fundamental laws of the United States, even
though the Constitution was silent upm the subject] ,
By the United States law providing for re Moving
slaves from one part to another of the United States ®
would any Co rt rub. thatthe Biy of San Francisco'
in Guliiornia, ws not u part of the United States]
These are hard q - ion.. Messrs. Stephens and
Toombs will h ive *ep upm them before they
venture uri answer,” ( 1
Then hs'<; hr.- .gain:
*|lh® true i 13 that which lias ever bees
maintained by tu» -'ou'h, that slavery is a part of
our system, incorporated in our Constitution, as n ,
part of the political structure of our government—
that it pervades all the territory, and follows the ju. |
rivdiction of the government—that it is not forced 1
on independent States, that they can adopt or abolish I
the institution at pleasure, but that as it is re:o°niz- I
ed in the Constitution, it is legal in the Territo- 1 i
ties, BECAUSE THE CONSTITUTION 60VEH3 THE (
Territories, tha) Congress has no power over the
subject,” Ac.
Then again hear him, near his conclusion:
“ Whenever from a conviction of the truth of the
arguments of Messrs. Stephens and Tcombs, or from
any other cause, we may fall into their doctrines
[viz: ‘ That it is the duty of Congress, and we shall
demand it, to legislate upon the subject, and reptnl
the law of Mexico.— Jasper.’ J then, indeed, will
the interests of the South be surrendered. Ido not
expect any such result from the error of the two ?en
tleinen ; the people of Georgia and of the South, an
awake to their interests, and are able to put down
suck doctrines," Ac. F
Then again, hear him :
.“Vote for Taylor—vote for Casa—vote for Fill
more, if you choose—but I prav you when you vote
for Stephens aod Toombs, don't commit yourselves
upon this question, for their ways in relation to this
subject are dark and full of ruin,” &c.
And then, hear him again, and for tho last
time, after glancing over five columns and a
half of the Columbus Times:
“Vote for them —Messrs. Stephens and Toombs—
if you please, but I pray you, for the inte<est of your
country and the ultimu'e peace of your fire sides,
don’tletyour personal and party friendships lead you
into the error in which they are so unfortunately in
volved, of adopting the doctrine urged uy them,”
Ac., <&c.
But this is not all. At tho head of the Edi
torials of this Columbus Times, was placed the
following and other extracts, as advertisements
to stand until after ths election, and byway of
showing their readers what they were for, v ; z:
“We have neither the right nor the power to
touch slavery where it exists —Gen. Cass.
“ Leave to the people, who will be affected by this
question, to adjust it upon their own responsibility,
and in their own manner— Gen. Cass.
“I am opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction
by Congress over the subject of slavery—Gen.
Gass.
“ I do not see in the Constitution any grant of such
a power to Congress—Gen. Cass.”
And still this is not all. Similar sentiments
were uttered by some of the Whig writers in
the Whig press; and if you could get hold of
the files of all the Democratic press—the Au
gusta Constitutionalist, Federal Union, Maeon V
Telegraph, Savannah Georgian, Georgiu Jef
fersonian, Southern Banner, Cassvibe Sian
dard, Cherokee Adroca e, Rotni Southerner, **
and Albany Patriot, you will there find semi
ments similar to those of the Columbus 1 imes
and John Hmcock and all have changed oxcep.
the Southern Banner %nd Cassville Standard.
Amidst all these “turn abouts” and ‘ jump
abouts ” of their political friends, press ami
politicians, these '.wo papers have stood .-quaie
up to "the trne ground” and “correct doc
trine,” as the above extracts term it. |
And what was the result of all ll is “ to do ?”
We valued Messrs. Stephens and Toombs too
much, and had too inoch confidence in their
fidelity to our interests, and the interss s of ths
South, to give !h*m up readily, and without a
fair hearing. We felt that if they had commit
ted an error, the intention was good, and that
was to make ns more enure in our rights; and
while our “personal and party friendships”
lead us, in the Seventh and Eighth Districts, to
vote for and elect Messrs. Stephens and
Toombs, we did as our Columbus “ Teaoh
era” wished us to do—we d d not “ commit ”
ourselves to these doctrines. And twelve
months afterwards showed that we did not
“commit” ourselves to these doctrines. Our
Legislature met, and Mr. Gartrell, and I reckon
some of these gentlemen and others, fixed up
resolutions in accordance with these views of
“John Hancock” and the Columbus Times;
all of our members of the Legislature voted for
them, and I have been told they passed the
Legislature unanimously. And what did Messrs.
Stephens and Toombs dot Wo did notask
them to “retract." Msny of us thought them
too honest and independent to do that. But
we want Ps lar a# we fait we ought to or could
go. Wo studied npon the uialtsr twelve
months, ard “>3 Representatives of our two
districts, aui t , of the whole
people of (ieorgi good as told these gen
tlemen, they eu _bt to *■ P - meters.” Our
Repressau. vo -a the Legi-lature said, and
the people-n ie;. rimary meetings said, that
“Congrats no right to legislate upon the
subject.” A ieir mouths after the Legislature
adjourned, .'abject again came up before
Congress, and our two Representatives (hen
finding a chance te accommodate us and get
ting a much better bill for us, they did ccsse to
“persevere” in what wa3 termed their own
“ mischievous surrender doctrines” —they doue
as “ all of ns ” officially expressed ouraelves
they should do, and they fully represented us.
Had they done otherwise, they would have
represeuted themselves and not us. And any
man or set of men who advocates the doctrine
that a Representative in Congress or the Legis
lature, should represeul himself in preference
to the;unanimous wishes of his constituents,
when he is officially and regularly informed of
their will—such men who will abuse aud cen
sure a Representative, for obeying the will of
bis coo.-.'iusnts rather than his owu, where
there is no constitutional scruples in the way,
these men who thus act towards a Representa
tive, are net but Monarchist 1 at
heart, and they unftyA be trusted, politi- V
cally, in any manner iu tbis Repub- I
lican land.
And yet, I understand this eififor of the Co- K
lumbus Timee and “John Hancock,” who
sent the documents into our districts to «s- ■
lighten u« and keep us from going astray—- Ha-'
•re mow Firs Eaters. I learn they say we are
“prohibited" or “excluded" from the territories,
MCIB9B Stephens and Toombs’ “mischievous
surrender doctrines” were not carried out by
Congress. Impossible! I learn they were
members of the Convention ia May, that
nominated McDonald for Governor, and sup
ported those resolutions where they say “we
have been deprived bv high hand, of all inte
rests in the territories acquired from Mexico.’
that we have been degraded from our eondi- NQ|
tion of equa'ity in this Union.” Surely, su'S- fl
ly this cannot be so ! I I have looked at thus*
bills, and I see no Wilmot Proviso there—but
they read just like the Clayton bill, except
that where, in the Clayton bill, the poople of
the territeries were prohibited fiom having
slavery there, if the Supreme Court decided
the law of Mexioo to be of force there, the
late bill lets the people do as they please, aud
even if tha Supreme Court decide the Mexi
can law o! force, the day after the decision is
made, the people of the territories can repeal
it, and except, too, it is declared in the late
bills, that the territories might come into the
Union as Statea, with slavery if the people of
(he territories so desired—which was not so
declared in the Clayton bill. If it be so, if
these gentlemen really believe the South “«*■
eluded'' in the territories, it is because they
have fallen in the “even more culpable conduot
of nvnslirigf ear sswMimhsasf rights" —for